• Start
  • Previous
  • 21 /
  • Next
  • End
  •  
  • Download HTML
  • Download Word
  • Download PDF
  • visits: 7785 / Download: 2044
Size Size Size
Caliphate and Imamate

Caliphate and Imamate

Author:
Publisher: Islamic Research Foundation (Astan-i-Quds Razavi)
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

The Aftermath of the Rebellion

Raising the flag of opposition against the then caliph the first civil war practically initiated in Islam. 'The one community' of Islam divided into different sects. The enmity between the Muslim sects, which began during the early caliphate, has continued up to now. Muslims kill their Muslim brethren and ignore their non-Muslim enemies. The rebellion made the cursed tree in the Holy Qur'an, which the Prophet (S.A.W.A.) saw in his vision,1 increase.

'Ali's victory at Basra spurred Mu'awiya to action. Soon after his arrival in Kufa, 'Ali sent Jarir b. 'Abd Allah al-Bajali, the former governor of 'Uthman in Hamadan, as an envoy to Mu'awiya with instructions to convey his letter to him and to ask him only for the reply, while indicate him to understand that 'Ali would not accept him as a governor.2

Mu'awiya dilatorily responded, “Let us consider, and I will explore the view of the people of Syria.” He immediately wrote to 'Amr b. al-'As the primary accused in 'Uthman's murder. 'Amr followed the invitation. He was sure that he could now strike a bargain, which would satisfy his own wishes. It would be Egypt for life or no deal. 'Amr swore allegiance to Mu'awiya on the basis that he would back the Umayyad in thier fight against 'Ali, while Mu'awiya would help him regain Egypt and guarantee him lifetime possession.3

The alliance between Mu'awiya and 'Amr b. al-'As constituted a formidable political force. 'Amr was a master of planning, and playing on political scenarios. Mu'awiya needed him. He knew he could trust 'Amr at this stage since 'Ali would never make a deal with him at Mu'awiya's expense.

Having gained broad allegiance in Syria, Mu'awiya hoped to draw some of the religious aristocracy in the holy cities to his side by a campaign of letters. 'Amr advised him against it but he insisted. Mu'awiya, however, could get the backing of a member of 'Umar's family without having to deceive him with false promises. 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Umar the threefold murderer, had been after his pardon, granted an estate near Kufa by 'Uthman.When 'Ali came to Kufa, 'Ubayd Allah discretely asked him for amnesty through some mediators, but 'Ali opposed his pardon.

Malik b. al-Ashtar, one of the mediators, informed 'Ubayd Allah, and he promptly fled to Mu'awiya.4 He tried to induce him to accuse and denigrate 'Ali in public, but 'Ubayd Allah would not do so.5 He, however, participated as one of the leaders of Mu'awiya's army in the battle of Siffin. A client warned him that Mu'awiya was intentionally exposing him to mortal danger. If he were to win, Mu'awiya would get the rule, and if were killed, he would get rid of him. His wife, Bahriyya, also told him that hewould certainly be killed and this is what Mu'awiya wanted. 'Ubayd Allah insisted on obeying his emir; and he was killed.6

The Kufanswere less united in their support of war. When 'Ali appealed to them, “March against the enemies of God, march against the remnants of the confederates (Ahzab), the murderers of Immigrants and the Helpers, Arbad b. Rabi'a stood up and shouted, “Do you want to make us march against our Syrian brothers and kill them for you? By God, we shall not do that.7 'Adi b. Hatim al-Ta'i advised 'Ali to give another chance to letters and messengers before marching.8

Others were urging 'Ali to speed up his campaign before the enemy was fully prepared. 'Abd Allah b. Budayl b. Warqa' representing the Prophet's Companions, turning to people, asked, “How could Mu'awiya pledge allegiance to 'Ali when 'Ali has killed Mu'awiya's brother, Hanzala , his maternal uncle, al-Walid and his grandfather, 'Utba in a single stand? 9 In Syria, the preparations for war also went ahead. Abu Muslim al-Khawalani took the bloody shirt of 'Uthman which Umm Habiba, Mu'awiya's sister had sent from Medina and toured the garrison towns in Syria with it, inciting the people to revenge.10

'Ali set out from Nukhayla probably early in Dhu al-Hijja 36/657. When his army put up their camp, they found the watering place at the Euphrates occupied by Abu al-A'war and the Syrians, who prevented them from reaching the water. They looked for another watering place nearby but could not find one. As they complained to 'Ali, he sent Sa'sa'a b. Suhan to tell Mu'awiya that he had come not wishing to fight him before proper warning, summons and argument; Mu'awiya's cavalry and foot soldiers had, however, started to fight them and now they were preventing his men from obtaining water.

