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‘Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Sufism

‘Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Sufism

Author:
Publisher: Middlesex University
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought


Note:

We don't agree with the whole contents of this thesis. We are publishing this work as a research book not authentic 100%.

‘Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Sufism:

A study into the reasons behind and a remedy for increased violent radicalisation among British Muslims’

by

Mr. Anis Ghani Kotia

A dissertation submitted to Islamic College for Advanced Studies in collaboration with Middlesex University in accordance with the requirements of the degree of MA in Islamic Studies in the Faculty of School of Arts

Supervisor:

Dr. R. Masterton

Submission Date:

August 2010

Term, Year:

Summer Term, 2009 / 2010

Table of Contents

Abstract 3

1 Introduction 4

2. Literature Review 6

2.1 Introduction 6

2.2 Wahhabism 7

2.3 The ‘Wahhabi / Salafi critique’8

2.4 Summary 10

3 Wahhabism in a British context 12

3.1 Biographical analysis of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab 12

3.2 Islamist groups of Britain 14

3.2.1 The Salafiyyah 14

3.2.2 Barelvis, Deobandis and Ahl-i-hadith 16

3.2.3 Al-Muhajiroun and Hizb ut-Tahrir 17

3.3 Summary 18

4 Sufism: an alternative perspective for British Muslims 19

4.1 The Wahhabi–Sufi rivalry 19

4.2 Sufism: conclusion 20

5. Field Research 23

5.1 Introduction 23

5.2 Cognitive openings and the process of change 23

5.2.1 Racial and religious discrimination 23

5.2.2 Alienation and segregation 24

5.2.3 Identity crisis 24

5.2.4 International conflict involving Muslims 25

5.2.5 Other factors 25

5.3 Case Studies: bombers in the making 28

5.3.1 Mohammad Sidique Khan (d. 7th July 2005) 28

5.3.2 Omar Sharif (d. 2003) 29

5.3.3 Asim Mohammad Hanif (d. 2003) 29

5.4 Emerging Trends and Observations 30

6. Conclusions and closing remarks 33

Bibliography: 37

Works by Ibn Abd al-Wahhab:37

Other souces:37

Websites 39

Glossary of Terms 41

Abstract

In the British media there is much coverage given to radical and violent acts carried out by British Muslims in the name of Islam such as recent suicide bombings. Though there is an abundance of literature available on the subjects of extremism, fundamentalism, Islamism and Wahhabism it does not adequately address the underlying issues. Whilst prominent Sufi Muslim groups promote their approach as the alternative way and a cure, this would appear to be an oversimplification of the situation. Muslim modernist reformers suggest that Government action is urgently needed to remove the extreme ideologies that are preached within mosques and other institutions and pressure is being brought to bear on the British Muslim community. The question remains as to what the remedy is for the situation.

This dissertation studies the Wahhabi approach to assess its success or failings as an ‘extremist’ Islamic perspective within Britain and analyses Sufism as its potential remedy. The study uses literature along with first and second hand empirical data to research the underlying issues that British Muslims face.

The research leads to the conclusion that the resolution is not formulated by simply backing one or another strand of Islam, be it traditional, extreme or reformist, but by also addressing national and international socio-economic issues that affect the Muslim community in Britain. There are salient points made regarding current efforts of think tanks that appear to overemphasise theological reform. This approach is almost as detrimental to the situation as an over-promotion of any particular Islamic approach; the result could be schism and friction within the Muslim community and further isolation of the community.

The dissertation also recommends engaging with the British youth on a long-term basis and this needs to be from within the community. The Muslim values which enlightened and contributed to the world today need to be recognised and built upon. The inference from this dissertation is that work in this field needs to continue in order to produce positive results which will be mutually beneficial for both the Muslim community as well as the wider British public.

1 Introduction

Terrorism in the UK had previously been associated with the IRA in Northern Ireland. Today, Britain is facing a unique crisis in the form of an increase in terrorist activities perpetrated by people from within the Muslim community. As seen in recent press reports, many are from Westernised families and not, as the media may have portrayed the terrorists of 9/11, imported from Arab countries.

Muslim groups are beginning to deny any part of Muslims in terrorist attacks, however, there are other religious groups appearing in the UK media who are calling for an Islamic government saying that peace in the world will only be achieved through this. The violence has begun to occur only thirty to forty years after the first wave of immigrants from the West Indies and the Indian sub-continent.

The blame is often laid at the door of Wahhabism which is widely known to have been founded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (d. 1791) and provided the religious zeal to join hands with Muhammad ibn Saud (d.1765) a tribal leader who desired to unite the Arab people of Najd, Saudi Arabia under one banner. Wahhabism is known to preach a puritanical form of Islam in which its opponents are often branded as heretics. Its central raison d’être was to purify the Muslim world of heretic innovations allegedly begun by Sufism. The activities of the Wahhabis of the Najd region included the destruction of tombs of the companions of the Prophet Muhammad which they believed were being used by Sufis for acts of excessive veneration. It allegedly led to the suppression of the populace of Najd (Sunnis and Shiites alike) including the people of Makka and Madina (Kanaan: 2004). Wahhabism is described as ‘extremist, radical, puritanical, contemptuous of modernity, misogynist, and militant….Islamo-fascism…’ (Delong-bas, 2004:3).

In spite of its literalist, inflexible nature, modern day Wahhabism appears to have stood the test of time. This is allegedly due to political backing from the Saudi government funded by petrodollars. In recent times, governments, political analysts and the media have identified it as ‘the major “Islamic threat” facing Western civilisation and the inspiration for Osama bin Laden and his al Qaida network…’ (Ibid.).

Wahhabism is deemed to have links with the Deobandi school of the Indian sub-continent and to have begun to infiltrate western nations, including Britain. The purist Islamic perspective is seen to have influenced a large number of mosques within the UK in which hate speeches are allegedly delivered in which curses are sought on the ‘enemies of Islam’ including Christians and Jews.

Contrary to Wahhabism’s harsh image, Sufism is seen as the antithesis to Wahhabism and other purist ideologies. Sufis claim that not only is Sufism the oldest religious ideology in the history of man, but it is central to Islam. In the words of Sufi Abid Hussain (Geaves, 2000), it always existed; it just didn’t have a name. Sufism is generally known as one of the more accommodating forms of Islam; Sufi masters have been known to study scriptures from other religions and even look for parallels in order to find common ground. The Sufi way of spirituality and love as espoused by Rumi[1] , Hafiz[2] and Saady[3] gives the impression that the way of the Sufi is the closest to that of the Prophet Muhammad and true Islam. As recently as March 2010 the President of Pakistan, Asif Ali Zardari, promoted Sufism as an ideology that could counter ‘extremism’.[4] This has already been attempted in Algeria in its struggles against anti-government violence.[5] Dr. Tahir ul-Qadri a well known scholar of Islam with links to Sufism, issued a decree in 2009 denouncing all forms of terrorism.

This dissertation has two objectives which are to assess Wahhabism’s success or failure in Britain and assess how Sufism as an alternative paradigm addresses the issues of Britain’s youth.

