NAFASUL MAHMOOM; Relating to the Heart Rending Tragedy of Karbala

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NAFASUL MAHMOOM;  Relating to the Heart Rending Tragedy of Karbala Author:
Translator: Aejaz Ali Bhujwala (Al-Husainee)
Publisher: Ansariyan Publications – Qum
Category: Imam Hussein
ISBN: 964-438-654-X

NAFASUL MAHMOOM; Relating to the Heart Rending Tragedy of Karbala
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NAFASUL MAHMOOM;  Relating to the Heart Rending Tragedy of Karbala

NAFASUL MAHMOOM; Relating to the Heart Rending Tragedy of Karbala

Author:
Publisher: Ansariyan Publications – Qum
ISBN: 964-438-654-X
English

1

Part 1: On what befell Imam Husayn (a.s.) before Yazid bin Mu’awiyah claimed alle­giance from him, until his Martyrdom

After the death of Imam Hasan (a.s.), a movement came about among the Shi’ah of Iraq. They wrote a letter to Imam Husayn (a.s.) stating their intention of deposing Mu’awiyah and their readiness (to support him) and swearing the allegiance (bay’ah) at his hands. In reply to their letter Imam Husayn (a.s.) wrote that he disagreed to it because a pact had been made between them and Mu’awiyah, which would not be violated by them until the period expired (till Mu’awiyah died), and when Mu’awiyah dies it would then be decided as to what would be done.

Mu’awiyah died in the middle of the month of Rajab 60 A.H. Yazid wrote a letter to Waleed bin Utba bin Abu Sufyan, who was appointed the governor of Madina by Mu’awiyah, to demand the oath of allegiance from Husayn ibn Ali (a.s.) immediately.

Relating to the death of Mu’awiyah bin Abu Sufyan

The governor of Madina and Imam Husayn (a.s.)

Discourse of Allamah Majlisi in Biharul Anwar

On Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s intention on proceeding towards Makkah (from Madina) and the letters addressed to him by the people of Kufa

Muslim bin Aqeel’s departure from Makkah in mid-Ramazan according to the discourse by Mas’oodi

Imam’s letter to the noblemen of Basra

Ubaydullah bin Ziyad’s exit from Basra towards Kufa

Ubaydullah in Kufa

Martyrdom of Meytham bin Yahya at Tammar

Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s intention of proceeding towards Iraq from Makkah

Relating to Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s departure from Makkah towards Iraq

Information to Hurr bin Yazeed ar Riyahi, his encounter with Imam Husayn (a.s.) and resisting him from going towards Kufa

Imam Husayn (a.s.) on way to Kufa

Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s halt at the ground of Karbala, Umar bin Sa’ad’s entry, and the circumstances therein

Imam Husayn (a.s.) in Karbala’

Shimr bin Ziljawshan’s arrival at Karbala and the events on the night of ninth Muharram

Relating to the events of the night before Ashura’ (the tenth of Muharram)

Relating to the events of the day of Ashura’, the array of the two armies and Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s remonstration amidst the people of Kufa

Praise of the battle of the companions of Imam Husayn (a.s.) and their Martyrdom (May Allah be pleased with them)

Combat of the members of Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s Household (Ahlul Bayt) and their Martyrdom (May Allah be pleased with them)

Relating to the Martyrdom of Our Master Abu Abdullah Husayn (a.s.), and furthermore the Martyrdom of a suckling child and Abdullah bin Hasan (a.s.)

Relating to the death of Mu’awiyah bin Abu Sufyan

Mas’oodi and other historians narrate, that in the former days of his ill­ness (because of which he died) one day Mu’awiyah went to the bath house. When he looked at his weak and feeble body, he started weeping, for he realized that his end was near and he recited the following couplet: “I see that time has hastened to break me, and has taken some of my part from me and left some, the deflection of my length and breadth has made him sit down, after having stood for a lengthy period of time.”

And when his death and the days of separation of the world drew near and his illness increased, while the chances of his recovery seemed less, he recited some couplets in remorse: “I wish I had not been a sovereign for a instant, nor would I have been blinded while being absorbed in worldly pleasures, (I wish) I would have been similar to the poor, who suffices upon the necessities until he joins the people of the grave.”

Ibn Aseer Jazari says that during his illness Mu’awiyah said, “I am like that livestock whose time of harvesting has neared. My kingship and ruler­ship over you has been for a long time, because of which I am sick of you and you are sick of me. I desire to be separated from you and you wish the same, but I am better than the one who will rule over you after me, as those who were before me were better than me. It is said that whoever likes to meet the Almighty, the Almighty too likes to meet him.

O Allah! I like to meet You and I request You to like my meeting too and make it a means of prosperity for me.” After some time the signs of death became apparent upon him and when he realized his certain death, he called his son Yazid and said:

Mu’awiyah’s will to his son Yazid

“O my dear son! I have fastened the load of pain and have warded off rebellion from you, and have straightened up matters. I have tamed the enemies, have brought the reins of the Arabs in your hands, and have accumulated that for you which no one has ever done. Thus consider the people of Hijaz, who are your foundation and your roots. Give respect to those among the people of Hijaz who come to you, and keep inquiring about those who are not present among them.

Besides, consider the people of Iraq, and if they desire that you depose a Governor every day, do not refuse, for it is easy to change a Governor than to face ten thousand swords drawn forth facing you.

Favor the people of Syria for they are your near-ones and your reservoirs, and if you fear an enemy, ask for their help. And when you have accomplished your goal (of defeating the enemy) return them back to the cities (of Syria), for if they remain elsewhere their manners will change.

I do not fear anyone opposing or fighting with you on the question of Caliphate except four persons. Those being Husayn bin Ali, Abdullah bin Umar, Abdullah bin Zubayr and Abdul Rahman bin Abu Bakr.1

As regards Abdullah bin Umar, (excessive) worship has broken him, if no one remains to assist him, he shall succumb to you. As regards Husayn bin Ali, he is light-minded person, and the people of Iraq will betray him until they force him to rebel. If he revolts and you gain victory over him, excuse him, for he is linked to us through relation and he keeps greater right while having relation and nearness of the Holy Prophet. As regards the son of Abu Bakr, he follows that what his companions like, and his aspiration are only women and play. While the one who like a Lion lies in ambush, and the Fox who is playing a game with you and is in track of an opportunity to pounce upon you is the son of Zubayr. And if he revolts and you gain vic­tory over him, separate every joint of his. Try and keep safe the blood of our own people.”

It is said that during the days of the illness and death of his father Mu’awiyah, Yazid was not present in Syria. Hence Mu’awiyah called for Zahhak bin Qays and Muslim bin Uqba Murri and instructed them to hand over his will to Yazid, while this seems quite acceptable.

Ibn Aseer further says that in his illness Mu’awiyah had become delirious and would sometimes say, “What is the distance between ourselves and Gootah (the name of a fertile oasis on the south side of Syria)” Hearing this his daughter started wailing aloud, “O Sorrow!” Mu’awiyah regained conscious­ness and said, “If you are incongruous (you have the right to do so), for you have seen the incongruous one.”

When Mu’awiyah died, Zahhak bin Qays came outside his house and ascended the pulpit when the shroud of Mu’awiyah was in his hands. He praised and glorified the Almighty and said, “Verily Mu’awiyah was a support, brave and a fortunate Arab by whose hands Allah turned away conspiracies and mis­chief. And Allah bestowed him the sovereignty upon His slaves, and the cities and towns were under his control. But now he has died and this is his shroud. And we will cover him with this shroud and enter him in his grave, and we shall leave him in the intermediate period (barzakh) until the day of Judgment. Then whoever desires to pray the Prayer over him should gather at the time of Zuhr to do so.” Zahhak himself lead the Prayer over his dead body.

It is said that when Mu’awiyah became severely ill, his son Yazid was at Hawareen (a town in Halab, Syria). A letter was sent to him to hasten to meet his father. When the letter reached Yazid, he recited the following couplet: “The messenger arrived with a closed letter by which the heart became tense, we said, woe be to you, what do you have in the document, he replied that the caliph is motionless, in pain.”

When Yazid reached Syria, Mu’awiyah had already been buried, hence he recited the Prayer over his grave.2

Notes

1. In this narration the name of Abdul Rahman bin Abu Bakr is quoted which is an error, for he had already died before Mu’awiyah.

2. Some of the crimes committed by Mu’awiyah depicting his villainous character:

(1) The gravest sin being his poisoning Imam Hasan (a.s.), the grandson of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (S), by alluring his wife Ja’dah bint Ash’as (Murujuz Zahab and Isbatul Wasiyyah - Mas’oodi Vol 2: Page 47, Tareekh - Abul Fida Vol 1: Page 182, Iqdul Fareed - Ibn Abd Rabbah Vol 2: Page 11, Rawzatul Manazir - Ibn Shahnah Vol 2: Page 133, Tareekhul Khamees - Husayn Dayarbakri Vol 2: Page 238, Akbarut Tiwal - Dinawari Page 400, Maqatilat Talibeyeen - Abul Faraj Isfahani, Isti’ab - Ibn Abdul Birr etc.