He asked Mu'awiya to order his companions to give them access to the water until they had fully considered their conflict. However, if it pleased Mu'awiya, he could let his men fight it out about the water rather than the matter for which they had come. Mu'awiya consulted his advisers, and al-Walid b. 'Uqba urged him to deprive the enemy of water as they had done with 'Uthman. Al- Walid claimed that 'Uthman had been kept without cold water and foodfor forty days.11

'Ali did not have to rouse his men into action. After they had been without water for a day and night, al-Ash'ath b. Qays came to him asking for permission to attack and requesting that 'Ali order Malik b. al-Ashtar to join him with his equestrians. 'Ammar b. Yasir got up and shouted among the people. A great number of men came to him. Then he said, “By God, even if they defeat us and chase us as far as the palm trees of Hajar12 again we are right and they are wrong. 13

Twelve thousand men volunteered, and they swooped down on Abu al-A'war and his men. Malik b. al-Ashtar had personally killed seven and al-Ash'ath five.14 At first, they said they would not allow the Syrians to get water. 'Ali ordered them, however, to take their needful and return to their camp.15

For two days, the armies stayed facing each other. Then 'Ali called for Abu 'Amra and some other of his companions and told them to argue with Mu'awiya and discover his view. Abu 'Amra appealed to him not to split the unity of this community and not to shed their blood in common strife. Mu'awiya interrupted his discourse. “Why don't you recommend that to your master?” Abu 'Amra replied, “My master is not like you. My master is the one most entitled among the creation to this matter by his excellence, religion, early merit in Islam, and close kinship with the Apostle of God.” Mu'awiya asked, “What does he say then?” Abu 'Amra replied, “He orders you to fear God and to respond to the summons of your cousin to what is right. That is soundest for you in your worldly affairs and best for your end.” Mu'awiya, “Shall we allow 'Uthman's blood to be spilled for nothing? No, by God, I shall never do that. 16

There was now daily skirmishing until the end of Dhu al-Hijja. At the beginning of Muharram 37 a truce was agreed for the month in the hope that a peaceful settlement might be reached. Again, envoys went back and forth between the two camps. The discussion did not go any better than the previous time. As the sun set on the last day of Muharram, 'Ali ordered Marthad b. al-Harith to proclaim to the Syrians that they had failed to respond to his summons to the Book of God and persisted in their falsehood. The time for the battle had arrived.17

During the first seven days of Safar, prominent leaders on both sideswere dispatched to fight each day, with only small retinue, as in a tournament. The all- out battle of Siffin began on Wednesday, Safar 8. The day had evidently gone well for Mu'awiya. The princes of the Umayyad family preferred to let others do the fighting in revenge for their relative. Mu'awiya asked 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Umar to take the command of his heavily armed elite, the shahba' and to lead the attack. 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Umar, surprised that he was chosen for the task, felt that some member of the Umayyad family, who were the prime claimants for revenge, would have been more appropriate.

He went ahead, however, in spite of warnings from his client and his wife and hewas killed . The tide turned, and the Syrianswere pushed back to their camp. Mu'awiya fled from his pavilion and sheltered in one of the tents of his army.18 Elsewhere on the battlefield, that day 'Ammar b. Yasir, who was above ninety years old, was killed fighting for 'Ali. People cried the Companion of the Prophetwas killed . The Messenger of God had predicted that 'Ammar would be killed by the rebel group.19

An appeal by Mu'awiya that one of his relatives seeks a duel among the Quraysh of Iraqwas also met with derision by al-Walid b. 'Uqba and Marwan. Mu'awiya's brother 'Utba b. Abi Sufyan, however, proposed a duel with Ja'da b. Hubayra. 'Utba went out in the morning and called for Ja'da to come forward. They were both ready to fight. 'Utba gathered all his men and horses and came forward with a retinue of Sakun, Azd, and Sadif. Ja'da prepared with every means at his disposal. They met, and for a while, the men stood firm. Ja'da himself fought that day, but 'Utba became frightened, abandoned his equestrians, and fled speedily to Mu'awiya.20