During the course of the dissertation a number of challenges were faced:

Difficulty in finding relevant literature

Given the sensitive nature of this topic, there was a general issue in finding people who were willing to be interviewed. This was despite offering to travel to meet interviewees at their convenience

Where people had agreed to give their views, they often did not deliver

The above challenge was perplexing because it was assumed that the community felt a need to reform in the post 9/11 and 7/7 attacks. The enthusiasm from the community was not forthcoming.

The transliterations of a number of Arabic and Urdu words into English often appear within literature without diacritics although the Arabic and Urdu pronunciations warrant them. An example is the wordjihād often written simply asjihad ; the word Quran is usually found without its two diacritics of ‘ and ā; similarly, the word ḥadīth is often written as hadith. Because of this common inconsistency in the use of diacritics, a decision was made to use diacritic-free English transliterations throughout this dissertation.

2. Literature Review

2.1 Introduction

The Literature Review highlights and analyses extant literature relating to the objectives highlighted in the Introduction. These were to assess Wahhabism’s success or failure in Britain and assess how Sufism as an alternative paradigm addresses the issues of Britain’s youth.

The first objective is addressed in Section 2.2 of the Literature Review and the second objective is addressed in Section 2.3; there is a Summary of literature findings in Section 2.4.

The approach towards analysing Wahhabism was to obtain literature that discussed its political, theological and social perspectives. In order to analyse whether or not Sufism is the alternative paradigm, literature was researched to find the specific failings of Wahhabism that Sufism was addressing.

It has become increasingly obvious that there is a gap in extant literature in addressing the two research objectives above because literature often appears to be superficial, repetitive and one-sided.

2.2 Wahhabism

The term ‘Wahhabism’ bears connotations of an extreme or fundamentalist, pan-Islamic political agenda. It is commonly used by writers on political Islamic movements as well as in the media around the world. Where a definition for Wahhabism can be found, it is usually a repetition of the same themes: ‘Saudi Arabia’, ‘Bin Laden’, ‘Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’ and ‘purist Muslims’.

Some definitions are given below:

‘A conservative and intolerant form of Islam that is practiced in Saudi Arabia:"Osama bin Laden and his followers practice Wahhabism" [6] ; ‘Conservative Sunni Islamic sect based on the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, an 18th century scholar from what is today known as Saudi Arabia, who advocated to purge Islam of what he considered innovations in Islam’[7] ; Tariq Ali (2001) describes how Wahhabism poses an international threat and it has formed an international net in which ‘Bin Laden and his gang are just the tentacles ; the head lies safely in Saudi Arabia, protected by US forces’[8] ;Delong-Bas (2004:91) describes Wahhabism as a ‘negative, exclusionary approach in which violence and military action…[play]…a more prominent role.’

The theology of Wahhabism is to be found in the biography of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (d. 1792). There is an abundance of writing on this topic; however, it is often contradictory and superficial.

Allen’sGod’s Terrorists [9] gives a blistering and useful account of the biographical context and history of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab. It contains a critical commentary on the various escapades of both him and his followers stretching from the eighteenth century to the post-World War II era. Allen (2007:48) also discusses how Ibn Abd al-Wahhab had a Sufi teacher named Muhammad Hayat who originated from India and that Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s purist teachings were by-and-large due to the influence of his other teacher Abd Allah ibn Ibrahim ibn Sayf (d. unknown) who had been an admirer of Shaykh ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328). This gives the reader a mixed message as to what exactly is Wahhabism’s theology and where it positions itself in regard to Sufism. Furthermore, the impression that the reader gets is that Wahhabism and the literalist perspective of Islam are possibly older and more integral to Islam than is commonly believed, but Allen omits any discussion or elaboration on these two notions.

Interestingly, Allen draws from the work of Natana Delong-Bas, a writer who does not portray Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as espousing an intolerant theology as other writers would. Allen (2007:320) appears to be greatly influenced by the bias within the sources he drew from which were largely anti-Wahhabi and pro-British writings of government officials in India’. Furthermore, he confesses that his deficiencies in Arabic, Persian and Urdu mean that a number of important original sources remain unexamined.

Pro-Ibn Abd al-Wahhab writers like Delong-Bas (2004:17) inject discussions on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab with some complexity. She denies his description as a warmonger and active supporter and promoter of violence. She goes on to say that Ibn Abd al-Wahhab believed that women had rights in balance with the rights of men in both public and private life. A further point to note is how Delong-Bas has not greatly used the accounts of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s opponents (2004:16) saying ‘polemical works have largely been discarded in the reconstruction of the biography of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab and the early teachings of the Wahhabi movement.’ Delong-Bas (2004:16) claims to have not used the accounts of travellers: none of them were contemporary and where they were, they had not met with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab or any Wahhabis.

The majority of writers usually share the same sentiments as Allen in laying the blame for an extremist form of Islam at the door of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab; however the contradictory views on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab seem to display more than simple differences of opinion on a controversial figure within history; they often show a lack of in-depth analysis and use of convenient sources and historic bias which further discounts the accounts of the man and make any formulation of a Wahhabi theology difficult. The suggestion of bias is substantiated somewhat by Commins (2006:3) ‘[historians need to] choose sides in the argument between Wahhabis and their foes’.

Commins does not appear to add anything to the discussion on Wahhabism or ‘extremist’ Muslims. His book entitledThe Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia is another example of repetitive discussion between the Wahhabi link to the Saudi administration, Egypt’s Brotherhood and Deobandis of the Indian sub-continent. Discussion is therefore on the political and pan-Islamic aspects with little discussion on Sufism as an alternative paradigm and no discussion on issues that relate to Britain. Interesting to note is that Commins (2006:xi) includes Delong-Bas as one of the people who read and commented on portions of his book. The suggestion is that her associates do not echo Delong-Bas’ views of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as a non-violent man.

Regarding Wahhabism’s social aspects, Commins (2006:126) suggests a natural clash between Wahhabism and secular education, describing a rivalry between the establishment of the first Saudi Arabian university in Riyadh in 1957, subsequently renamed in 1982 as King Saud University, and pressure brought to bear by the Wahhabi establishment for a religious university to balance the Riyadh University’s anticipated secular character. The result was the Islamic University founded at Madina in 1961. Higher education within the Kingdom is often non-existent and this is mentioned by writers (citation needed). However, the discussion by Commins, as with other writers on the subject of Wahhabism, does not address any social projects or initiatives or involvement by so-called Wahhabis in Britain.

Some writers such as Quintan Wiktorowicz (2005) have attempted to tackle the notion ofjihadi or terrorist ideologies in Britain by analysing certain Islamist groups. However, this analysis is irrelevant qua analysis of Wahhabism because its aim is to understand the rise in British Islamist groups that promotejihadi rhetoric and not to discuss the Wahhabi ideology. The work nevertheless is fresh, contemporary and reliable being based on hundreds of interviews with leaders of the Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) and al-Muhajiroun members. Wiktorowicz does not address the objectives of this dissertation because of the absence of any in-depth discussion or comparison between the paradigms of Wahhabism and Sufism.