(2) Instigating the murder of Imam Ali (a.s.) (con­firmed by the murderer Ibn Muljim as quoted by Hakim Sanai in Manaqibe Murtaďawi Page 277)

(3) Murdering Muhammad bin Abi Bakr, companion of Imam Ali (a.s.) and son of Caliph Abu Bakr (Tareekh - Tabari Vol 4: Page 592),

(4) Murdering Malik bin Haris Ashtar, companion of Imam Ali (a.s.) and a Tabe’e (Tareekh - Tabari Vol 4: Page 521),

(5) Assassinating Hujr bin Adi, the companion of the Holy Prophet (S) and his companions (Tareekh - Ibn Asakir, Isti’ab - Ibn Abdul Birr, Tareekhe Kamil - Ibn Aseer Jazari, Dalailun Nubuwwah - Bayhaqi, Tareekh - Ya’qoob bin Sufyan,

(6) Harassing Abu Zarr al Ghifari, the distinguished companion of the Holy Prophet (S) (Murujuz Zahab - Mas’oodi, Tareekh - Ibn Wadih Ya’qoobi),

(7) Laying the foundation stone of cursing Imam Ali (a.s.) the cousin and son in law of the Holy Prophet (S) and his progeny on the streets, Mosques, pulpits and in daily Prayers (Tareekh Kamil - Ibn Aseer, Iqdul Fareed - Ibn Abd Rabbah, Tareekh - Abul Fida, Rawzatul Manazir - Ibn Shahnah, Sharh Maqasid - Taftazani, Khilafat wa Mulukiyyat - Abul A’ala Mawdudi Page 100),

(8) Shamelessly disregarding the terms of the peace treaty entered into (and accepted by him) with Imam Hasan (a.s.) (Tareekhe Kamil - Ibn Aseer, Tareekh - Abul Fida, Rawzatul Manazir - Ibn Shahnah),

(9) Causing whole scale terror and bloodshed of Muslims while dispatching his blood thirsty commanders (Tareekh Kamil - Ibn Aseer, Tareekh - Abul Fida, Tareekhul Madina - Samhudi, Maqatilat Talibiyeen - Abul Faraj Isfahani, Tareekh - Ibn Khalliqan, Tareekh - Ibn Asakir, Tareekh - Tabari, Sharh Nahjul Balagha - Ibn Abil Hadeed Mu’tazili),

(10) Nurturing false traditionists like Abu Hurayra and provoking them to forge traditions against Ahlul Bayt (a.s.),

(11) Including Ziyad (the illegitimate son of a prostitute Sumayyah) among the Bani Umayyah by declaring him to be his brother (Tareekh - Abul Fida, Khilafat wa Mulukiyyat - Abul A’ala Mawdudi Page 162/3),

(12) Unlawfully appointing Yazid, his evil and immoral son, as his successor, Caliph of the Muslims and Vicegerent of the Holy Prophet (S),

(13) Instigating the battle of Siffīn against the Commander of the faithful Imam Ali (a.s.) thus shedding the blood of devout Muslims and Prophet’s companions like Ammar bin Yasir, Khuzaymah bin Sabit etc therein,

(14) A self styled monarch, a reveler worse than the Caesars and Chosroes (as witnessed by Umar bin Khattab in Isti’ab - Ibn Abdul Birr Vol 1: Page 253 and Tareekhe Kamil - Ibn Aseer Vol 3: Page 216, Al Bidaya wan Nihaya - Shahrestani Vol 8: Page 125),

(15) Disregard for lawful or unlawful (Muhaziratul Adibba’ - Raghib Isfahani Page 370), (16) A wine bibber as confirmed by Abdullah bin Buraydah in Musnad - Imam Ahmad Ibn Hanbal Vol 5: Page 347),

(16) Himself an illegitimate child (Rabi’ul Abrar - Za­makhshari, Sarguzashte Mu’awiyah - Mawlawi Abdul Wahid Khan Page 25, Masa­lib Bani Umayyah - Isma’il bin Ali Hanafi), apart from being an adulterer, gambler, gluttonous and evil personified (Ref. Sarguzashte Mu’awiyah - Abdul Waheed Khan).

The Governor of Madina and Imam Husayn (a.s.)

(Kamil) When Yazid had taken the oath of allegiance for the Caliphate from the people, he wrote a letter to Waleed bin Utba informing him of the death of Mu’awiyah. In a short letter he wrote, “Now then!1 Ask for the oath of allegiance from Husayn, Abdullah bin Umar and Abdullah bin Zubayr, and do not give them respite until they do so.”

When Waleed read about the death of Mu’awiyah, he was alarmed and the news disturbed him, thus reluctantly he summoned Marwan bin Hakam. Marwan was the governor of Madina before Waleed, and hence when Waleed became the governor, he hated and abused him while separating himself from him for a long time until the news of the death of Mu’awiyah and the demand of alle­giance from the people reached him. This being difficult for him, he called for Marwan.

When Marwan came, Waleed read the contents of the letter to him. When Marwan heard it he recited “Verily we are Allah’s and verily unto Him shall we return”, and he prayed for blessings to be bestowed upon Mu’awiyah. When Waleed asked his advice regarding the issue, Marwan re­plied, “In my opinion, before announcing the death of Mu’awiyah, summon these persons this very moment (and ask them to swear the oath of alle­giance for Yazid). If they refuse, cut off their necks before they learn about Mu’awiyah’s death. For if they become slightly aware of this, each one of them will go away to different places and start revolting, and shall claim themselves eligible for the Caliphate.”

Waleed called for Abdullah bin ‘Amr bin Usman, who was just a lad, to summon Imam Husayn (a.s.) and Abdullah bin Zubayr to meet him. It was a time when Waleed usually did not meet anyone. Abdullah bin ‘Amr saw them seated in the Mosque and conveyed Waleed’s message to meet them. They told him to go back and that they would soon follow him. Abdullah bin Zubayr turned towards Imam Husayn (a.s.) and said, “In your opinion what is the reason for Waleed to call us to meet him at this unusual hour”? Imam re­plied, “I presume that their leader of rebels has died and he has called us to swear the oath of allegiance to Yazid before the news spreads among other people.” Abdullah too consented to it and asked as to what he would do. Imam replied that he would go to meet Waleed accompanied by some youths. (Irshad)

Then he called for a group from among his relatives and said,

“Lift up your arms, for Waleed has called me at this hour and might force me to do that which I detest. I do not trust him, thus remain with me. When I go inside to meet him, you all sit at the door, and when you hear my voice raised, barge inside to defend me.”

When Imam came to Waleed, he saw Marwan sitting with him. Waleed gave the news of the death of Mu’awiyah to Imam Husayn (a.s.), and he recited: “Verily we are Allah’s and verily unto Him shall we return.” Then Waleed read the letter of Yazid and his order to get the pledge of allegiance for him. Imam replied,

“I understand that you shall not agree if I swear the oath of allegiance in secrecy and privately until and unless I do so pub­licly so that people may be informed about it.”

Waleed replied in the affirmative. Imam Husayn (a.s.) said,

“In that case wait until dawn.”

Waleed replied, “As you desire. You may go in Allah’s refuge, until you come to me with the people.” Marwan said, “If Husayn goes away from your midst without swearing the oath of allegiance, you will never have the power to ask the allegiance again until much bloodshed between him and you. Hence imprison him till he swears the oath of allegiance, or else cut off his head.” Imam Husayn (a.s.) arose and said,

“O son of Zarqa! Will you dare to kill me? Verily you have lied and have sinned.”

Saying this Imam Husayn (a.s.) came outside and returned back with his men to his house. Then Marwan turned towards Waleed and said, “You disobeyed me? By Allah! You will never be able to lay your hands upon him.” Waleed replied, “Woe be to your soul which is your own enemy O Marwan! You have advised me regarding that which would ruin my religion. By Allah! I do not like to acquire the wealth and domin­ion over which the sun rises and sets if it involved the killing of Husayn. Glory be to Allah! I should kill Husayn simply because he refused to swear the oath of allegiance? By Allah! I am convinced that whoever is asso­ciated with the killing of Husayn, on the day of Qiyamah he (his deeds) will weigh less in scales near Allah.” Marwan said, “If this is what you think, then whatever you did is quite right.” Then he returned back dis­pleased with him.

Ibn Shahr Aashob writes in Manaqib that when Imam Husayn (a.s.) went to meet Waleed and read the contents of the letter, he said that he would not swear the oath of allegiance (bay’ah). Marwan, who was present there said, “Swear the oath of allegiance to the Commander of the faithful (meaning Yazid).” Imam Husayn (a.s.) replied,

“Woe to you! Verily you have attrib­uted falsehood to the believers. Who has made him the Commander of the faithful”?

Hearing this Marwan arose and unsheathed his sword and said, “Call the executioner and tell to behead him before he leaves from here, and the responsibility of his blood will be on my neck.” When voices were raised, nineteen men from among the family of Imam barged in with daggers and Imam Husayn (a.s.) went away with them.

When this news reached Yazid, he deposed Waleed and appointed Marwan as the governor of Madina. After this Imam Husayn (a.s.) and Abdullah bin Zubayr left for Makkah, and Abdul Rahman bin Abu Bakr and Abdullah bin Umar were left untouched.2

As regards Abdullah ibn Zubayr, when he received Waleed’s message he replied that he would soon come, then he went to his house and hid himself. Waleed followed him thereafter and saw that he had gathered his friends and had segregated himself. Waleed pressed him but Abdullah said that he wanted respite to think over. Then Waleed sent his slaves to Abdullah who went and abused him saying, “You will have to come to us or else he will slay you.” Abdullah said, “I am wary because of your compulsion. Give me respite, so that I may dispatch one of my men to the governor to ask what he wants from me.”

Then he sent his brother Ja’far bin Zubayr. Ja’far went to Waleed and said, “May Allah’s mercy be upon you! Lift your hands off Abdullah for you have frightened him. Tomorrow he will come to you Allah willing, hence command your envoys to return back.” Waleed sent someone to call back his messengers who returned back. On the same night Abdullah, accompanied by his brother Ja’far, left for Makkah taking the road of Fara’, and no one else accompanied them.

(Irshad) In the morning when Waleed was informed about his flight, he sent a slave of Bani Umayyah with eighty horsemen, who galloped behind him, but could not trace him hence returned back. And that day they remained busy in the affair of Imam Husayn (a.s.) and dispensed with him until the night approached.

In the morning Imam Husayn (a.s.) came out of his house to hear the reports from the people, when he came across Marwan. Marwan said, “O Aba Abdillah! I desire your goodwill, thus accept what I say until you reach the road of righteousness.” Imam told him to say what he wanted to. Marwan replied, “I say that you swear the oath of allegiance to Yazid, for it will be better for your life of this world and the hereafter.” Imam Husayn replied,

“Verily we are Allah’s and verily unto Him shall we return. Peace upon Islam if the nation gets trapped in the leadership of Yazid, for I have heard my Grandfather say that Caliphate is forbidden upon the children of Abu Sufyan.”

Thus they started talking to each other and their correspon­dence increased, in the end Marwan was offended and left.

On the same day Waleed sent some people to the presence of Imam Husayn (a.s.) so that he may come to swear the oath of allegiance. Imam replied,

“Let morning dawn and we shall see and you too shall see.”