After a crucial, but indecisive battle, fighting continued through the night, whichwas remembered as the night of the rumble (laylat al-harir). The fighting was now mostly by sword, and the number of dead mounted. 'Ali won the battle at that night and recovered many of the dead from his army.21 When the morning came, the balance seemed to be moving in 'Ali's favor. Toward noon, some of the Syrians facing the center of 'Ali's army raised the copies of the Holy Qur'an tied to the heads of their lances.22

The fighting stopped. 'Ali exhorted his men to continue fighting. He told them that Mu'awiya, 'Amr and their chief supporters were not men of religion and the Qur'an, but were raising it for deception and fraud. From many of the Qur'an readers view, however, the appeal to the Holy Qur'an proved irresistible.23 Facing open mutiny, 'Ali gave in to their demand that he recall Malik b. al-Ashtar, who had advanced far towards the Syrian camp and sensed victory nearby. Malik b. al-Ashtar refused at first to respond and had tobe warned that the army would abandon him.

His reproaches to the men that they were relinquishing the battle as he was hoping for victory and allowing themselves tobe deputed for worldly motives were answered with curses. 'Ali had to restore order by affirming that he had accepted that the Holy Qur'an be made the judge between the two parties.24

As the implication of Mu'awiya's proposal became evident, however, a substantial minority dissented. A group of about four thousand of men of insight and pious worshippers objected to the principle of arbitration. They evidently realized that Mu'awiya was not sincerely submitting to the Holy Qur'an but intended a game of political wheeling and dealing between two representatives of the opposing parties, which would allow him to hold on to power.

Another, smaller, group abstained from either backing or opposing the proposal. The group opposed to the arbitration came to 'Ali and demanded that he resume the war. 'Ali was in favor of this. Those in favor of arbitration, however, insisted that the proposal was only right,fair and just. The opponents of the arbitration (the Kharijites) went away in anger. Some left for Kufa before the agreementwas signed . Others stayed on, saying, “Perhaps he will repent and turn back. 25

The radical opponents of the arbitration decided to choose a leader among them. They pledged allegiance to 'Abd Allah b. Wahb al-Rasibi, known as Dhu al-Thafanat, on Shawwal 10, 37. They went to Jisr al-Nahrawan, east of the Tigris and invited the Basran to meet them there. After the Kharijites left Kufa, 'Ali's followers offered him a renewed oath of allegiance on the basis that they would be friends of those he befriended and enemies for those he took as enemies.26

'Ali stipulated adherence to the Book of God and the Sunna of the Prophet in the oath. Rabi'a b. Shaddad al-Khath'ami, who had fought for him in the Battle of Camel and Siffin suggested, “On the Sunna of Abu Bakr and 'Umar.” 'Ali objected that if Abu Bakr and 'Umar had been acting on anything but the Book of God and the Sunna of His Messenger, they would have been remote from the truth. The formula of the new oath of allegiance for 'Ali matched the invocation that the Prophet (S.A.W.A) made for him at Ghadir Khumm: “O God! Be the friend of him who is his friend, and be the enemy of him who is his enemy. 27

It was about this time that 'Ali had the hadith of Ghadir Khumm proclaimed in public. He appealed to the crowd assembled on the square (rahba) in front of the mosque of Kufa asking those who had heard the words the Prophet (S.A.W.A.) at Ghadir Khumm. Thirteen Companions came forward and witnessed that they had heard the Prophet say, “O God! Be the friend of him who is his friend, and be the enemy of him who is his enemy. 28

'Ali was eager to set out on the campaign as quickly as possible, before Mu'awiya could gather all his forces. He moved north via Shahi and Dabaha to the east bank of the Euphrates and al-Anbar. He had received disturbing news about the murder of 'Abd Allah b. Khabbab b. al-Aratt, his pregnantwife and Umm Sinan al-Saydawiyya by the Kharijites. His men turned to him, pleading that they could not leave their families and property behind at the mercy of such people and they urged him to fight them first. 'Ali sent to the Kharijites demanding the surrender of the murderers. If they did so he would leave them alone until he had fought the Syrians in the hope that they would change their minds in the meantime and return to the course of right.