The lack of unbiased material is coupled with a focus on the political aspects of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab and little analysis on Wahhabism’s theology, or the merits of religious revival which has been a common activity of Islamists throughout the centuries. The writings on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab therefore give a biographical account of the man and his ideologies but despite conflicting evidence regarding him this contradiction is not addressed by any of the writers. The subject appears to have been left inconclusive with further analysis required.

2.3 The ‘Wahhabi / Salafi critique ’

The second objective of this dissertation was to find literature on Sufism being a potentially alternative approach to Wahhabism.

Sufi literature is abundant in public as well as in university libraries. The rivalry of both approaches is often mentioned in what appears to be passing comments within literary works or journalistic articles, but searches on the internet often return little on this topic.

Ron Geaves (2006:147) mentions the ‘Wahhabi/Salafi critique’ which refers to the tendency of ‘anti-Sufi’ movements within Britain to criticise Sufitariqa s. The term alludes to a long line of anti-Sufi activities which has endured through the centuries and manifested in more recent times in the movement of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Other than Geaves, few if any other writers use the term Wahhabi/Salafi critique; Geaves himself often does not use it; he writes about the contribution that Sufitariqa s have made to British society such as the welfare activities by the likes of the Ghamkol Naqshbandis of Birmingham, however, he does not elaborate on the possibility of Sufism as an alternative to Wahhabism. Geaves (2000:53) devotes a chapter inThe Sufis of Britain to the ‘Wahhabi critique’. His appraisal, though, does not amount to a detailed discussion. He regards the term Wahhabism as a misnomer (2000:53) because it is often applied to Islamist groups who, although having certain elements in common, do not have any contact with each other.

The polarisation of much of Muslim Britain into either the Wahhabi or the Sufi camps and the potential rivalry between the two positions is not addressed within Sufi literature in any detail. Carl Ernst almost appears to refute such a Wahhabi–Sufi rivalry although his analysis falls short of anything substantial. He (1997:79) suggests that there is not such a clear rivalry between the two when he says that a nineteenth century reformist Sufi thinker named Ahmad ibn Idris of Fez agreed with the ‘Wahhabis in condemning saintly intercession and pilgrimage to their tombs.’ He also describes the inception of the twentieth-century fundamentalist movements by the likes of Hasan al-Banna (d. 1949) in Egypt and Abul Ala Mawdudi (d. 1979) in Pakistan as being raised in social circles where saint-veneration and Sufi orders were the norm giving the impression that the two paradigms can potentially co-exist within a pluralistic society; he even suggests an influence of one group on another by saying that the Wahhabis appropriated the hierarchical social organisation of Sufism. Ernst does not elaborate on this point in any detail though.

Ernst (1997:79) uses the term ‘fundamentalist critique’ to describe fundamentalist rhetoric which ‘claims to rely on the literal word of God instead of human reasoning…’ This would appear the closest that he comes to appraising the potential rivalry of these two paradigms and the closest that any writer researched during this dissertation has come to describing the modern conflict between Wahhabis and Sufis. Ernst mentions the word Wahhabi in his book one more time but does not tackle the issue head on.

Some journalistic articles and interviews with politicians such as the Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari[10] which mention that that Sufism has a role to play in mankind’s struggle for a peaceful world. Again the mention is brief and not explored in depth.

Commins (2006) likewise fails to provide any more in-depth analysis than Geaves or Ernst; he also does not appear to use any term which describes a Wahhabi-Sufi ‘rivalry’ or ‘critique’. Commins (2006:11) however does mention the aversion that Wahhabism had towards Sufism by describing Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s endeavours as displaying a desire to bring the practices of Sufi orders into conformity with rules of Islamic law. He (2006:20) further supports this by claiming that Ibn Abd al-Wahhab had declared prominent and venerated Sufi masters such as Ibn al-Farid (d. 1235) and Ibn Arabi (d. 1240) to be non-Muslims but that level of analysis is only predictable given that such notions have already been discussed by a number of other writers.

With regard to discussing whether or not Sufism can be regarded as the potential saviour of the British Muslim community, Commins (2006:78) alludes to Sufism being compatible with a pluralistic environment, when he mentions how Sufi orders occupied an important niche in the pluralistic Ottoman religious culture. This is mainly because the Ottomans promoted one type of Sufism within the Muslim empire that supported their rule. But Commins does not follow up this notion and this is indicative of the lack of literature and analysis in this area.

Interesting literature is available from other initiatives such as Dr. Tahir ul-Qadri’s fatwa issued in February 2010 denouncing all forms of terrorism. Qadri does not pit both approaches against each other though. The rivalry can be inferred from the fact that the world was apparently awaiting his fatwa; seeing the media coverage that Qadri received on the internet and radio, there does not appear to have been such a well publicised denunciation of ‘extremism’ from any part of the Muslim world in recent times. Qadri is known as being a prominent Sufi personality heading up a number of welfare projects around the world. This sends a strong message to the world that Sufism has both the potential to contribute to society and bring peace to the more violent strands of the Muslim world.

When writers have painstakingly conducted research and case studies on Islamist groups within Britain they do not appear to have used the term Wahhabism. This obscures the path of Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia to Britain. One such example is that of Wiktorowicz (2005) and his book entitledRadical Islam Rising; Muslim Extremism in the West in which an activist movement called al-Muhajiroun is discussed at some length. He (2005:2) calls Sufism the ‘antithesis’ of fundamentalism. However, throughout the whole book, Sufism is only mentioned in the context of it being rejected by fundamentalists as it apparently violatedtawhid al-ilah (unity of God): Sufis were charged with heresy for saint worship and blindly following their Sufi masters in a way similar to Jews and Christians venerating their saints, rabbis and priests (Wiktorowicz, 2005:171).

Hussain, A’s article entitledCombatting Terrorism with Fethullah Gullen available on Gullen’s website sounds promising but on reading it one can see another example where a struggle between Sufism and Wahhabism and Salafism is mentioned but again the topic is not sufficiently analysed to provide an answer to the question at hand. Neither does it discuss the issues of Britain nor does it critically analyse the two paradigms in enough detail to form a balanced opinion. The writer appears to have already made up their mind about the issue and the statement would appear to have more of an impact left at a sufficiently high level of analysis.

2.4 Summary

The suggestion that Sufism is the antithesis of and a cure for Wahhabism is usually found briefly in some literary works and press articles and is often discussed within Sufitariqa s.[11] The available literature, however, clearly shows that there is a lack of in-depth analysis in this area and the literature does not address the objectives of this dissertation adequately. The situation within the British Muslim community warrants attention and guidance from scholars on the subject of jihad and political activism and scholars appear to have failed to address the issue leaving a gap for writing on this subject.

Literature appears also to ignore the fact that Muslims are the product of socio-political situations and this has been the situation for Islam since the time of the Prophet Muhammad. This is seen in the early theological debates of the Mutazilite, Qadarite and Jabbarite era.

The conclusion is that there is a need for scholarly work which portrays a balanced view on the topic.

Reliability of the narrations regarding Mushaf Fatimah

Perhaps the most important question about this Mushaf is the reliability of the narrations about it. The other issuescan only be addressed after the determination of credibility of the narrations. Therefore, we must proceed with this questions first.