When they heard this they did not force him and returned back. On the same night he left from Madina, and it was the night of twenty-eighth of the month of Rajab. He left accompanied by his sons, brothers, nephews and his family members except Muhammad ibn Hanafiyah. Muhammad was not aware as to where he would go and hence said,

“O brother! You are most dear and beloved near me and hence you are most worthy for the gift of advice. Keep away from Yazid bin Mu’awiyah and from the renowned cities as far as you can. Scatter your messengers around and invite people towards yourself. If people obey your command and swear fealthy to you, offer Praise to the Almighty, and if they leave you and gather around someone else, your intellect and religion will not be lessened. And your valor and mercy will not diminish. I fear lest you go to a renowned town wherein a group of people supports you while the others may rebel and thus you may fall prey to their lances. At that time, the one who is the best person among all the people with regard to himself and his parents, his blood may spill and his family be humiliated.”

Imam Husayn (a.s.) replied,

“O dear brother! Where should I go to”?

Muhammad replied,

“Go to Makkah, and halt there. If you find relief, settle there for that is what you seek. And if the climate does not suit you, go towards Yemen. If you find safety therein, stay or else take refuge in the deserts and mountains. Then go from one place to another until you find out the position of the affairs of the people. At that moment your decision will be the best opinion.”

Imam Husayn (a.s.) replied,

“O brother! You have advised rightly and I wish that your advise may be firm and trium­phant.”

Then he went to the Mosque and recited the following couplets of Yazid bin Mufarri’:

“Neither will I offend the grazing cattle in the morn­ing, nor shall I be called Yazid. There will never come the day when I will yield submissively, and death watches me to back off.”

Notes

1. Amma Ba’ad: A formulary phrase linking introduction and actual subject of a book, letter or speech

2. As regards Marwan the son of Hakam bin As, his animosity towards Prophet Muhammad (S) is quite renowned. The Holy Prophet (S) had banished Hakam bin Aas from Madina due to his rancor against Islam along with his son Marwan (Ref. Tareekh - Abul Fida, Milal wan Nihal - Shahrestani, Ma’arif - Ibn Qutaybah Page 94, Isti’ab - Ibn Abdul Birr Page 118-119, Isabah - Ibn Hajar Vol 1: Page 344, Riyazun Nazarah - Muhibuddin Tabari Vol 2: Page 143).

Thus Marwan was often addressed as “Tareed ibn Tareed” (the exiled and son of the exiled). When Usman bin Affan ascended the Caliphate, he called both of them back, being himself from the Bani Umayyah, and presented them with lavish gifts and went to the extent of marrying one of his daughters to Marwan. Marwan’s hatred towards the Prophet’s Ahlul Bayt (a.s.) came to light when Imam Hasan (a.s.) was martyred and his body was brought to the grave of the Holy Prophet (S) to be buried along side him. It was Marwan, who along with with the other Bani Umayyah objected strongly against doing so.

He started reciting: “O Lord! Battle is better than ease. Should Usman be buried in the outskirts of Madina and Hasan be buried along side the Prophet? That will never be while I carry a sword.” After which arrows were shot at the body of Imam Hasan (a.s.) and he had to be buried, in accordance to his will, at Jannatul Baqi’ (Ref. Rawzatus Safa - Muhammad bin Khawind Shah Vol 3: Page 7, Tareekh - Abul Fida Vol 1: Page 183, Rawzatul Manazir - Ibn Shahnah Vol 2: Page 133, Tareekhe Kamil - Ibn Aseer Vol 3: Page 182).

Marwan’s grandmother Zarqa, the daughter of Wahab, was a renowned prosti­tute (Ref. Kitaban Niza wat Taqasum, Page 20 - Ahmad bin Ali Maqrizi) In the above episode Imam Husayn (a.s.) refers to him saying “O son of Zarqa” thus announcing his ignoble descent.

Discourse of Allamah Majlisi in Biharul Anwar

Allamah Majlisi relates in Bihar al Anwar that Muhammad bin Abu Talib Musawi says, that when Waleed received the letter to slay Imam Husayn (a.s.) it was very hard upon him and he said,

“By Allah! May Allah not let me witness the murder of the son of His Prophet, even if Yazid gives me the entire the world and whatever is contained therein in lieu of it.”

It is said that one night Imam Husayn (a.s.) stepped out of his house and went to the head of the grave of his Grandfather and said,

“Salutations be upon you O Prophet of Allah! I am Husayn the son of Fatima (a.s.). I am your beloved and the child of your beloved. I am your son whom you have left as your heir among your ummah. Thus O Prophet of Allah! Be a witness that these people have deserted me and neglected me while refusing to protect me. This is my complaint to you until I come to your presence.”

Then he arose and started reciting the Prayers, constantly bowing and pros­trating. Waleed went to his house to inquire whether the Imam had left Madina or no. When he saw that the Imam was not there he said, “Thanks to Allah that he has left and I have been saved from being indicted and in­volved in spilling his blood.” Then Imam returned back to his home and on the second night he again went to the grave of the Holy Prophet (S) and recited some units of Prayers. After finishing the Prayers he said,

“O Allah! This is the grave of Your Prophet, and I am the grandson of Your Prophet. You are aware as to what has befallen me. Verily I cherish virtue and righteousness and abhor evil. O Lord of Glory and Honor! I adjure You by the right of this grave and the one who is buried therein, to bring forth for me that which is approved by You and Your Prophet.”

Imam con­tinued weeping until the morning, then he placed his head on the grave and slept for a short time. He dreamt that the Prophet (S), surrounded by the Angels from the left, right and front, coming towards him. The Prophet came near and pressed Imam Husayn (a.s.)’s head to his chest. Then he kissed him between his eyes and said,

“O my beloved Husayn! It is as if I see you smeared in blood at the place of grief and trials, and a group from among my people have beheaded you, and you are thirsty while they do not quench your thirst. In spite of this they desire my intercession (on the day of Qiyamah). May Allah keep them away from my intercession. O my beloved Husayn! Your Father, Mother and Brother have come to me and they are desirous of meeting you. And you have acquired such a lofty position in Paradise, that unless you attain Martyrdom you shall not get there.”

Imam looked at his Grandfather and said,

“O Grandfather! I do not desire to return back to this world. Please take me along with you and enter me into your grave.”

The Prophet replied,

“You should return back (towards the world) and attain Martyrdom, and thus gain whatever great rewards Allah has reserved for you. For on the day of Qiyamah, you, your Father, your Uncle and Yours Father’s Uncle shall arise as a distinguished group until you all enter Paradise.”

Imam Husayn (a.s.) arose from his sleep alarmed and nar­rated his dream to his family and the progeny of Abdul Muttalib. On that day no one in the world was more grievous and sorrowful than the family of the Holy Prophet (S).

Thus, Imam Husayn (a.s.) started making preparations for the journey. During midnight he went to the graves of his Mother Hazrat Fatima (a.s.) and his Brother Imam Hasan (a.s.) to bid them farewell.

In the morning when he returned back to his home, his brother Muhammad ibn Hanafiyah came to him and said, “O dear brother! You are most dear and beloved to me than anyone else. And I will not refuse to advise anyone except you, being most worthy of it, for you are from me, and are my life, my spirit and my eyes and the elder of my family. Your obedience is obligatory upon me for Allah has exalted you over me and has chosen you as the Master of the Youth of Paradise.” Then he recited the entire Tradition narrated by the Prophet (S) viz.

“Hasan and Husayn are the chiefs of the youth of Paradise.”

Then he said, “I desire that you go to Makkah, if you find peace, stay there, and if the matter turns out to be different, then go to Yemen, for the people therein are among the helpers and followers of your Grandfather and Father. And they are the most kind hearted and merciful among men, while their towns and cities are vast. Then if you can halt there, do so, if not, then seek shelter in the deserts and mountain-caves and go from one town to the other until you witness the state of affairs of people, and may Allah judge between us and the group these of evil-doers.”

Imam Husayn (a.s.) replied,

“O brother! Although there is no place left in this world for sheltering me, I shall never ever swear the oath of alle­giance to Yazid.”

Hearing this Muhammad ibn Hanafiyah concluded his speech and started weeping and the Imam too wept. Then he said,

“O Brother! May Allah reward you favorably, for you have advised me and have opined righteously. As regards yourself O dear brother! You may stay behind in Madina and be alert and keep informing me about the affairs of the enemies.”

Then Imam Husayn (a.s.) asked for paper and pen and wrote the following recommendation for his brother Muhammad bin Hanafiyah:

“In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful. This contains that which has been willed by Husayn bin Ali bin Abi Talib to his brother Muhammad re­nowned as Ibn Hanafiyah. Verily Husayn bears witness that there is no Lord except Allah Alone. And bears witness that Muhammad (S) is the Slave and the Messenger of Allah, who has been righteously chosen by Him. And that Paradise and hell are truth, and without doubt the day of Qiyamah will come. And Allah will arise all those who are buried inside their graves. I have not risen to spread evil or to show off, nor for spreading immorality or oppression. But I have left for the betterment of the ummah of my Grand­father and I desire to propagate the Religion and forbid against evil, thus following the footsteps of my Grandfather and Father Ali bin Abi Talib (a.s.). Thus the one who accepts truth through me, will have received truth from Allah, while the one who betrays me, I shall forebear until Allah judges between myself and the oppressive creed and verily Allah is the Best Judge. This is the testimony to you from me O brother. And my favors is with Allah Alone on Whom alone I rely, and my return is towards Him.”

Then he folded the letter and affixed his seal on it and gave it to his brother Muhammad ibn Hanafiyah and bade him farewell and left in the darkness of the night.

Muhammad bin Abu Talib says that Muhammad bin Ya’qoob has related in Wasael from Muhammad bin Yahya, from Muhammad bin Husayn, from Ayyub bin Nuh, from Safwaan, from Marwan bin Isma’il, from Hamza bin Humran who says that we questioned Imam Ja’far as Sadiq (a.s.) regarding the uprising of Imam Husayn (a.s.) and the lagging behind of Muhammad ibn Hanafiyah in Madina. Imam replied,

“O Hamza! I shall relate to you a report after which you will never put forward such questions to me in any gathering. When Imam Husayn (a.s.) intended to leave Madina, he called for the paper and wrote therein: In the Name of Allah the Beneficent, the Merciful. This is from Husayn bin Ali bin Abi Talib to the Bani Hashim. Now then! The one who accompanies me shall be martyred, while the one who separates from me will not attain success and peace. Salutations.”

Conversation of Angels with Imam Husayn (a.s.)