They answered defiantly that all of them had killed these people and all considered the shedding the blood of 'Abd Allah b. Khabbab and his wife and that of any of 'Ali's partisans as licit. 'Ali asked them by what right they considered it licit for them to leave their community, to draw their swords against their own people, to investigate their views, and to spill their blood. He gave Abu Ayyub al-Ansari a banner of safe conduct for anyone wishing to surrender. Some went to 'Ali and some left the battlefield. Others insisted on their beliefs and were ready to fight 'Ali. He gave the order to let the Kharijites attack first.

Many of the Kharijite leaderswere killed . Four hundred woundedwere found among the dead in the battlefield. 'Ali ordered them to be handed to their tribes for medical care.On 'Ali's side, only ten or less men were killed. 'Ali wanted to proceed immediately from al-Nahrawan to Syria. His men complained that their arrows were used up, their swords dulled, their spearheads had fallen off their lances, and urged him to return to Kufa so that they might restore their equipment and replenish their forces. Within days, his armies melted away, leaving but a few of the leaders with him. 'Ali realized that he had lost control over them and entered Kufa, abandoning the campaign.29

Mu'awiya was pleased, when they informed him that 'Ali had turned off his route to Syria in order to subdue the rebels in his own rank, and was pleased and waited for further development. He called al-Dhahhak b. Qays and instructed him to attack the Bedouin Arabs loyal to 'Ali. Al-Dhahhak crossed the desert and attacked the pilgrims returning from Mecca, and robbed them of their belongings. 'Ali appealed to the Kufans to avenge the blood of their compatriots. Hujr b.'Adi caught with al-Dhahhak near Tadmur. They fought for a while, and nineteen Syrianswere killed as against two men of Hujr. In the cover of the night, the Syrians fled.30 This type of ordinary attack, highway robbery, and murder now became a regular feature of the raids that Mu'awiya dispatched into 'Ali's territories, marking a new low in the character of inter- Muslim warfare.

Mu'awiya chose Busr b. Abi Artat al-'Amiri to lead a new raid into Arabia. Moving towards Medina, Busr stopped at every watering place to seize the camels belonging to the local tribes and had his men raid them while spearing their horses, along which they led. When they reached the next watering place, they would release the camels which they had and seize the fresh ones available there. As Busr entered Medina, he delivered a blistering sermon of vituperation and menaces to the Helpers, threatening them all.

From Medina, he moved on to Mecca, killing and looting on the way. While passing through the territory of the Banu Kinana, Busr chanced upon the two minor sons of 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Abbas, 'Abdal-Rahman and Qutham. He had entrusted his two sons to a man of Kinana so that they would experience life in the desert in accordance with custom among the noble families of Quraysh. When Busr seized the two boys and threatened to kill them, their Kinani guardian took his sword and went out to face Busr. Mu'awiya's general angrily questioned him, “We did not want to kill you, so why do you expose yourself to being killed?”

The man answered, “Yes, I shall be killed in protection of my guest. That will pardon me better before God and the people.” Then he struck at the captors with his sword until hewas killed . Busr had the two boys led before him and slaughtered them with a knife. A group of the women of Kinana came, and one of them told the savage, “You kill the men, but what for do you kill the children? By God, it was not the practice for them tobe killed either in the Time of Ignorance or in Islam. By God, surely a regime which can find strength by only killing the meek, the humble, and the tottering old, by denying mercy and cutting the bonds of kinship is a regime of evil.” Busr shouted, “By God, I wish to put the sword among you.” Though challenged by the women to do so, he refrained, recalling that his master had declared Kinana off limits for him.31

Reports of brutal savagery of Mu'awiya's general now forced 'Ali to act. Jaria b. Qudama set out from Kufa with a thousand men and recruited another thousand in Basra. Afterwards 'Ali sent another two thousand men under Wahb b. Mas'ud al-Khath'ami to join Jaria in Hijaz. 'Ali gave restrict instructions not to harm Muslims or non-Muslims protected by treaty, not to confiscate property or riding animals even if their own mounts were worn out and they were forced to continue on foot, and to perform their prayers regularly. Jaria moved quickly through the Hijaz to Yemen passing by the towns, the fortified places and stopping nowhere. He pressed on the Hadhramawt in pursuit of Busr b. Abi Artat. On his pursuit, Busr immediately fled leaving Hijaz.32