Methods of determining the Soundness of Narrations

There are a number of ways to understand the soundness of narrations. Of these, three are the most important:

1st : Examining the (credibility and lives of the) men mentioned in the chain of narrators of a hadith.1 If the men are considered to be reliable (i.e. pious and honest at the time of the narration) then the hadith is reliable.

2nd: There are indications other than the chain of narration that sometimes, even though there are multiple chains of narration; the occasion arises that all the narrators possess the necessary qualifications (of piety), but a single narrator in the chain didn't apply that hadith in theory or practice. The scholars consider such a hadith to beweak, otherwise, they wouldn't have disregarded it. Likewise, there arehadith which are not altogether sound, but there are indications that reliable scholars accepted and applied the subject, thus it is considered to be a credible hadith. In such a situation, the narrationis considered authentic (وثق ) but not well-documented (ثقة ).

3rd : Believability and lack of discrepancy between the legislative, doctrinal and historical hadith. Regarding the first type, that is to say, jurisprudential hadith, it is sufficient for the hadith to have a sound chain of narrators. However, regarding the other two, the acceptance of andconsensus of opinion between scholars is sufficient (to prove a hadith's reliability).

If you substitute the latter method (believability andconsensus of opinion ) for the former (multiplicity of chains of narration), then in any case, the proof of credibility of a hadith is one's belief in its credibility without needing to examine who the narrators in the chain are.

Mushhaf Fatimah and the ways of determining the soundness and credibility of narrations

Lo and behold, the moment has come to answer the questions raised so far. The narrations concerning Mushaf Fatimah are sound and reliable by any of the three methods we have noted. If we want to use the third method, every single Shi'a scholar has acknowledged the authenticity of the narrations concerning this Mushaf, and wehaven't found a single dissenting scholar (in this regard). This matter strengthens the determination of authenticity using the second method (multiplicity of chains). We should mention that some have said, “Is it possible thatJibra'il( a.s) would descend unto Lady Fatimah(a.s) and impart matters to her, and that 'Ali(a.s) could hear this and write it down?” Others say, “But'Ali( a.s) is superior in virtues to Fatimah(a.s); he(a.s) seems worthy of such a revelation.”

We will answer these reproaches. For the time being, it suffices to quote 'Allamah Muhsin Amin who said, “it is neither improbable nor is there room for doubt to believe thatJibra'il( a.s) would speak to Zahra(a.s) and that 'Ali(a.s) could hear it.It's recorded in a book by the name of Mushaf Fatimah. What's more, the reliable companions of theImams( a.s) have narrated such a thing. To those who doubt this, or think it to be improbable, or who think it to be exaggerated or lacking impartiality,I say, 'Do you doubt the power of Allah the most high? IsZahra( a.s)2 , who is of the very essence of the Prophet(s.a.w) not worthy of this grace? Do you doubt the soundness of a narration despite the fact that they were uttered from the very Imams of guidance who were the issue of this noblelady and are totally reliable? Given the fact that this same honor was bestowed on Aasif bin Barkhiyaa and alsoSulaymaan( a.s), and they certainly not more dear to Allah than the family of Mohammad(a.s)!3

The reliability of the hadith concerning the Mushaf Fatimahcan also be demonstrated by the first method. For example, Kulayni in Al-Kafi considered the hadith and narrations about this book to be acceptable (صحيح).4 In one of these hadiths, Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) says, “Fatimah(a.s) lasted 75 days after the departure of the Prophet of Allah(s.a.w). Because of her father's (death), she suffered a profound sadness.Jibra'il( a.s) alighted to her in order to abate her grieving and to give her something pleasing. He informed her about her father's (state in heaven) and his (exalted) rank and told her what would happen to her descendents.'Ali( a.s) recorded all this (information), and this is Mushaf Fatimah.5

Notes

1. This referred to as ‘Ilm al-Rijaal, the science of the narrators of hadith. It is a field of study on to its own in which the lives and beliefs of the narrators of hadith are studied.

2. Zahra (the radiant one) is one of the titles of LadyFatimah( a.s).

3. Amin, H. A’ayaan al-Shi’a, p.314. NB: The author’s son has removed this quote from the recent edition of the book.

4. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.239, hadith #1; also in, Majlisi, M. Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.39, hadith #70; also in, Rijaal Najaashi, v.1, p.204-205; and in Rijaal Tusi, p.366.

5. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.241, hadith #5; also in Majlisi, M. Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.41, hadith #72.

Regarding the Mushaf: its author, scribe, content and size

The matters that lead to Misunderstanding

We said that the matter of Mushaf Fatimah sometimes lead to the misunderstanding that it was a Quran unique to Lady Fatimah(a.s) in existence. In the same way that Mushaf 'Abdullah bin Mas'ud, Mushaf 'Aa'isha, or Mushaf Ubayy bin K'ab may strike you (as being editions or versions of the Qur'an), we determined in the first chapter, after we examined these books and the 'Arabic lexicons (for the meaning of “Mushaf”), (that this was not the case). We came to understand that “Mushaf” does not denote the Quran.

Furthermore, we said that this book does not contain a single verse from the Quran, and in this respect, it contains nothing of the exegesis of the Quran or any Quranic matters whatsoever. Meanwhile, the prior discussions alluded to the fact that this Mushaf was scribed or written via Lady Fatimah(a.s) and because of that it was called Mushaf Fatimah.1 It was a divine gift to her. Thus, who was the author or narrator of these words? If the content of this Mushaf is not the Quran, whatcan be found in it? What are the dimensions of the book?And

The author of the Mushaf

There are numerous accounts that present Imam 'Ali (a.s) as the author of the Mushaf. In response to a question posed by Hammad bin 'Uthmaan, Imam al-Sadiq(a.s) says regarding the author of the Mushaf that, “Amir al-Mu'mineen (i.e. Imam 'Ali(a.s)) wrote whatever he heard until it became of book. 2

However, ibn Rustam al-Tabari in Dalaa'il al-A'immah relates a hadith saying that Mushaf Fatimah descended (from Heaven) bound, that no one dictated it; Imam 'Ali(a.s) became the one to scribe it.3

There are two points worth mentioning:

The meaning of “descended (from heaven)” doesn't mean that it literally came (down to earth) as a (bound) book, rather it's the content and message that descended (by the instrument of angels). There's nothing to say that Imam'Ali( a.s) was not ready to write down the subject matter when the angels descended. However, this explanation is doubtful.