Shaikh Mufeed has narrated through his chain of transmitters, that Imam Ja’far as Sadiq (a.s.) said, that when Imam Husayn (a.s.) left Madina, a group of Angels, having distinct marks, met him on the way. They carried swords in their hands and had mounted the horses of Paradise. They came to Imam, saluted him and said, “O Allah’s Proof (Hujjah) upon the creatures after your Grandfather, Father and Brother! Allah the Glorious had rendered help to your Grandfather through our medium in many of his battles, and has now sent us to assist you.” Imam replied,

“The promised land is called Karbala, thus you may come to me there.”

They said, “O Proof of Allah! You may command whatever you desire and we will comply to it and obey you. If you fear the enemies we shall defend you against them.” Imam replied,

“They have no way upon me and they will not be able to hurt me until I reach my (destined) mausoleum.”

The army of genie in defense of Imam Husayn (a.s.)

Numerous groups of Muslim genie came to Imam Husayn (a.s.) and said, “O our Master! We are your adherents and helpers thus we shall fulfill your command, whatever it be. If you desire we will halt here and slay all your enemies.” Imam replied,

“May Allah reward you with goodness! Haven’t you read the Qur’an which was revealed to my Grandfather, wherein is stated:

“Wherever you be, death will overtake you, even if you be in towers (strong and) lofty.” (Surah an-Nisaa’, 4:78)

and it is stated,

“Those for whom slaugh­ter was ordained would certainly have gone forth to the places where they (now) lie (slain).” (Surah aal-‘Imraan, 3:154)

Then if I remain in this place, how would this unfortunate nation be tested and tried? And who will lay in my grave in Karbala. (On the day) When Allah the Glorious spread the earth, He chose that land for me. And has made it a place of refuge for my followers (Shi’ah) so that they might find peace there under in this world as well as the hereafter. Come to me on Saturday, for I shall be martyred in the end of the week on the tenth. No one from among my family, friends, brothers and relatives will remain alive after my death, my head will then be taken to Yazid.”

The genie said, “O friend of Allah! And O the son of the friend of Allah! If the obedience of your orders would not have been obligatory on us and killing would not have been unlawful, we would surely have killed all your enemies before they reach you.” Imam replied,

“By Allah! We are competent enough to kill them than you. But the intention is that one should be killed with (presenting valid) proofs and reasons, and should be guided with proofs and reasons.”

In other words, the Imam did not wish that they be destroyed before submitting his proofs unto them. (Here ends that which has been quoted in the book of Muhammad bin Abi Talib)

Dialogue of Umm Salama (a.s.) with Imam Husayn (a.s.) during his journey

Allamah Majlisi says that I have read in some books, that when Imam Husayn (a.s.) decided to leave Madina, Umm Salama (a.s.) came to him and said, “O my dear son! Do not aggrieve me by going towards Iraq. For I have heard your Grandfather say that my son Husayn will be killed in Iraq at a place called Karbala.” Imam replied,

“O dear Grandmother! I too am aware of it and I shall be forcefully killed while there is no escape from it. By Allah! I know the day when I shall be killed and recognize my murderer besides being aware of the Mausoleum where I shall be buried. And I know all those people among my family, relatives and followers who shall die along with me. And I wish to show you the place where I shall be buried.”

Then he pointed towards Karbala and the land there at arose and he showed her the places where he would be buried, where he would lay martyred, the site of his encampment, and the place where he would halt. When Umm Salama saw this she wept bitterly and offered all decree to the Almighty. Then Imam said,

“O Grandmother! Allah Almighty desires to see me killed and that my head be severed with cruelty and injustice. Besides (Allah) desires that my family and womenfolk be expelled, and my children oppressed, bare headed, arrested and bound in chains. And they would plead and call out for help, but none would come to their aid.”

In another tradition it is stated that Umm Salama told Imam Husayn (a.s.) that, “I have with me some sand which your Grandfather had given and which lies in a bottle.” Imam replied,

“By Allah! I shall be killed even if I do not go to Iraq.”

Then he lifted a handful of earth (from the land of Karbala which had risen) and giving it to Umm Salama said, “Mix this with the sand in the bottle given to you by my Grandfather, when it turns into blood, know that I have been martyred.” (Here ends the quotation of Biharul Anwar).

Conversation of Jabir bin Abdullah Ansari with Imam Husayn (a.s.)

Sayyid Bahrani in Madinatul Ma’ajiz quotes from Saqibul Manaqib, and others quote from Manaqibus Sua’da that Jabir bin Abdullah Ansari says, that when Imam Husayn (a.s.) intended going towards Iraq, I came to his presence and said, “You are the son of the Prophet of Allah (S) and one of his two endeared grandchildren. I do not hold any other opinion except that you too enter into a peace treaty (with Yazid) as your brother had done with Mu’awiyah, and verily he was trustworthy and rightly guided.” Imam Husayn replied,

“O Jabir! Whatever my brother did was ordained by Allah and the Prophet, and whatever I shall do too shall be according to the command of Allah and His Prophet. Do you wish that at this very moment I invite the Holy Prophet, Imam Ali, and my brother Hasan) to testify regarding my action”?

Then Imam looked towards the heavens, suddenly I saw that the doors of heavens opened ajar and Prophet Muhammad (S), Imam Ali (a.s.), Imam Hasan (a.s.), Hazrat Hamza (a.s.), Hazrat Ja’far at Tayyar (a.s.) and (my uncle) Zaid descended from the heavens upon the earth. Seeing this I became frightful, when the Prophet said,

“O Jabir! Did not I inform you prior to Husayn during the time of Hasan, that you would not become a believer unless you surrendered to the Imams and not object to their actions? Do you desire to see the place where Mu’awiyah will dwell and the place of my son Husayn and of his murderer Yazid”?

I replied in the affirmative. Then the Prophet (S) struck his foot onto the ground and it tore apart and another ground ap­peared beneath. Then I saw a river flowing, which also tore apart, under­neath which was another ground. Thus seven layers of the ground and rivers ripped apart (one below the other) until there appeared hell. I saw that Waleed bin Mughirah, Abu Jahl, Mu’awiyah and Yazid were bound together in a chain along with the other rebellious Satans. And their torment was more severe than that of the other people of hell. Then the Holy Prophet (S) com­manded me to lift my head. I saw that the heavens had opened their doors and Paradise was apparent. Then all those blessed people who had descended from there returned back. When they were in the air the Prophet (S) called out to Imam Husayn (a.s.),

“Come and mingle with me my dear Husayn.”

I saw that Husayn (a.s.) ascended too and joined them onto the high status in Paradise. The Holy Prophet (S) then caught hold of the hand of Husayn (a.s.) and told me,

“O Jabir! This son of mine is here along with me, submit to him and do not fall in doubt so as to become a believer.”

Jabir says that, “May both my eyes turn blind if whatever I have seen and related from the Prophet is false.”

Chapter Two: Holy Women in Holy Texts

One of the most important goals of comparative religion is not simply to detail historical similarities and differences in religious systems but to discover new ways of understanding them.1 To that end scholars often assign categories or topical classifications to specific cultural elements, for example, ritual, myth, or mysticism.2 Hagiography and gender also serve as comparative categories, although they pose a set of unique problems.

Employing hagiography as a comparative tool is difficult first and foremost because of the debate over how to define this genre, as well as use it as source material. Hagiography in its broadest sense is symbolic literature that presents the holy (Greek, hagios) to both popular and elite audiences in a variety of forms.3 Medieval hagiographies were read aloud, memorized, proliferated by scholars, and displayed in pictorial or symbolic compositions for the illiterate population.4 In written, oral, and visual form, hagiographies praised the virtues and damned the vices of heroic persons set forth as didactic exempla; yet these texts reviewed the miraculous happenings involving more than just holy people. Hagiography celebrated sacred locales, architectural structures, and holy objects: early Christian hagiographers, for example, popularized Jerusalem as a holy site, the Holy Sepulcher as a holy structure, and bits of the true cross as holy relics.5 Jerusalem was not unique in this respect; almost every Christian town publicized its local saint’s site. Shi`ite communities likewise celebrated the Imams’ lives by recounting their miracles and visiting their shrines.6 Holiness in one form or another permeated the learning and the physical landscape of medieval life for both Christians and Shi`ite Muslims.

As literature intended to depict cultural ideals symbolically, hagiography is a complex genre in terms of both substance and agenda. On the surface hagiography appears biographical and descriptive; it speaks of life and death, joy and suffering. However, it was not intended primarily to preserve and communicate a historical kernel of truth or recount an objective chronicle of events. Gregory of Tours opted to name his hagiographic collection “Life [Vita] of the Fathers” rather than “Lives [Vitae] of the Fathers.” Gregory explained that “there is a diversity of merits and virtues among [the saints], but the one life of the body sustains them all in this world.”7 In Gregory’s compendium the saints’ differences and distinctions disappear as he reveals the underlying holiness that unites them all.

Hagiography is thus fundamentally didactic: it edifies through exemplary displays of piety and holiness; it promulgates sacred narratives and then explains the moral and theological imperatives embedded in them; and it models proper modes of ritual and other cultic practices. Hagiographic discourse aims to resurrect and then reconstruct for its audience examples of holiness or ideal modes of being intended for pious imitation. With this functionalist definition of hagiography in mind, scholars should expect that any hagiographic tradition would be radically determined by the canon of values, beliefs, and authoritative texts particular to the cultural context from which it emerges. This certainly holds true for early Christian and Islamic hagiographic texts, which reflect their (sometimes) radically different ideals of the holy.

Hagiography also includes idealizations of masculine and feminine piety that modern readers might find distressingly misogynistic. Literate men mostly constructed these gender paradigms as very few texts by women exist. These male-authored texts provide the only substantive view of women (and expectations of women) in early Christian and Shi`ite religious communities. By using gender as a point of comparison, it becomes clear that theologians and hagiographers in both traditions limit holy women’s miraculous actions and proscribe holy women’s miraculous bodies to the domestic sphere.