The outrages committed by Busr in his raids of Arabia produced shock in Kufa and aided 'Ali in his efforts to mount a new offensive against Mu'awiya. The Kufans blamed each other for their past inaction. A group of the nobles came to see 'Ali and urged him for the campaign to Syria. In preparation for his campaign, 'Ali had written to Qays b.Sa'd b. 'Ubada, now governor of Azarbayjan to proceed speedily to Kufa. A large number of Muslims assembled there now submitting to his command and ready to move against the mutineer the son of the mutineer ('asi b. 'asi). 'Ali was delaying departure merely in expectation of Qays' arrival.33

On Ramadhan 19, 40/January 26, 661, as he entered the mosque of Kufa to perform the Morning Prayer, 'Ali was met by 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muljam Muradi, a Kharijite from Egypt with the words, “The judgment belongs to God, 'Ali, not to you.” 'Ali b. Abi Talib was struck on the head with a poisoned sword.34

Alas, 'Ali was assassinated at a time when his fortune, after lengthy crisis following Siffin, the failed arbitration and al-Nahrwan, seemed on the ascendant. The mood in Kufa and Basra had changed in his favor as Mu'awiya's vicious conduct of war, especially in Busr's Arabian campaign, had revealed the true nature of his reign. Experience had so far shown that whenever Syrians and Iraqis met in a battle in roughly equal terms, the Syrians usually gave way, first. The Iraqis, resuming the war with the bitter resolve of outwitted political underdogs, might well have triumphed militarily this time.

The loyalist believed that he was the best of Muslims after the Prophet and the only one entitled to rule them. He died on Ramadhan 21, 40. Before his death, he advised the faithful and his sons, “O sons of 'Abd al-Muttalib, you should not shed blood of Muslims shouting the Commander of the Faithful (Amir al-Mu’minin) has been killed. Beware; do not kill because ofme except my killer. See, if I die with this stroke, then strike him one stroke for his stroke and do not mutilate the man, for I have heard the Messenger of God say, 'Avoid dismembering even though it may be a rabid dog'. 35

Notes

1. The Messenger of God saw in his vision that Abu Sufyan's sons or the sons of Hakam b. Abi al-'As go up his pulpit like the monkeys. He was much annoyed and God revealed this verse ﴾ We did not appoint the vision that we showed you except as a test for the people and the tree cursed in the Qur'an. We deterred them, but it only increases them in great rebellion. ﴿ (Q: 17/60). For more details about the Umayyads or the Hakamids as the cursed tree, see Ibn Abi al-Hadid, 9: 220; Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373), Tafsir al-Qur'an al-'azim, ed. Muhammd Husayn Shams al-Din, Dar al-kutub 'ilmiyya, Beirut, 1419/1998, 5: 85; Suyuti, al-Durr al-manthur, 4: 191.

2. Nasr b. Muzahim Minqari (d. 212/827), Waq'at siffin, ed. 'Abd Al-Salam Muhammad Harun, Cairo, 1382, reprint in Qumm, 1403, 29 – 30.

3. Ibid, 39-40; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 71.

4. Ibid, 79.

5. Miqari, 82 – 3.

6. IbnSa'd , 5: 12.

7. Minqari, 95; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 77.

8. Minqari, 98.

9. Ibid, 102.

10. Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 76.

11. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3264-68; Miqari, 160-2.

12. A village near Medina or a town in the Yemen. See Yaqut, 4: 953-4.

13. Ya'qubi, 2: 189.

14. Minqari, 174.

15. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3269; Minqari, 162.

16. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3270-2; Minqari 186-8.

17. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3277-9; Minqari, 200-2.

18. Ibid, 306-7.

19. IbnSa'd , 3: 190; Ya'qubi, 2: 188; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 92; Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3321.

20. Minqari, 462-4.

21. Minqari, 369.

22. Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 98.

23. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3329; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 99.

24. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3329-3332.

25. Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 112.

26. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3367.

27. See above, 34.

28. Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, 4: 370.

29. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 6: 3385-6.

30. Abu Ishaq Ibrahim Thaqafi (d. 283/896), al-Gharat, ed. Mir Jalal al-Din Husayni (Muhaddith) Urmawi, Tehran, 1395, 2: 416-26; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 197-9.

31. Thaqafi, 2: 614 – 16.

32. Ibid, 2: 621 - 633.

33. Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 238.

34. Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 356/967), Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, ed. Sayyid Ahmad Saqar, Dar al ma'rifa, Beirut, n.d., 41; al-Mufid, Kitab al-irshad, 12.

35. Nahj al-Balagha, 2: 80.

Mu’awiya’s Reign (The Collapse of Caliphate)

A few months after 'Ali's assassination, al-Hasan b. 'Ali, because of the disloyalty of his men, had to make peace with Mu'awiya to avoid further bloodshed. He surrendered reign over to him on the basis that he act in it according the Book of God, the Sunna of his Prophet and the conduct of the righteous caliphs. He stipulated that Mu'awiya should not be entitled to appoint his successor but there should be an electoral council; the people would be safe, wherever they were, with respect to their person, their property and their offspring; Mu'awiya would not seek any wrong against al-Hasan b. 'Ali secretly or openly, and would not intimate any of his companions. 'Abd Allah b. al-Harith and 'Amr b. Salima witnessed the letter and conveyed it to Mu'awiya to take cognizance of its contents and to attest his acceptance.1

Mu'awiya now moved with his army from Maskin to Kufa, where he first camped between al-Nukhayla and the storehouse for provisions. In his speech to the Kufans at al-Nukhayla, he laid out his vision of proper government. He reminded them that he had stipulated conditions, made promises to them to cut short the war, to persuade the people and calm them. He stated that his promises to al-Hasan b. 'Ali and anyone else were but dirt under his feet, which would not be kept.2

While still camping outside Kufa, he faced a Kharijite rebellion led by Farwa b. Nawfal al-Ashja'i. Al-Hasan had already left for Medina together with his brother al-Husayn and his cousin 'Abd Allah b. Ja'far, accompanied by Mu'awiya as far as Qantarat al-Hira. The caliph now returned to the Kufans threatening them that if they would not take care of their turbulent brethren, he would withdraw his pardon of them. He told them that he had not fought them that they might pray, fast, perform the pilgrimage, and give alms, since they were doing that already. Rather, he fought them in order to command them as their emir, and God had granted him that against their will.3

The year 41 came tobe known as the year of the community ('am al-jama'a). The inter-Muslim war was over, and the unity of the community under a single caliphwas restored . Yet it was not the old community that was resurrected; the universal brotherhood of Islam, the respect the sanctity of Muslim blood legislated by the Prophet (S.A.W.A.) would not return. Umayyad government, whose legitimacy founded on the claim of revenge for the caliph 'Uthman, kept pitting Muslims against Muslims, inciting suspicion, mistrust, hatred and constant strife.

The caliphate itselfwas transformed . No longer was the principle of early merit (sabiqa) and service in the cause of Islam, acknowledged. Instead, swords and soldiers, boots, the natural prop of despotism, determined thenceforth the identity of the vicegerent of God on earth! The caliph became counterpart of and successor to the Roman-Byzantine emperor. He ruled Muslims as his subjects, absolute lord over their life and death. He poisoned al-Hasan the grandson of the Prophet (S.A.W.A.) to remove a hurdle to his appointment of his son Yazid to his succession. Many of the disaffected, smarting under the divisive Umayyad despotism, had not forgotten Mu'awiya's recognition of al-Hasan as his legitimate successor and al-Hasan's stipulation of electoral council.

Having acquired the sole role over the world of Islam, Mu'awiya carried on successfully bribing, cheating, extorting, intimidating, and murdering his way through his reign in order to consolidate his grip on money and power and to secure the succession of his unattractive son. Lacking Islamic legitimacy, his reign required the claim of revenge for the wronged caliph as a permanent legitimizing seal.

After the year of the community ('am al-jama'a), Mu'awiya wrote a letter to his tax collectors in which he said, “Let the conquered people refrain from mentioning any merit to Abu Turab or his kinsmen.” So in every village and on every pulpit preachers stood up cursing 'Ali, disowning him, disparaging him and his house. In another letter he wrote, “Make search for those you can find who were partisans of 'Uthman and those who supported his rule and those who uphold his merits and qualities. Seek their company, gain access tothem and honor them. Write down for me what everybody relates, as well as his name, that of his father and clan.” Thus, they did until they had increased the number of merits and qualities of 'Uthman. In exchange he sent them presents, garments, gifts and [documents of] pieces of land. Thiswas showered over Arabs mawali alike and it occurred on a large scale in every city, the people competing in ranks and worldly honors. Every lowly individual who went to any governors of Mu'awiya and related about 'Uthman a merit or a virtue was received kindly, his name was takendown and he was given preferential treatment.4