Perhaps the only way to resolve this matter isto not accept al-Tabari's narration. The chain of authorities is weak. Ja'far bin Mohammad bin Maalik Fazaari is included in the chain and Najashi (the great expert on chains of authority) considers him to be weak in reporting hadith and corrupt in his religious beliefs and narrations.4 Others have also rejected him.5

The Speaker and Scribe of the Content

Allah: Some have said that it is Allah who dictated6 the contents of the Mushaf. Imam al-Sadiq says, “Whatever is in it, was told to her by Allah and He inspired her with it. 7 ,8 The mother of Moses(a.s) also received this type of inspiration. In the chapter of the Quran, Al-Qasas, verse 7 it reads, “And We inspired it to Moses' mother…”9

Angels: Others believe that it was the speech of an angel. There is a hadith by Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) which supports this possibility,

“Indeed Allah sent her an angel to console her in her grief and speak with her. 10

Gabriel:11 Imam al-Sadiq is quoted in Sahih Abu 'Ubaidah that it came from the arch-angel Gabriel: “Gabriel went to her to lighten her sorrow regarding her father and lift her spirits and inform here of her father and his position (in heaven) and inform her of what will become of her descendants. 12

Allah's Messenger: ImamHusein( a.s) says, “Mushaf Fatimah is with us but - and I swear by Allah - that there is nothing of the Quran in it. Allah's messenger ( رسول اﷲ ) dictated it and 'Ali wrote it. 13 So according to this hadith, the one who dictatedit was sent by Allah . 'Allaamah Majlisi (the compiler of Bihar al-Anwaar) writes in commentary that the mean of “Allah's messenger” is Gabriel.There are many verses (of the Quran) which refer to the angels as being Allah's messengers.14

Whether we say that the utterance of this Mushaf is from Allah or Gabriel makes no difference because these sayings are from Allah through the agency of Gabriel.15 But, we can't be certain as to whether what is meant by “Allah's messenger” is the (human) Messenger of Islam (or Islam's messenger, i.e the one who brought Islam from the heavenly abode - Gabriel), because there are numerous narrations declaring that the utterances in the Mushaf were said after the demise of the Messenger of Allah (i.e. the Prophet Mohammad[s.a.w]) and in consolation of his eminence's (death) that it was said to and for Lady Fatimah (A).

It can be said that Lady Fatimah (A) had2 Mushafs. One was a collection of her father's sayings, the other from Gabriel. Or, it is possible to say that Mushaf Fatimah was but one book but had two sections - words of the Messenger of Allah(s.a.w) and the inspirations of Gabriel (to and for Fatimah[a.s]). In his most valuable book A'ayan al-Shi'ah, Seyyed Muhsin Amin is of the first opinion.16

What is more correct is that LadyFatimah( a.s) had in her possession two other books, one on ethics and morals, the other legislative.So, we could say that Mushaf Fatimah was uttered the Allah's messenger (i.e. Gabriel) based on the narrations saying that Gabriel dictated it (to Fatimah, or, 'Ali) and that [Gabriel] didn't mention legislative commands.17 Thus, if Lady Fatimah (A) were to have in her possession a book on legislative matters, it is clear that the Messenger of Allah (i.e. Prophet Mohammad [S]) would have taught it to her (in which case she would have been preserving the legislative commands received by her father from Gabriel).

So, now that we know that Allah - by way of Gabriel - spoke these words to Lady Fatimah (A) and that Imam 'Ali (A) wrote them down, it comes to mind to ask why this Mushaf is associated with Lady Fatimah (A)? After all, she was neither its author nor its scribe!

In response, it must be said that it was intended for her as a consolation and because ofher it was descended from heaven. It is inthis sense that it bears her name as Mushaf Fatimah. This can be seen in the way that the Torah is attributed to Moses (A), the Gospel to Jesus (A) or the Psalms to David (A). In the same sense, in the Quran it says, “Most surely this (message) is in the earlier scriptures, the scriptures of Ibrahim and Musa صُحُفِ إِبْرَاهِيمَ وَمُوسَى).” ( 87:18-19 )

Even though these scriptures came from Allah because theywere revealed for a particular prophet, it bears his name.

Contents of Mushaf Fatimah

Thereare several narration regarding the content of Mushaf Fatimah, some negating others affirming what the contents are (or are not) such as the following:

Negation of Content

The narrations from the Ahl al-Bayt say that Mushaf Fatimahis not compromised of two things: Qur'aan, and legislative matters. Thisis concluded from the following narrations:

“It is not the Quran. 18

“I do not posit that it is the Quran. 19

“Nothing of the Quran is in it. 20

“Nothing of the book of Allah is in it. 21

“It does not contain a single verse from the book of Allah. 22

“It doesn't contain a single word from the Quran. 23

“There is not a single word from your Quran in it. 24

In Bihaar al-Anwaar, 'Allamah Majlisi relates a narration in Khati's Jawaame' al-Fawaa'id from Abu Basir: “Imam al-Sadiq (A) read this ayah as so:

سَأَلَ بِعَذَابٍ وَاقِعٍ لِّلْكَافِرينَ) بولاية علي( لَيْسَ لَهُ دَافِعٌ

(سَائِلٌhas been omitted from the hadith) “The questioner asks about the punishment which will befall the unbelievers (theImam( a.s) adds as commentary, this means) the guardianship of 'Ali(a.s) - it shall not be averted.” (70:1-2).25 Then theImam( a.s) said, 'Such a thing is in Mushaf Fatimah.'” However, itmust be said that this hadith is not authentic. Mohammad bin Sulayman Daylami feels that the chain (of narrators) is weak.26

This would contradict all the other hadith that say that Mushaf Fatimah not only does not contain verses of the Quran,but not even a single word (of the noble verses). The reason that this narration is not accepted is not because it implies a distortion (tahrif) of the Quran - because it does not imply that. It is not for the fact that the Imam adds “the guardianship of Imam'Ali( a.s)” (as commentary) because this is the circumstance of its revelation. Some of the narrations in the Sunni corpus of hadith also mention the same events. In one of the [Sunni] books of reference, Mohammad Abu Zahra says in his book that Mushaf Fatimah does not contain anything from the Quran.27

All this confirmation and repeated denial of the existence of any Quranic material in Mushaf Fatimah leads us to conclude that in the time of ImamsBaqir( a.s) and Sadiq(a.s)28 “Mushaf” was widely used to mean “the Quran”. One wonders why the Imams still used “Mushaf” and not “book (كتاب ) of Fatimah”? If they had only called it “book” there wouldn't have been the need for all this clarification and reminder (ofit's uniqueness separate from the Quran). Inresponse it must be said that due to the fact that the Mushaf of that noble lady originated with Allah and was called “Mushaf Fatimah” and at that time “Mushaf” did not carry the connotation of “Quran”, it was still referred to by that name even in later times.

Imam Ali(a.s) referred to Fatimah's book as “Mushaf”: “A Mushaf was given to my wife laden with unprecedented knowledge granted to no one else. 29

Even if we were to accept that the name “Mushaf” was chosen later - and at a time when the term was used for the Quran - it would have been to show the similarity in origin between the two books: they were both brought down by the ArchangelGabriel( a.s), although in content they differ.

The Mushaf does not contain Legal Rulings

Regarding legal rulings, Imam al-Sadiq(a.s) says “there's nothing in it regarding the permissible and impermissible”30 even though others like Seyyed Haashim Ma'ruf al-Husayni said that Mushaf Fatimah contained rulings of the permissible and impermissible. However it must be said that this particular point is in reference to the jafr abyadh, the “white jafr”.31 Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) says “Truly, the white jafr is in my possession.” The narrator then asked, “What does it contain?” “The Psalms of David, the Torah of Moses, the Gospel of Jesus, the Scrolls of Ibrahim what is permitted and what is forbidden and Mushaf Fatimah. Idon't claim that anything of the Quran in it. In it is what people need from us and that (is because) we do not have any need of anyone. In it is even the whole lash,32 half lash and the quarter lash, even the indemnity for scratching (someone).33

Thus, with respect to clarifying the content of the white jafr, the Imam, at his command, says, “In the white jafr is there is this and that.