Medieval and Modern Audiences: Christianity Late antique and early medieval Christian hagiographers transformed their saintly characters and sacred landscapes in accordance with Greco-

Roman and biblical formulas.8 Some of the most influential early Christian hagiographies sprang from Syria and Egypt during the fourth and fifth centuries.9 These texts applauded the efforts of holy men and women who surrendered mundane existence for a higher, angelic life. The era of Christian martyrs had all but ended as Roman emperors legalized Christianity throughout the empire. As martyrs became increasingly unnecessary, ascetics supplied another model of Christian heroism: they mortified their bodies and sought to transcend the problems of the flesh as they struggled against their spiritual enemy, Satan, and his demonic forces.10

Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373) constructed one of the most important Christian hagiographies in his Life of Anthony, an Egyptian recluse who haunted nearby deserts and caves.11 Athanasius describes a vicarious martyr, guarding the periphery of human existence against evil while struggling against his interior lusts and desires. In the end Anthony provides his audience with a new Christ figure who prays in the desert, casts out demons, heals the sick, and raises the dead.12 Anthony’s hagiographer produces a hero-hermit much like the biblical Elijah, reconstructed in the fourth century, intended to model the miracles and grace of Christ. Indeed, one of the greatest signs of sanctity was imitatio Christi (the imitation of Christ) wherein holy men and women performed Christ’s miracles after symbolically sharing in his suffering by means of ascetic feats.

As Christianity expanded from the Syrian and Greek East to the Gallo-Roman/Latin West, hagiographers encountered a new audience.13 It proved difficult if not impossible to transform urban Gaul into a physical wasteland of caves and demon-inhabited deserts. Western hagiographers thus created a spiritual desert and challenged the Roman elite and Mediterranean nobility to convert to Christianity and to live as Christ through renunciation of wealth and status. Women proved particularly important in this newly imagined desert as the viable patrons of the church who gladly distributed their Roman patrimony among ecclesiastical authorities.14 Hagiographers in Gaul expressed innovative ideals of holiness for a new constituency of sinners.

The fourth-century author Sulpicius Severus created perhaps the most influential hagiography in early medieval Gaul. His Life of Martin of Tours transformed a Roman soldier known for his valor into an Old Testament prophet, traveling and preaching throughout Gaul, who only reluctantly accepted the bishop’s office of Tours.15 Martin’s life became the hallmark of Western hagiography: the loyal Roman citizen forsakes his mundane wealth to serve his heavenly king. Martin, in typical fashion, healed the sick, exorcised the demon possessed, and practiced profound charity and kindness. At the same time, he assumed the bishop’s mantle and dutifully acknowledged the church’s authority. The hagiographer modified his wandering holy man at first reminiscent of the eastern Anthony into a stable bishop ever mindful of his parish and his flock. A pious Christian but also a good Roman, Martin embodied the ideals of hierarchy and structure.16

Merovingian hagiographers inherited the model of Martin and effectively blended their new bishops with this very Roman ideal: Frankish clergy promoted order and hierarchy within both church and state. Merovingian hagiographers were aware also of the saint cults that proliferated throughout Gaul as they addressed popular audiences who increasingly committed themselves to local saints, both living and dead. Merovingian hagiography thus served a pastoral purpose, aimed directly at teaching and educating a general constituency about the developing protocols for the veneration of saints.

Linguists in particular first recognized the pastoral function of Merovingian texts by their distinctive Latin vocabulary: the language is both colloquial and active.17 Merovingian hagiographers focused on how to venerate local holy figures and what miraculous results might be expected. They provided models instructing pious petitioners to gather remnants from the cells of saints such as ash, candle wax, or oil; through these contact relics, miraculous healing followed and the saints’ fame spread.18 These instructive texts compare dramatically with the later Carolingian hagiographies intended for monastic use; Carolingian Latin indicates more interior action such as meditation and prayer.19 In contrast, Merovingian hagiography speaks to a nonmonastic audience, defining innovative notions of holiness associated with the spread of saint veneration.

There is considerable disagreement among modern scholars of medieval Christianity as to what to do with hagiography as a source. European intellectuals generally scoffed at Christian hagiographic sources during the Enlightenment period. Scholars of the ancient world such as David Hume and Edward Gibbon dismissed hagiography as an irrational literature confined to the lower classes that recounted fanciful miracle stories and fantastic displays of a misnamed polytheism.20 Beginning only in the 1930s, scholars and theologians began to mine hagiography for details about life, society, and intellectual history. Hippolyte Delehaye and the Bollandists, a group of Jesuit priests dedicated to recovering and categorizing hagiographies, led this movement, although much of their work still attempted to separate the factual from the spurious, the believable from the unbelievable.21

During the past two decades, hagiologers have generally disregarded the fact or fiction debate and gleaned information about cultural milieus and gender roles from holy texts.22 Most scholars now agree that hagiography was not just a literature intended for a lay, mostly illiterate population; instead, wealthy and poor audiences alike shared a hagiographic corpus that greatly defined their experiences. This literature provided the system of cultural symbols that united western Christendom.

Medieval and Modern Audiences: Islam

Early Shi`ite hagiography reveals an equally dynamic symbolic system at least during the late eighth and ninth century. Shi`ite notions of power and authority increasingly considered `Ali and Fatima’s descendants Imams responsible for their community’s spiritual guidance. Hagiographies explained the Imams’ miraculous births, their infallible lives, and their sublime wisdom. These models of holiness inspired ritual activities surrounding the Imams’ tombs and shrines. Shi`ite hagiographers, for example, encouraged devotees to visit holy places on pilgrimages (ziyara).23 Most Shi`ites turned their attention to the shrine of Husayn, `Ali and Fatima’s son who died a martyr’s death at Karbala. Husayn’s body was interred at Karbala, but tradition also placed his head at Karbala, Damascus, Najaf, and Cairo.24 All these locales remain important pilgrimage sites where Shi`ites venerate their third Imam.

Locating the mainstream notion of sanctity is more difficult in Islam than in early Christianity. Many Muslim theologians avoid the elevated designation of sainthood, stressing instead that every individual maintains direct access to Allah, thus disallowing the need for a saintly intercessor.25 Qur’an 39.44 declares, “To Allah belongs exclusively the right to grant intercession. To Him belongs the dominion of the heavens and the earth: in the end, it is to Him that you shall be brought back.” Thus in Islam no centralized clergy propagates and authorizes a genre of literature akin to Christianity’s saints’ lives. Saintly canonization is almost completely within the province of hagiographers and reader response to their products (both oral and written).

Medieval Muslims nonetheless maintained a definite notion of holiness (wilaya) and disseminated those sacred ideals through their own, distinct forms of hagiography. These sacred collections included biographies of the Prophet, battlefield accounts, or, for Shi`ites, descriptions of the Imams and their miraculous powers. The earliest known biography of the Prophet, for example, resembled early Christian tales of desert saints.26 Bedouin tribes on the edges of the Arabian peninsula certainly were familiar with Christian veneration of desert holy men and their miracles: historical records indicate that they shared the same deserts and caves as Christian hermits, witnessed their fame, and heard about their miraculous powers. The Prophet’s biographer cast him as a functioning holy man to his community: Muhammad healed the sick, provided righteous judgments, and multiplied food.27 Many of the Prophet’s friends and family described in the biographical materials also served as pious models intended for emulation and edification.

While Muslim hagiography might vary in intent and audience - for example, some collections, qisas al-anbiya, or “Tales of the Prophets,” featured miracle stories of the same prophets shared by Jews, Christians, and Muslims - most of it has the same format. Accounts of holiness are usually recorded as hadith, one of two genres of sacred texts in Islam, the other being the Qur’an.

Like Christianity, Islam is a religion of the book and reveres a sacred and revealed scripture. The Qur’an confers the direct revelation of Allah through his final messenger, Muhammad. The holy text describes humanity’s virtues and vices, directs the actions of the community (umma), and offers a glimpse of an impending apocalypse.28 It also presents a series of prophets and holy men and women for pious Muslims to imitate.29

The hadith collections advance their own notions of holiness. Hadith (used here as a collective noun; the proper plural is ahadith) are traditions that relate back to the Prophet Muhammad’s own lifetime, describing his actions and utterances as well as those of his friends, family, and other contemporaries.30 The hadith literature functions as hagiography when read as a means of resurrecting a pristine past and endowing Muslims with models of holiness and virtue. Read in this way, hadith literature allows scholars and others to eavesdrop on the earliest Muslim community: the Prophet’s lifestyle and the faithfulness of his friends and family (and the perfidy of his enemies), and directives and patterns outside the Qur’anic framework. Taken together the Qur’an and hadith (the “trodden path,” or sunna), provide models for emulation; scholarly exegesis (tafsir) then attempts to explain and contextualize the sunna so that pious Muslims may follow them.

Islamicists approach hadith literature as carefully as medievalists approach Christian hagiography, and this is not a recent methodological problem. Medieval Muslims themselves devoted an entire science to proving or disproving hadith authenticity. To do this they focused most strenuously on the chain of transmitters, or isnad. The hadith consists of two parts: the tradition itself (matn) and a detailed list of individuals who observed or transmitted the Prophet’s advice or actions (isnad). Scholars and linguists identified the transmitters, reconciled their death dates with times of transmission, and located the hadith in an elaborate spectrum of categories ranging from sound (sahih) to weak (da`if), from precious (`aziz) to forged (mawdu`).

Medieval hadith collections contributed more than personal models of piety and words of wisdom from the Prophet. The central role of hadith was to lay the foundation of Islamic law: Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) carefully reasoned what was obligatory (fard), recommended (mandub), neutral (mubah), reprehensible (makruh), and forbidden (haram). By the late ninth and early tenth century, Islamic scholars generally accepted as canonical the six rigorously scrutinized compendia composed by separate hadith critics: al-Bukhari, Muslim, Ibn Da’ud, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nisa’i, and Ibn Hanbal. Other scholars compiled their own hadith collections, but these six became the pillars of Sunni piety and law.

Shi`ite Muslims, on the other hand, esteem additional hadith collections as authoritative.31 The Shi`ites value above all the traditions that relate back to the Prophet’s family. For Twelver Shi`ites, this includes the twelve Imams, among them `Ali himself. Since the Shi`a regarded `Ali and the Imams as Muhammad’s rightful successors, they gathered accounts of the Imams’ deeds and sayings for both political and spiritual guidance.32

Shi`ites maintain that `Ali and Fatima’s descendants, beginning with their sons Hasan and Husayn, became the sources of true spiritual sustenance to the Islamic community. According to one tradition, Husayn (quoted by Ja`far al-Sadiq, the sixth Imam) proclaimed:

“God created His servants solely that they might know Him, for when they know Him they worship Him and thus free themselves from the worship of anything that is not Him.” Someone then asked: “What is knowledge of God?” “It is, for the people of each age, knowledge of the Imam to whom they owe obeisance.” 33

For Shi`ites recognition of and dependence on the Imams equaled knowledge of God himself. It was irrelevant if the ruling Umayyad or `Abbasid dynasty acknowledged the Imams as the community’s rightful leaders. Allah required the Shi`a itself to identify the Imam and maintain his sublime teachings through its collective memories and records.