Regular public cursing of 'Ali, identified as the soul of the Prophet,5 in the congregational prayers thus remained a vital institution, which was not abolished until sixty years later by 'Umar II ('Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz). Marwan clearly recognized the importance of the cursing as a tool of government. He told 'Ali b. al-Husayn ” No one was more temperate (akaff) towards our master than your master.” 'Ali b. al-Husayn asked him, “Why do you curse him then from the pulpits?” He answered, “Our reign would not be sound without that.” (La yastaqimulana hadha illa bi hadha).6

Particularly useful for Mu'awiya's purposes was the public cursing of 'Ali in Kufa where, he hoped, it would bring out into the open the latent opposition to Umayyad rule, thus facilitating his measures of repression. When he appointed al-Mughira b. Shu'ba governor of Kufa, he instructed him, “Never desist from abusing and censuring 'Ali, from praying for God's mercy and forgiveness for 'Uthman, from disgracing the followers of 'Ali, from removing them and refusing to listen to them. Moreover, never cease praising the partisans of 'Uthman, bringing them close to you, and listening to them.7

Hujr b. 'Adi acted as the representative for the partisans of 'Ali. Whenever he heard that the government abusing 'Ali and praying for 'Uthman in the mosque, he stood up, quoting ﴾ O you who have faith, be maintainers of justice and witnesses for the sake of Allah. ﴿ (Q: 4/135). Then he gave witness that the one whom they censured and blamed was more worthy of excellence and the one whom they vindicated and extolled was more worthy of censure. Al-Mughira would warn him of the wrath of the ruler but then left him alone. He did not wish to lose the other world by shedding the blood of the best men of the city for the sake securing Mu'awiya's power in this world.8

Al-Mughira vainly attempted to persuade Mu'awiya to change his policy. He pleaded that the caliph had now reached an advanced age. If he were to make a show of justice and spread goodness by displaying concern for his Hashimite kin and by strengthening his bonds with them, since he had no longer anything to fear from them, he would gain from that lasting fame and reward. Mu'awiya answered, “Far from it, would it be so. What fame canI hope for that would last? The brother of Taym [Abu Bakr] reigned, acted justly, and did what he did. As soon as he perished, his fame perished, except for someone occasionally saying, Abu Bakr. Then the brother of 'Adi ['Umar] reigned, strove, and put his shoulder to the wheel for ten years, but as soon as he perished, his fame perished, except for someone occasionally mentioning, 'Umar. Yet Ibn Abi Kabsha [Muhammad]is loudly advertised every day five times, 'I testify that Muhammad is the Messenger of God.' What work could endure and what fame could last after that? No by God, there is nothing but burying, burying. 9

Al-Mughira's successor was Ziyad b. Abih, now recognized, as Mu'awiya's illegitimate brother, who had already held the governorship of Basra for some time. He was determined to restore law, order, and ready to kill in order to make his point. The partisans of 'Ali b. Abi Talib with whom he wanted to deal now were, though loudly criticizing the caliph, neither engaged in armed rebellion, nor endangered the life of any Muslim. Ziyad thus had to provoke an incident to justify bloody repression. Pebbles thrown at his deputy in the mosque provided the occasion. He came hurriedly from Basra and delivered a sermon threatening Hujr with exemplary punishment.

Then he sent his police chief to summon him to the governor. Hujr escaped and for a while found shelter moving from one tribal quarter to another. Then he surrendered voluntarily after he had obtained a guarantee of safety from Ziyad with the condition that he would send him to Mu'awiya for judgment. When he appeared before the governor, Ziyad told him that he could not expect pardon after God had placed him in his power. He imprisoned him and swore that he would have killed him immediately were it not for his guarantee. Then he had Abu Burda b. Abu Musa al-Ash'ari draw up a letter of accusation. He testified, “Hujr b. 'Adi has renounced obedience, departed from the community, cursed the caliph, and incited to war and rebellion, gathered the masses to himself summoning them to break their oaths of allegiance and to overthrow the Commander of the Faithful Mu'awiya. He has committed a manifest act of infidelity towards God.”