This hadith, along with the one from Imam al-Ridha( a.s), confirms that in enumerating the contents of the white jafr - in the manner that al-Sadiq(a.s) has - they (the Imams) considered Mushaf Fatimah to be something else altogether. ImamRidha( a.s), enumerating the proofs (hajaat) of an Imam's Imamate, says, “And with him is the greater jafr (al-jafr al-akbar) and the lesser jafr (al-jafr al-asghar)…and he also possesses Mushaf Fatimah.34

Its Contents Proven

The narration were made and transmitted under various circumstances and do not describe the entire content of Mushaf Fatimah (in one single narration) only some of it. The numerous narration, from variable sources, state that Mushaf Fatimah contains the following: “It tells of her father and his (exalted) position,”35 “It speaks of what will occur after her amongst her offspring,”10 “But also in it is the knowledge of what will happen, and events that will occur. For example, Atheist will appear in the year 123 AH (as an intellectual movement),”36 “The names of every prophet and is successors is in the book I possess,”37 “The names of those who rule and the duration of their rule…and their fathers′ names - and its inscription is with us,”38 “The last will and testament of Fatimah is in it. 39

This is the entire content of Mushaf Fatimah from the reliable hadith transmitted to us that we have laid our handsupon . However, there is one more hadith from Tabari in is Dalaa′il al-Imamah which details another matter contained in Mushaf Fatimah to which he refers. Unfortunately, the chain of this hadith is weak. In thissense we can't count it to be amongst the miscellaneous matters of the Mushaf. Abu Basir says,

I asked [Imam al-Baqir( a.s), the fourth Imam] about Mushaf Fatimah and he said, 'It was brought to her after the death of her father.'I said, 'Is there anything from the Quran in it?' 'There is nothing in the Quran in it,' he replied. 'Clarify the matter for me.' 'Its front and back covers are made of ruby (zabarjad sorkh).' 'May I be yoursacrifice! What are its pages made of?' 'The pages are of white pearl.' 'May I be your ransom, what is in it?' 'News of what happened and what will happen until the Day of Judgment.News of celestial occurrences, the number of angels in the heavenly abode, the number of all Allah′s creatures - messengers and non-messengers - their names and the names of all the people of their respective nations to whom they were sent, the names of those who gave lie to their message and those who answered to the call (to righteousness), the names of all Allah′s creatures - believers and non-believers - the names of all towns and the particulars of each town in the East and West, the number of believers and non-believers in each town, the particulars of those who belied religion, and of the particulars of men and their tales from the first centuries, the debaucherous rulers and the duration of their rule, the names and details of each Imam and the period of their Imamate…

In the Mushaf is the name of everyone Allah created and the time of their death, the number and details of those bound for heaven, the number of people going to hellfire; also in the Mushaf is knowledge of the Quran - whatever was brought down in it, and of the Torah - whatever was brought down in it, and knowledge of the gospel of Jesus(a.s)40 - whatever was brought down in it, and knowledge of the Psalms, the number of trees and their movements in every town…It was the second 1/3 of the nit, on a Friday evening when Allah sent Gabriel(a.s), Mika′il(a.s), and Israfil(a.s) to [Lady Fatima(a.s)] to revealed Mushaf to her. She was in the middle of (superogatory) prayer. The angels stood (watching and waiting for her prayer to end) until se sat down. Once she ad completed her prayer and had left that state (of deep concentration), they gave her salutations.

They said, 'Salaam. Allah also sends His salaams.' Then they set the book down in her room. She said, 'Salaam to Allah, peace is from Him and is due unto Him. And peacebe unto you, oh angels of Allah!' Subsequently the angels alighted to the heavens, andlady Zahra (i.e. Fatima) read the Mushaf after morning prayer until she reached the end of it. It was obligatory for Lady Zahra to have knowledge of all the creature of Allah, of the jinn and men, of bird and beast, of prophets and angels.' 'May I be yourransom! After Lady Zahra, to whose ands did the Mushaf pass?' 'She gave it to the Command of the Faithful (i.e. ImamAli( a.s)). After him, (it was given) toHasan( a.s) then Husein(a.s), and after that to those worthy of it (i.e. the other Imams, offspring of Imam Husein(a.s) and Bibi Shahr Banu) so that they may give it to the Master of the affair (Imam Mahdi(a.s), the 12th and final Imam and savior of humanity).' 'There is so much knowledge in the Mushaf!' 'Oh Abu Mohammad, what I have told you is contained in the first2 pages. I have not told you anything of the rest!'

Of what we have reproduced here is of the hadith with a weak chain of narration andis not well documented .

The Number and Bulk of the Pages of the Mushaf

Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) says, The Mushaf, of what is in it, is like the Quran, only 3 times larger.41

It's possible that the Imam wasn't comparing the physical size of the book in the same way that sometimes numbers are used to refer to magnitude and multiplicity, as in the verse,

Even if you seek forgiveness 70 times Allah will not forgive them; this is because they disbelieve in Allah and His apostle, and Allah does not guide the transgressing people.( 9:80)

Obviously, the point of this verse is that the hypocriteswould never be forgiven ; the point is not that if the prophet were to seek forgiveness for them more than 70 times (that they would be forgiven). No matter how many times they were to seek forgiveness (while in a state of hypocrisy) theywould not be forgiven (In other words, the number seventy is allusion to an innumerable repetition and not a literal numeric.)

Notes

1. For example, the famous du’a named “Kumayl” recited every Thursdaywas not authored by Kumayl ibn Ziyad, but taught to him, by Imam ‘Ali (a.s). Itis called the du’a of Kumayl because it was gifted to him due to his devotion to the Ahl al-Bayt. In truth, its authorship is attributed to hadhrat Khidr (a.s), and was taught to Imam‘Ali( a.s) by the prophet Mohammad (s.a.w).So , it’s not a leap of understanding to say that what is called “Mushaf Fatimah” was named after Lady Fatimah (a.s) as the person to whom it was gifted, and not as an attribution of authorship.

2. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.240, hadith #2; also in Majlisi, M. Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.44, hadith #77.

3. Al-Tabari, Dalaa’il al-A’immah, p. 30, Aa’lami publications, Beirut, 1403 AH/1983 AD, and, Sheikholislami SH, Musnad Fatimat al-Zahra, p. 199, Daar al-Qur’aan al-Karim publications, Qom, 1412 AH/1992.

4. Najashi, Rijaal Najashi, v.1, p.302.

5. Khu’i, Ma’jam rijaal al-hadith, v.4, p.117.

6. When it is says that Allah says something, it is not by agency of tongue, or by words or even tones. Allah does not have or need physicality to communicate. The words used to describe Allah’s communication with humans are a metaphor due to our limitations of understanding. Imam Musa al-Kadhim( a.s) says, “[Allah] has neither body nor any sort of limitation.Each and every thing, except Allah, is a thing created by Allah. He creates things as He wills and desires, without any word or planning in the mind or without any utterance by the tongue (because he has not tongue).”Al-Kafi, v.1, p.106, hadith #289.