Many Shi`ite hadith collections function, therefore, as a form of political and spiritual rhetoric explaining the cosmological link between the Prophet’s beloved family and the community.34 These hadith demonstrate the Shi`a’s sublime authority in heaven even if it is not always recognized on earth.35 They also offer adoptive membership into the ahl al-bayt for those who recognize the Imam’s authority. The hadith function as hagiography because they outline a mode of holiness (acceptance into the family), reveal moral and theological imperatives (allegiance to the family), and supply holy models to imitate (the prophets, Imams, and early community members). Like Merovingian hagiography, hadith reconstruct a sacred past in their own dynamically changing context to promote a new identity, namely, the identification of the Imams and an evolving Shi`ism as it distinguished itself from Sunni Islam.

As in Christian hagiography, there exist equally contentious debates about how to use hadith as hagiography. Many Muslims view the Prophet Muhammad with esteem and adoration and therefore strive to achieve a real view of him and his community. Hadith accepted as authentic are windows into that reality and afford a genuine depiction of the Prophet. Many Muslim scholars maintain the historicity of hadith transmission and argue that the earliest community assured hadith veracity. These scholars admit that hadith evolved from an oral to a written genre, but they also insist that skilled, literate scholars held the transmissions to high standards of authentication.36

The question of veracity has plagued non-Muslim and secular scholars as well. Since the early twentieth century some Islamicists have recognized that formally written hadith compilations only circulated in the late eighth century. They have argued that these hadith reveal more about eighth-century life than about Muhammad’s own community.37 This approach fundamentally questions the hadith’s reliability as a historical source for the earliest Islamic period; and, for Muslims, this critique challenges hadith as an authoritative source of sublime direction and models of piety. Other Islamicists have forged a middle ground: hadith reflect the Prophet’s own lifetime, but the standardized method of transmission and compilation must be dated much later. According to this argument, it remains impossible to demonstrate absolutely the hadith’s historicity.38

I avoid the question of hadith veracity altogether; instead of expecting the hadith to betray an objective historical reality, I see them as revealing important cultural symbols and notions of holiness relevant to their medieval audiences.39 If hadith were deemed important enough to copy, memorize, and scrutinize, then they must disclose valuable clues about the community that treasured them. Even the more obscure, “weak” hadith that “sound” compendia often fail to include are important; they help to recapture the evolutionary nature of Muslim identity by revealing the developing hagiographic tradition. As in Christianity, theology and religious identity evolved over the centuries as leaders, theologians, and scholars formulated and answered questions important for their nascent communities. Even those hadith that were later rejected or considered spurious by Shi`ite scholars reflect the stages of that evolutionary process.

Classical Shi`ite sources are especially difficult to date and ascribe to specific compilers. Although the hadith format provides lists of transmitters, the editors themselves sometimes evade designation. Some extant compendia do give the names of editor and author, such as the tenth-century Kitab al-Irshad (Book of Guidance into the Lives of the Twelve Imams) by Shaykh al-Mufid. Other hadith survive only in later compilations such as that of the seventeenth - century Safavid scholar Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Sea of Lights). Although this collection is rather late, it is indispensable to scholars of Shi`ite Islam.

With the help of scholars such as al-Majlisi, the seventeenth-century Safavids of Persia launched a prolific religious campaign against Sunni and Sufi piety.40 Al-Majlisi’s job as a member of the `ulama´ was to collect and distribute hadith that illustrated Shi`ite identity and the holy family’s election since before created time. He intended his collections to serve as a type of propaganda, popularizing a legalistic form of Twelver Shi`ism while disavowing Sunnism and some Sufi orders. He was the first scholar to translate a large number of hadith collections, theologies, and histories into Persian for greater availability to a general audience.

Al-Majlisi’s collection is important for another reason: it includes both the widely accepted, sound hadith and the potentially spurious (or weak) traditions. For example, al-Majlisi repeated many of the earliest Shi`ite sources from al-Kulayni and Ibn Babawayh, renowned tenth-century Shi`ite scholars,41 some of which are extant only through his encyclopedic collection. But he also chose hadith that were not included in ordinary compilations of Shi`ite texts. Because of this broad inclusiveness, some scholars doubt its historical veracity. (One colleague referred to the Bihar al-anwar as the “great trash heap of Shi`ite traditions.”)42 Because al-Majlisi cast such a wide net in collecting his hadith, he provides scholars with an opportunity to view Shi`ism as it developed and blossomed throughout the classical and medieval periods.

Al-Majlisi quite naturally focused on the Prophet’s family and particularly his daughter Fatima to prove Shi`ite Islam’s superiority over Sunnism and Sufi sm. The traditions range from those of the most mystical bent (which define the holy family in terms of pure light with absolute knowledge)43 to those of more practical application (which define the twelfth Imam as the source of all spiritual authority).

This grand collection of hadith also certainly added authority to al-Majlisi’s own position. According to Twelver doctrine, the twelfth Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, did not die but went into a sublime hiding, or occultation. During this period of hiddenness, the Shi`ite community relies on the scholars to discern the Imam’s justice. Al-Majlisi was just such a scholar who implicitly designated himself as one of the twelfth Imam’s spokesmen until the final, apocalyptic return. Through his hadith compilations, al-Majlisi justified his own political station while constructing a hagiographic edifice praising the holy family’s spiritual status.44

Sources and Gender

As Merovingian Christians and Shi`ite Muslims sought to make sense of their world and to delineate their place in it, they devised and articulated dynamic notions of holiness. For the people of Gaul, the changes in their world involved the political transition from late Roman to Merovingian rule and the spiritual acculturation to a new, unifying Christendom. Shi`ite communities, in many cases bereft of political ascendancy because of a Sunni majority (except for a brief interim in the mid-tenth century), articulated their unique cosmology and loyalties to the Imam and the holy family. In both these cases, discussions of sanctity in hagiographic sources betray both theological and political agendas. On closer examination it becomes clear that gender expectations and the introduction of feminine ideals signaled radical changes in society as well. Both Christian and Muslim cultures supported and preserved the literary products of a male elite, which constructed paradigms of community and holiness via women, in particular Mary and Fatima.

Most extant Christian texts from late antiquity originate from the ecclesiastical sphere. Theologians such as Ambrose, Augustine, and Jerome charted the twists and turns Christian theology would take in terms of asceticism, ideals of marriage, the Trinitarian debate, and the path of Christ’s church (ecclesia).45 Late antique authors both reflected and refuted beliefs about the Virgin Mary popularized by anonymous, apocryphal texts. They absorbed, for example, the precept of Mary’s perpetual virginity (both before, during, and after Christ’s birth), yet some cautioned against Mary’s Immaculate Conception, or birth free from sin.46 Marian theology, and Christian theology in general, was only slowly evolving.

The early Middle Ages yield a wider variety of sources, although most still come from the ecclesiastical sphere: church councils left records of decisions and debate; bishops wrote histories of their bishoprics (which were more like family trees); priests and popes wrote hagiographies;47 and holy men crafted monastic rules for female religious to follow. One of the most prolific authors of Merovingian Gaul was Gregory of Tours; he provided a veritable who’s who among Merovingian bishops in his Ten Books of History and numerous hagiographies of male and female saints.48 In early Christian hagiography, few texts written by women survive, and only one of those has a self-identified female author (Baudonivia, who wrote her saint’s life only to complement an earlier redaction by a man, Fortunatus).49 Scholars suspect other works might be written by women, especially nuns who had firsthand knowledge of their saint-abbesses.50 In most cases male clergy wrote about women.

A similar case arises in classical Islam. Women may have lent considerable time, faith, and even wealth to their respective traditions, but they remained largely silent in the sources. Muslim women’s social expectations depended largely on the geographic locale and ruling elite; yet in most cases women played a sizable role in the establishment of schools and the transmission of knowledge. Like female patrons of Christianity, wealthy wives and mothers commissioned schools and donated land for educational institutions, and with those same sources of wealth, many women acquired personal tutors and received competitive educations.51 Also as with Christianity, tradition largely circumscribed women’s practical role in the public classroom as teachers or students; modes of formal education, including Qur’anic studies, remained confined to males.52 Any formal training or introduction to Islamic jurisprudence and hadith studies also remained a mostly masculine domain.

Although Muslim scholars restricted women from formal educations, they did not release them from the burden of learning and studying the hadith and models of holiness. Theoretically, women bore the same responsibility as men to understand and follow Islamic teaching. Hadith scholars even recognized several women of the early community as worthy transmitters. Many of these women, such as `A’isha, the Prophet’s youngest wife, lived with Muhammad and had intimate dealings with him. These women like none other could transmit information about the Prophet’s actions, words, and directives because of their association in the domestic sphere.53 Women’s official roles largely ended in the domestic sphere, however; while many women acted as hadith transmitters, there are no extant compilations by female scholars and no information about them. Thus our medieval sources are once again written by men about women.

In these male-authored medieval texts about women, gender, and holiness, hagiographers and theologians transformed Mary and Fatima into champions for their pious agenda. Mary marked the boundaries between Christianity and heresy; Fatima led her family to paradise and consigned her enemies to hell. Both communities fashioned a view of piety, politics, and family by manipulating traditional gender roles while still assigning their heroines to the domestic sphere as miraculous mothers and virgins. Today’s readers might be tempted to dismiss much of the hagiographers’ works as too proscriptive if not blatantly misogynistic, but closer examination reveals a more complex agenda.

Chapter Two: Holy Women in Holy Texts

One of the most important goals of comparative religion is not simply to detail historical similarities and differences in religious systems but to discover new ways of understanding them.1 To that end scholars often assign categories or topical classifications to specific cultural elements, for example, ritual, myth, or mysticism.2 Hagiography and gender also serve as comparative categories, although they pose a set of unique problems.

Employing hagiography as a comparative tool is difficult first and foremost because of the debate over how to define this genre, as well as use it as source material. Hagiography in its broadest sense is symbolic literature that presents the holy (Greek, hagios) to both popular and elite audiences in a variety of forms.3 Medieval hagiographies were read aloud, memorized, proliferated by scholars, and displayed in pictorial or symbolic compositions for the illiterate population.4 In written, oral, and visual form, hagiographies praised the virtues and damned the vices of heroic persons set forth as didactic exempla; yet these texts reviewed the miraculous happenings involving more than just holy people. Hagiography celebrated sacred locales, architectural structures, and holy objects: early Christian hagiographers, for example, popularized Jerusalem as a holy site, the Holy Sepulcher as a holy structure, and bits of the true cross as holy relics.5 Jerusalem was not unique in this respect; almost every Christian town publicized its local saint’s site. Shi`ite communities likewise celebrated the Imams’ lives by recounting their miracles and visiting their shrines.6 Holiness in one form or another permeated the learning and the physical landscape of medieval life for both Christians and Shi`ite Muslims.