He summoned the tribal chiefs to do their duty and thus gathered seventy signatures. The witness of al-Sari b. Waqqas al-Harithi was written down although he was absent in his tax distraction. Shurayh b. Hani' al-Harithi, who did not testify, learned that his testimony had been recorded. He came forward denying it and denouncing the forgery. The Qadhi Shurayh b. al-Harith, whose testimony would evidently have been most useful for the governor, testified that Hujr had been most continuously fasting and praying. Ziyad added his name anyway among the witnesses. The Qadhi Shurayh now wrote to Mu'awiya that his testimony recorded by Ziyad was false and that he testified that Hujr was one of those who perform the prayer, give alms, frequent the pilgrimage and 'umra, command what is right and forbid what is wrong. His blood and property was inviolable.10 The caliph ignored this testimony and went back to his business.

Hujr wrote to him from prison assuring him that he and his companions stood by their pledge of allegiance to him and that only their enemies had testified against them. The caliph ruled that the testimony of Ziyad b. Abih was truthful. In the end, he released six of the fourteen accused because their Syrian relatives asked for their pardon. He refused the request of Malik b. Hubyra for the life of Hujr. The eight men were offered pardon if they would declare their dissociation from 'Ali and curse him; they refused; six were executed. The remaining two now asked the executioners to send them to the caliph, promising to say about 'Ali whatever the caliph said.

Led before Mu'awiya, Karim b. 'Afif appealed to him, “Fear God Mu'awiya, you will be transferred from this passing abode to the other, permanent abode and will then be asked what you desired by killing us and why you shed our blood.” Mu'awiya, “What do you say about 'Ali?” He answered, “I say about him what you say.I dissociate from the religion of 'Ali with which he professed obedience to God.” Mu'awiya did not want to release him, but Shamir b. 'Abd Allah asked him for the life of his relatives. Mu'awiya released him on the condition that he would not enter Kufa during his reign. When 'Abd al-Rahman b. Hayyan, the other surviving convict was led before the caliph, Mu'awiya asked him, “What do you say about 'Ali?” He replied, “Leave me and do not ask me, for that is better for you.”

Mu'awiya, “By God I shall not leave you until you tell me about him.” He said, “I witness that he was of those who mention of God often [al-dhakirin Allah kathiran], who command what is right [al-amirin bi al-haqq], who act with justice [al-qa'imin bi al-qest] and forgive the people [al-'afin 'an al-nas].” Mu'awiya, “What do you say about 'Uthman?” He answered, “He was the first one to open the gate of oppression and bolted the doors of the right [awwal man fatahabab al-zulm wa 'rtaja abwab al-haqq].” Mu'awiya now sent him to Ziyad and wrote to him, “This is the worst one you have sent to me. Kill him in the worst fashion.” Ziyad sent him to Quss al-Natif, where he was buried alive.11 For Mu'awiya the principle that the ruler must have authority to kill and pardon his subjects at his own judgment without being subject to the divine law was a vital tool of government. He had been waiting long for an occasion to establish it. Roman state ideology and tyranny triumphed thus over Islam and Arab tribal laws.

The shock was inevitably profound. Mu'awiya found it again convenient to resort the ruler's privilege of putting the blame on his underlings and subjects. Even 'A’isha, in spite of her aversion to 'Ali and his partisans, sent a noble Makhzumite to Mu'awiya to intercede for Hujr and his companions, but he arrived only after the execution.12 The Basran 'Uthmanid al-Hasan al-Basri counted the killing of Hujr as one the four pernicious crimes (mubiqa) committed by Mu'awiya.13

Notes

1. Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 287.

2. Abu al-Faraj, Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, 69; Baladhuri, Ansab, 3: 291.

3. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, 16: 14-15; Abu al-Faraj, Maqatil, 70.

4. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, 11: 44.

5. See Q 3: 61.

6. Baladhuri, Ansab, 2: 407.

7. Tabari, Ta’rikh, 7: 112.

8. Ibid, 113-114.

9. Ibn Abi al-Hadid, 5: 129-130.

10. Baladhuri, Ansab, 5: 264; Tabari, Ta'rikh, 7: 134.

11. Baladhuri, Ansab, 5: 266; Tabari, Ta'rikh, 7: 111-143.

12. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 145.

13. Tabari, Ta'rikh, 146.