7. Majlis MB, Bihar al-Anwaar, v.36, p.39, hadith #70.

8. The author goes into a discussion of ‘Arabic grammar which is omitted by the translator as it is not germane to the discussion for English readers.

9. The reader should not be surprised to read that LadyFatimah( a.s) received inspiration. Inspiration meansbeing spoken to by angels. Al-Ahwal narrates, “I asked [Imam al-Kadhim] about messengers, prophets, and those who are spoken to (muhaddath). He said, ‘A messenger (rasul) is one before whom the angel Gabriel comes; [the messenger] sees him and [Gabriel] speaks with him; such is a messenger. A prophet (nabi) is one who sees in his dreams as with the dreams of prophet Abraham (A)…One who is muhaddath is one who is spoken to and who hears but he does not see [the angel Gabriel] with the eyes or in his dreams.”Al-Kafi, v.2, hadith #441. Besides the mother of prophet Moses(a.s), prophet Abaraham’s(a.s) wife also heard the angels speaking when the came to her husband 11:69-73 as was Maryam(a.s), mother of Jesus(a.s) (19:17-19). TheImams( a.s) were also muhaddath, as were others, such as Salman al-Farsi. Some traditions relate that ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab was also muhaddath. Refer to chapter 5, Angelic discourse with those who are not prophets, for a full discussion.

10. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.245, hadith #2.

11. Gabriel is an angel, but, as thearch-angel , sometimes he is referred to separately even when speaking of other angels. For example, if you say, “The president and the elected officials of the state. .” youdon’t mean to imply that the president is not elected but other are. They are all elected officials, but the president’s singular role deserves separate mention. Some people feel that the “ruh” or “ruh al-Quddus” (holy spirit ) mentioned in the Quran is really the angel Gabriel as in “The angels and the spirit descend in [this night] by the permission of their Lord for every affair” (97:4).

12. Safaar, Basa’ir al-Darajaat, p.153, hadith #6, and Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.241, hadith #5.

13. Majlis MB, Bihar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.46, hadith #96.

14. The angels are described in general as messengers: 22:75, 35:1, and as messengers of death: 6:61, 7:37, and messengers of revelation and inspiration: 11:69, 19:17-19, and in many other verses.

15. Every divine communication with man is by Allah, sometimes directly as with the case of the prophetMoses( a.s) and the prophet Mohammad(s.a.w) on is night journey, or indirectly through the angel Gabriel as with all the other prophets and the Imams.

16. Amin M, A’ayan al-Shi’ah, v.1, p.314, Al-Insaaf publication, Beirut.

17. Only Messengers receive legislative commands; neither prophets, nor Imams nor muhadatheen can receive legislative commands from Allah, only revelation (prophets) or inspirations (Imams, muhadatheen).

18. Majlisi M, Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.26, pp.41-42, hadith #73.

19. Ibid, v.26, p.45, hadith #3.

20. Ibid, v.26, p. 45, hadith #79.

21. Ibid, v.26, p. 43, hadith #39.

22. Ibid, v.47, p.271, hadith #3.

23. Ibid, v.47, p.46, hadith #5.

24. Ibid, v.26, p.39, hadith #10.

25. This refers to the wilayah of ImamAli( a.s) that was announced by the Prophet of Allah(s.a.w) at al-Ghadir al-Khum in front of thousands upon thousands of Muslims returning from pilgrimage. A man named Harith ibn Numan al-Fahri accused theProphet( s.a.w) of nepotism. TheProphet( s.a.w) strenuously denied this, stating that Allah had chosen ‘Ali(a.s) as the leaders of the Muslims after him. Harith rebuked the prophet and, walking away, swore that if this were true that Allah should punish him a painful punishment with a stone. Before he had reached his camel, hewas hit in the head by a stone and died instantly .

26. Daylami M, Mu’ajjam rijaal al-hadith, v.16, p.127; Rijaal Najashi, v.2, p.269.

27. Abu Zahra M. Al-Imam al-Sadiq, hayaatahuwa ‘asrehu, p.324, Matbu’ah Ahmad ‘Ali Mukheimarah, Egypt.

28. The period of their combined Imamates was 51 years, from 95 AH/714 AD- 146 AH/765AD according to Sheikh al-Mufid in Kitaab al-‘Irshaad.

29. Basaa’ir al-Darajaat, v.2, p. 200.

30. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.390, hadith #1.

31. Jafr is a container made of hide. Itis referred to as a type of knowledge as the above hadith suggest. However, the knowledgeis not written on the hide of the jafr. Rather, the jafr contains a series of books, passed on by the Prophet ofAllah( s.a.w) to the Imam ‘Ali(a.s) and from him to each Imam as a mark of their Imamate. Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) says, “By Allah, it is not as they say that there are two jafrs with something written on them. No, by Allah, they are two hides with the hair still on them, crammed full: in one of them books (the white jafr), and in the other the armory of the Messenger of Allah (s.a.w) (the red jafr).”(Bihar al-Anwar, v.26, p.38).

32. “Whole”, “half” and “quarter” lash refer to the forcefulness with which a person is flogged. Various public sins in Islam, such as fornication, inebriation, public indecency, etc. have various punishments associated with them such as flogging. The forcefulness and number of lashes depends on the offence and the circumstances. What theImam( a.s) is implying is that Mushaf Fatimah is so comprehensive that even the most mundane legislative matters are addressed.

33. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.24, Chapter 40, hadith #3, and, Majlisi, MB. Bihar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.37, hadith #43.

34. Sadduq, Ma’aani al-Akhbaar, p.102. Daarul Ma’aarif, Beirut, 1979.

35. Majlisi M, Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.26, pp.41, hadith #72.

36. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.24, hadith #2, and, Majlisi, MB. Bihar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.13, hadith #1.

37. Majlisi, MB.Bihar al-Anwaar, v.47, p.32.

38. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.242, hadith #3, and, Majlisi, MB. Bihar al-Anwaar, v.46, p.13, hadith #1.

39. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.24, hadith #4.

40. The Injil, or, gospel ofJesus( a.s), is different from the canonical books assembled in the New Testament. The gospel of Jesus was the divine message tat the prophet Jesus(a.s) delivered to is people, and was not recorded by the Jewish followers of Jesus (i.e. the early Christians), nor do Muslims possess it in whole. Regardless, whatis in the New Testament, by admission of its compilers in the 4th century AD is the gospel of Jesus according to… and not the gospel itself.