As literature intended to depict cultural ideals symbolically, hagiography is a complex genre in terms of both substance and agenda. On the surface hagiography appears biographical and descriptive; it speaks of life and death, joy and suffering. However, it was not intended primarily to preserve and communicate a historical kernel of truth or recount an objective chronicle of events. Gregory of Tours opted to name his hagiographic collection “Life [Vita] of the Fathers” rather than “Lives [Vitae] of the Fathers.” Gregory explained that “there is a diversity of merits and virtues among [the saints], but the one life of the body sustains them all in this world.”7 In Gregory’s compendium the saints’ differences and distinctions disappear as he reveals the underlying holiness that unites them all.

Hagiography is thus fundamentally didactic: it edifies through exemplary displays of piety and holiness; it promulgates sacred narratives and then explains the moral and theological imperatives embedded in them; and it models proper modes of ritual and other cultic practices. Hagiographic discourse aims to resurrect and then reconstruct for its audience examples of holiness or ideal modes of being intended for pious imitation. With this functionalist definition of hagiography in mind, scholars should expect that any hagiographic tradition would be radically determined by the canon of values, beliefs, and authoritative texts particular to the cultural context from which it emerges. This certainly holds true for early Christian and Islamic hagiographic texts, which reflect their (sometimes) radically different ideals of the holy.

Hagiography also includes idealizations of masculine and feminine piety that modern readers might find distressingly misogynistic. Literate men mostly constructed these gender paradigms as very few texts by women exist. These male-authored texts provide the only substantive view of women (and expectations of women) in early Christian and Shi`ite religious communities. By using gender as a point of comparison, it becomes clear that theologians and hagiographers in both traditions limit holy women’s miraculous actions and proscribe holy women’s miraculous bodies to the domestic sphere.

Medieval and Modern Audiences: Christianity Late antique and early medieval Christian hagiographers transformed their saintly characters and sacred landscapes in accordance with Greco-

Roman and biblical formulas.8 Some of the most influential early Christian hagiographies sprang from Syria and Egypt during the fourth and fifth centuries.9 These texts applauded the efforts of holy men and women who surrendered mundane existence for a higher, angelic life. The era of Christian martyrs had all but ended as Roman emperors legalized Christianity throughout the empire. As martyrs became increasingly unnecessary, ascetics supplied another model of Christian heroism: they mortified their bodies and sought to transcend the problems of the flesh as they struggled against their spiritual enemy, Satan, and his demonic forces.10

Bishop Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373) constructed one of the most important Christian hagiographies in his Life of Anthony, an Egyptian recluse who haunted nearby deserts and caves.11 Athanasius describes a vicarious martyr, guarding the periphery of human existence against evil while struggling against his interior lusts and desires. In the end Anthony provides his audience with a new Christ figure who prays in the desert, casts out demons, heals the sick, and raises the dead.12 Anthony’s hagiographer produces a hero-hermit much like the biblical Elijah, reconstructed in the fourth century, intended to model the miracles and grace of Christ. Indeed, one of the greatest signs of sanctity was imitatio Christi (the imitation of Christ) wherein holy men and women performed Christ’s miracles after symbolically sharing in his suffering by means of ascetic feats.

As Christianity expanded from the Syrian and Greek East to the Gallo-Roman/Latin West, hagiographers encountered a new audience.13 It proved difficult if not impossible to transform urban Gaul into a physical wasteland of caves and demon-inhabited deserts. Western hagiographers thus created a spiritual desert and challenged the Roman elite and Mediterranean nobility to convert to Christianity and to live as Christ through renunciation of wealth and status. Women proved particularly important in this newly imagined desert as the viable patrons of the church who gladly distributed their Roman patrimony among ecclesiastical authorities.14 Hagiographers in Gaul expressed innovative ideals of holiness for a new constituency of sinners.

The fourth-century author Sulpicius Severus created perhaps the most influential hagiography in early medieval Gaul. His Life of Martin of Tours transformed a Roman soldier known for his valor into an Old Testament prophet, traveling and preaching throughout Gaul, who only reluctantly accepted the bishop’s office of Tours.15 Martin’s life became the hallmark of Western hagiography: the loyal Roman citizen forsakes his mundane wealth to serve his heavenly king. Martin, in typical fashion, healed the sick, exorcised the demon possessed, and practiced profound charity and kindness. At the same time, he assumed the bishop’s mantle and dutifully acknowledged the church’s authority. The hagiographer modified his wandering holy man at first reminiscent of the eastern Anthony into a stable bishop ever mindful of his parish and his flock. A pious Christian but also a good Roman, Martin embodied the ideals of hierarchy and structure.16

Merovingian hagiographers inherited the model of Martin and effectively blended their new bishops with this very Roman ideal: Frankish clergy promoted order and hierarchy within both church and state. Merovingian hagiographers were aware also of the saint cults that proliferated throughout Gaul as they addressed popular audiences who increasingly committed themselves to local saints, both living and dead. Merovingian hagiography thus served a pastoral purpose, aimed directly at teaching and educating a general constituency about the developing protocols for the veneration of saints.

Linguists in particular first recognized the pastoral function of Merovingian texts by their distinctive Latin vocabulary: the language is both colloquial and active.17 Merovingian hagiographers focused on how to venerate local holy figures and what miraculous results might be expected. They provided models instructing pious petitioners to gather remnants from the cells of saints such as ash, candle wax, or oil; through these contact relics, miraculous healing followed and the saints’ fame spread.18 These instructive texts compare dramatically with the later Carolingian hagiographies intended for monastic use; Carolingian Latin indicates more interior action such as meditation and prayer.19 In contrast, Merovingian hagiography speaks to a nonmonastic audience, defining innovative notions of holiness associated with the spread of saint veneration.

There is considerable disagreement among modern scholars of medieval Christianity as to what to do with hagiography as a source. European intellectuals generally scoffed at Christian hagiographic sources during the Enlightenment period. Scholars of the ancient world such as David Hume and Edward Gibbon dismissed hagiography as an irrational literature confined to the lower classes that recounted fanciful miracle stories and fantastic displays of a misnamed polytheism.20 Beginning only in the 1930s, scholars and theologians began to mine hagiography for details about life, society, and intellectual history. Hippolyte Delehaye and the Bollandists, a group of Jesuit priests dedicated to recovering and categorizing hagiographies, led this movement, although much of their work still attempted to separate the factual from the spurious, the believable from the unbelievable.21

During the past two decades, hagiologers have generally disregarded the fact or fiction debate and gleaned information about cultural milieus and gender roles from holy texts.22 Most scholars now agree that hagiography was not just a literature intended for a lay, mostly illiterate population; instead, wealthy and poor audiences alike shared a hagiographic corpus that greatly defined their experiences. This literature provided the system of cultural symbols that united western Christendom.

Medieval and Modern Audiences: Islam

Early Shi`ite hagiography reveals an equally dynamic symbolic system at least during the late eighth and ninth century. Shi`ite notions of power and authority increasingly considered `Ali and Fatima’s descendants Imams responsible for their community’s spiritual guidance. Hagiographies explained the Imams’ miraculous births, their infallible lives, and their sublime wisdom. These models of holiness inspired ritual activities surrounding the Imams’ tombs and shrines. Shi`ite hagiographers, for example, encouraged devotees to visit holy places on pilgrimages (ziyara).23 Most Shi`ites turned their attention to the shrine of Husayn, `Ali and Fatima’s son who died a martyr’s death at Karbala. Husayn’s body was interred at Karbala, but tradition also placed his head at Karbala, Damascus, Najaf, and Cairo.24 All these locales remain important pilgrimage sites where Shi`ites venerate their third Imam.

Locating the mainstream notion of sanctity is more difficult in Islam than in early Christianity. Many Muslim theologians avoid the elevated designation of sainthood, stressing instead that every individual maintains direct access to Allah, thus disallowing the need for a saintly intercessor.25 Qur’an 39.44 declares, “To Allah belongs exclusively the right to grant intercession. To Him belongs the dominion of the heavens and the earth: in the end, it is to Him that you shall be brought back.” Thus in Islam no centralized clergy propagates and authorizes a genre of literature akin to Christianity’s saints’ lives. Saintly canonization is almost completely within the province of hagiographers and reader response to their products (both oral and written).

Medieval Muslims nonetheless maintained a definite notion of holiness (wilaya) and disseminated those sacred ideals through their own, distinct forms of hagiography. These sacred collections included biographies of the Prophet, battlefield accounts, or, for Shi`ites, descriptions of the Imams and their miraculous powers. The earliest known biography of the Prophet, for example, resembled early Christian tales of desert saints.26 Bedouin tribes on the edges of the Arabian peninsula certainly were familiar with Christian veneration of desert holy men and their miracles: historical records indicate that they shared the same deserts and caves as Christian hermits, witnessed their fame, and heard about their miraculous powers. The Prophet’s biographer cast him as a functioning holy man to his community: Muhammad healed the sick, provided righteous judgments, and multiplied food.27 Many of the Prophet’s friends and family described in the biographical materials also served as pious models intended for emulation and edification.

While Muslim hagiography might vary in intent and audience - for example, some collections, qisas al-anbiya, or “Tales of the Prophets,” featured miracle stories of the same prophets shared by Jews, Christians, and Muslims - most of it has the same format. Accounts of holiness are usually recorded as hadith, one of two genres of sacred texts in Islam, the other being the Qur’an.