41. Kulayni, M. Usul al-Kaafi, v.1, p.239, hadith #3 and, Majlisi, MB. Bihar al-Anwaar, v.26, p.39, hadith #10.

Mushaf Fatimah and the Mushaf of the Companions

Similarities of the Mushafs (of Fatimah and those of the Companions)

The similarity of Mushaf Fatimah with those that the Ahl al-Sunnah count (amongst their corpus) - such as those of A'ishah, Hafsah, and 'Abdullah bin Mas'ud - is in name only. The similarity is in name only because their Mushafs are replete with Quranic verses and additional material where as Mushaf Fatimah does not contain a single verse of Quran. Its name Mushaf is only in reference to it being a bound book. It is only by way of ignorance and self-serving interests that the Shi'ahhave been libelously accused of distorting the Quran.1

Their libel is based on the hadith in which Imam al-Sadiq( a.s) says that Mushaf Fatimah is “three times larger than the Quran.” However, he continues to say, “by Allah, there is not a single word from the Quran in it.” The libel of corruption aimed towards the Shia is curious given that in the Sunni Mushafs there are verses of the Quran omitted and other (verses) that have extra words!

1. Mushaf A'ishah

There is a narration in the Sunnibooks which says, “The Quran in A'ishah's possession contained deficiencies not presently found (in the Quran that all Muslims universally agree is authentic and free of errors of omission or commission). For example, after 'Truly Allah and the angels send their blessings unto the prophet,”(33:54) was added, 'and those who pray in the first row2 (of communal prayer).' 3 (In another hadith it says) “After 'Guard strictly your (habit of) prayers, especially the middle prayer'(2:238) she had, 'and the late afternoon prayer.' 4 This same matter appears in Hafsah's and Umm Salaamah's Mushafs. We will refrain from mentioning other examples.

2. Mushaf 'Abdullah bin Mas'ud

As recorded by the Sunnis, as per their own authentic sources, and according to Suyuti's interpretation, it says that Ibn Mas'ud believed tat surahs al-Falaq (113:1-5) and al-Naass (114:1-5) were not part of the Quran

because it is a supplication (du'a).What's more amazing is that he thought the same of al-Fatihah (1:1-7). Because of this, Uthmaan5 burned his Mushaf.6

3. Mushaf Ubai bin K'ab

In placeof ” lilaldheen yu'lun” [Ubai] would recite, “lilldheen yaqsimun”, and instead of “falaa jannaaH 'alahi inn yaTuf bihuma” he would recite, “illa yaTuf bihuma”, etc.7

In the Sunniresources it has been said that some of the canonical verses are deficient. For example, “the verse of rijm (16:98),8 the verse of jihad (9:29),9 the verse of shahaadah (5:67),10 ,11 the verse of wilayaayah of 'Ali (5:55),12 etc.

It is important to note that both the Shi'i and Sunni sects consider the Quranto be free from distortion or error. The unusual or conflicting hadith are not reliable (in their authenticity). Among the Sunnis, 'Abd al-Rahmaan Jaziri in Al-fiqh 'ala al-madhhab al-arba'aah13 and Zarkushi in

Al-Burhaan fi 'ulum al-Quran,14 and… This matterhas already been discussed . The Shi'i scholars alsodon't accept that the Quran is deficient or has been distorted. Once can point to Sheikh al-Sadduq in Al-'Itiqaadaat15 and Sheikh al-Mufid in Awaa'il al-maqaalaat,16 etc.

Tafsir, Tahrif, Hadith Qudsi

Regarding that of which we spoke, there are many phrases and passages in the Qurna that have a meaning beneath the external meaning. It is the explanation of these phrases that we call tafsir, or, exegesis.

ImamHusayn( a.s) said to his enemies, “You have made tahrif (distorted) on the book of Allah (i.e. the Quran).”What he meant by this is the meaning of the Book (had been distorted) against the Divine intent.

Occasionally speeches were recorded that were hadith qudsi, (Divine speech), but were not counted as verses of the Quran.17

Notes

1. Al-Seraa’ bayn al-Islaamwa al-muthniyyah, v.1, p.D, Matba’a al-Salafiyyah, Cairo, 1354.

2. The first row of communal prayeris reserved for those with greater knowledge and piety. The reason for this is that if the prayer leader were to suddenly fall ill, or, make a mistake in the prayer, or, loose his ritual purity (tahharah), someone in the front row would have to fill in and continue the prayer without any discontinuity. It is likely that people like A’ishah’s father, Abu Bakr, as an early covert to Islam and wealthy benefactor of the religion, sat in the front row of prayer.

3. Al-Masaahif, p.34, Matba’ah al-Rahmaaniyyah, 1st edition, and, Aalusi, Ruh al-ma’aani, v.1, p.25, Daar Ahyaa’ al-taraath al-‘Arabi, and, Al-Durr al-manthur, v.5, p.220, Mohammad Amin Damaj publication.

4. Al-musannaf, v.1, p.537, hadith #2201, Al-majlis al-‘a’lami publication, and, Al-durr al-manthur, v.1, p.302.

5. Uthmaanbin ‘Affaan was the 3rd Caliph. Itis widely and incorrectly considered that Uthmaan was the first to collect the Quran in a bound manuscript. ImamAli( a.s) was the first to do so. We will mention the relevant hadith later in the text. Uthmaan, however, was the first to collect all extant Qurans, fragmentary or whole, destroy them and issue an authoritative Quran compiled and approved by a “blue ribbon panel” which was then copied and distributed to various centers around the Islamic world which has growing rapidly in all directions away from Medina.

6. Al-durr al-manthur, v.4, p.414, “A discussion on the history of the Quran and its sciences”, and, Majlisi M, Bihaar al-Anwaar, v.92, p343.

7. Al-Mushaf, v.1, p.131, and, Al-Itiqaan, v.1, p.47, Daar al-Fikr, and, Ruh al-Ma’aani, v.1, p.25.

8. Al-Masaahif, p.33; Akdabubah, Tahrif al-Quraan, p.43, and, Al-I’tiqaan, v.1, p.41.

9. Al-I’tiqaan, v.2, p.25.

10. Muslim, A. Sahih Muslim, tr. A.H. Siddiqui, v.2, p.724, Kitab Bhavan; 2000.

11. The author appears to be referring to hadiths no. 438-440. They are similar in content; no. 438 reads in part, “…[ Uthman said] By Allah, I am narrating to you a hadith. If there were not a verse in the Book of Allah, I would have never narrated it to you…”

12. Al-durr al-manthur, v.2, p.293.

13. Jaziri, AR, Al-fiqh ‘ala al-madhhab al-arba’aah, v.4, p.24, Daar Ahyaa’ al-taraath al-‘Arabi publications, Beirut.

14. Zarkushi. Al-Burhaan fi ‘ulum al-Quran, v.2, p.253, Daar al-Ma’rifah, Beirut.

15. Al-Sadduq, Al-‘Itiqaadaat, p.84, Al-Mu’tamar al-‘Aalamin, Qom.

16. Mufid, Awaa’il al-maqaalaat, p.81, Al-Mu’tamar al-‘Aalamin, Qom.

17. Sayyid Sharif Jurjani says: “[Hadith-i qudsi] is from God, the Most Exalted, from the point of view of meaning, and from theProphet( s.a.w) from the viewpoint of actual wording. It constitutes what God has communicated to theProphet( s.a.w) through revelation or in dreams. TheProphet( s.a.w) informed others of its meaning in his own words. Accordingly, the Qur'an is superior to the hadith-i qudsi, because it is the actual Word of God.” Quoted in Outlines of the development of the science of hadith, M. Awliya’I, Al-Towhid, vols.1-3.


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