Like Christianity, Islam is a religion of the book and reveres a sacred and revealed scripture. The Qur’an confers the direct revelation of Allah through his final messenger, Muhammad. The holy text describes humanity’s virtues and vices, directs the actions of the community (umma), and offers a glimpse of an impending apocalypse.28 It also presents a series of prophets and holy men and women for pious Muslims to imitate.29

The hadith collections advance their own notions of holiness. Hadith (used here as a collective noun; the proper plural is ahadith) are traditions that relate back to the Prophet Muhammad’s own lifetime, describing his actions and utterances as well as those of his friends, family, and other contemporaries.30 The hadith literature functions as hagiography when read as a means of resurrecting a pristine past and endowing Muslims with models of holiness and virtue. Read in this way, hadith literature allows scholars and others to eavesdrop on the earliest Muslim community: the Prophet’s lifestyle and the faithfulness of his friends and family (and the perfidy of his enemies), and directives and patterns outside the Qur’anic framework. Taken together the Qur’an and hadith (the “trodden path,” or sunna), provide models for emulation; scholarly exegesis (tafsir) then attempts to explain and contextualize the sunna so that pious Muslims may follow them.

Islamicists approach hadith literature as carefully as medievalists approach Christian hagiography, and this is not a recent methodological problem. Medieval Muslims themselves devoted an entire science to proving or disproving hadith authenticity. To do this they focused most strenuously on the chain of transmitters, or isnad. The hadith consists of two parts: the tradition itself (matn) and a detailed list of individuals who observed or transmitted the Prophet’s advice or actions (isnad). Scholars and linguists identified the transmitters, reconciled their death dates with times of transmission, and located the hadith in an elaborate spectrum of categories ranging from sound (sahih) to weak (da`if), from precious (`aziz) to forged (mawdu`).

Medieval hadith collections contributed more than personal models of piety and words of wisdom from the Prophet. The central role of hadith was to lay the foundation of Islamic law: Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) carefully reasoned what was obligatory (fard), recommended (mandub), neutral (mubah), reprehensible (makruh), and forbidden (haram). By the late ninth and early tenth century, Islamic scholars generally accepted as canonical the six rigorously scrutinized compendia composed by separate hadith critics: al-Bukhari, Muslim, Ibn Da’ud, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nisa’i, and Ibn Hanbal. Other scholars compiled their own hadith collections, but these six became the pillars of Sunni piety and law.

Shi`ite Muslims, on the other hand, esteem additional hadith collections as authoritative.31 The Shi`ites value above all the traditions that relate back to the Prophet’s family. For Twelver Shi`ites, this includes the twelve Imams, among them `Ali himself. Since the Shi`a regarded `Ali and the Imams as Muhammad’s rightful successors, they gathered accounts of the Imams’ deeds and sayings for both political and spiritual guidance.32

Shi`ites maintain that `Ali and Fatima’s descendants, beginning with their sons Hasan and Husayn, became the sources of true spiritual sustenance to the Islamic community. According to one tradition, Husayn (quoted by Ja`far al-Sadiq, the sixth Imam) proclaimed:

“God created His servants solely that they might know Him, for when they know Him they worship Him and thus free themselves from the worship of anything that is not Him.” Someone then asked: “What is knowledge of God?” “It is, for the people of each age, knowledge of the Imam to whom they owe obeisance.” 33

For Shi`ites recognition of and dependence on the Imams equaled knowledge of God himself. It was irrelevant if the ruling Umayyad or `Abbasid dynasty acknowledged the Imams as the community’s rightful leaders. Allah required the Shi`a itself to identify the Imam and maintain his sublime teachings through its collective memories and records.

Many Shi`ite hadith collections function, therefore, as a form of political and spiritual rhetoric explaining the cosmological link between the Prophet’s beloved family and the community.34 These hadith demonstrate the Shi`a’s sublime authority in heaven even if it is not always recognized on earth.35 They also offer adoptive membership into the ahl al-bayt for those who recognize the Imam’s authority. The hadith function as hagiography because they outline a mode of holiness (acceptance into the family), reveal moral and theological imperatives (allegiance to the family), and supply holy models to imitate (the prophets, Imams, and early community members). Like Merovingian hagiography, hadith reconstruct a sacred past in their own dynamically changing context to promote a new identity, namely, the identification of the Imams and an evolving Shi`ism as it distinguished itself from Sunni Islam.

As in Christian hagiography, there exist equally contentious debates about how to use hadith as hagiography. Many Muslims view the Prophet Muhammad with esteem and adoration and therefore strive to achieve a real view of him and his community. Hadith accepted as authentic are windows into that reality and afford a genuine depiction of the Prophet. Many Muslim scholars maintain the historicity of hadith transmission and argue that the earliest community assured hadith veracity. These scholars admit that hadith evolved from an oral to a written genre, but they also insist that skilled, literate scholars held the transmissions to high standards of authentication.36

The question of veracity has plagued non-Muslim and secular scholars as well. Since the early twentieth century some Islamicists have recognized that formally written hadith compilations only circulated in the late eighth century. They have argued that these hadith reveal more about eighth-century life than about Muhammad’s own community.37 This approach fundamentally questions the hadith’s reliability as a historical source for the earliest Islamic period; and, for Muslims, this critique challenges hadith as an authoritative source of sublime direction and models of piety. Other Islamicists have forged a middle ground: hadith reflect the Prophet’s own lifetime, but the standardized method of transmission and compilation must be dated much later. According to this argument, it remains impossible to demonstrate absolutely the hadith’s historicity.38

I avoid the question of hadith veracity altogether; instead of expecting the hadith to betray an objective historical reality, I see them as revealing important cultural symbols and notions of holiness relevant to their medieval audiences.39 If hadith were deemed important enough to copy, memorize, and scrutinize, then they must disclose valuable clues about the community that treasured them. Even the more obscure, “weak” hadith that “sound” compendia often fail to include are important; they help to recapture the evolutionary nature of Muslim identity by revealing the developing hagiographic tradition. As in Christianity, theology and religious identity evolved over the centuries as leaders, theologians, and scholars formulated and answered questions important for their nascent communities. Even those hadith that were later rejected or considered spurious by Shi`ite scholars reflect the stages of that evolutionary process.

Classical Shi`ite sources are especially difficult to date and ascribe to specific compilers. Although the hadith format provides lists of transmitters, the editors themselves sometimes evade designation. Some extant compendia do give the names of editor and author, such as the tenth-century Kitab al-Irshad (Book of Guidance into the Lives of the Twelve Imams) by Shaykh al-Mufid. Other hadith survive only in later compilations such as that of the seventeenth - century Safavid scholar Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar (Sea of Lights). Although this collection is rather late, it is indispensable to scholars of Shi`ite Islam.

With the help of scholars such as al-Majlisi, the seventeenth-century Safavids of Persia launched a prolific religious campaign against Sunni and Sufi piety.40 Al-Majlisi’s job as a member of the `ulama´ was to collect and distribute hadith that illustrated Shi`ite identity and the holy family’s election since before created time. He intended his collections to serve as a type of propaganda, popularizing a legalistic form of Twelver Shi`ism while disavowing Sunnism and some Sufi orders. He was the first scholar to translate a large number of hadith collections, theologies, and histories into Persian for greater availability to a general audience.

Al-Majlisi’s collection is important for another reason: it includes both the widely accepted, sound hadith and the potentially spurious (or weak) traditions. For example, al-Majlisi repeated many of the earliest Shi`ite sources from al-Kulayni and Ibn Babawayh, renowned tenth-century Shi`ite scholars,41 some of which are extant only through his encyclopedic collection. But he also chose hadith that were not included in ordinary compilations of Shi`ite texts. Because of this broad inclusiveness, some scholars doubt its historical veracity. (One colleague referred to the Bihar al-anwar as the “great trash heap of Shi`ite traditions.”)42 Because al-Majlisi cast such a wide net in collecting his hadith, he provides scholars with an opportunity to view Shi`ism as it developed and blossomed throughout the classical and medieval periods.

Al-Majlisi quite naturally focused on the Prophet’s family and particularly his daughter Fatima to prove Shi`ite Islam’s superiority over Sunnism and Sufi sm. The traditions range from those of the most mystical bent (which define the holy family in terms of pure light with absolute knowledge)43 to those of more practical application (which define the twelfth Imam as the source of all spiritual authority).

This grand collection of hadith also certainly added authority to al-Majlisi’s own position. According to Twelver doctrine, the twelfth Imam, Muhammad al-Mahdi, did not die but went into a sublime hiding, or occultation. During this period of hiddenness, the Shi`ite community relies on the scholars to discern the Imam’s justice. Al-Majlisi was just such a scholar who implicitly designated himself as one of the twelfth Imam’s spokesmen until the final, apocalyptic return. Through his hadith compilations, al-Majlisi justified his own political station while constructing a hagiographic edifice praising the holy family’s spiritual status.44

Sources and Gender

As Merovingian Christians and Shi`ite Muslims sought to make sense of their world and to delineate their place in it, they devised and articulated dynamic notions of holiness. For the people of Gaul, the changes in their world involved the political transition from late Roman to Merovingian rule and the spiritual acculturation to a new, unifying Christendom. Shi`ite communities, in many cases bereft of political ascendancy because of a Sunni majority (except for a brief interim in the mid-tenth century), articulated their unique cosmology and loyalties to the Imam and the holy family. In both these cases, discussions of sanctity in hagiographic sources betray both theological and political agendas. On closer examination it becomes clear that gender expectations and the introduction of feminine ideals signaled radical changes in society as well. Both Christian and Muslim cultures supported and preserved the literary products of a male elite, which constructed paradigms of community and holiness via women, in particular Mary and Fatima.

Most extant Christian texts from late antiquity originate from the ecclesiastical sphere. Theologians such as Ambrose, Augustine, and Jerome charted the twists and turns Christian theology would take in terms of asceticism, ideals of marriage, the Trinitarian debate, and the path of Christ’s church (ecclesia).45 Late antique authors both reflected and refuted beliefs about the Virgin Mary popularized by anonymous, apocryphal texts. They absorbed, for example, the precept of Mary’s perpetual virginity (both before, during, and after Christ’s birth), yet some cautioned against Mary’s Immaculate Conception, or birth free from sin.46 Marian theology, and Christian theology in general, was only slowly evolving.

The early Middle Ages yield a wider variety of sources, although most still come from the ecclesiastical sphere: church councils left records of decisions and debate; bishops wrote histories of their bishoprics (which were more like family trees); priests and popes wrote hagiographies;47 and holy men crafted monastic rules for female religious to follow. One of the most prolific authors of Merovingian Gaul was Gregory of Tours; he provided a veritable who’s who among Merovingian bishops in his Ten Books of History and numerous hagiographies of male and female saints.48 In early Christian hagiography, few texts written by women survive, and only one of those has a self-identified female author (Baudonivia, who wrote her saint’s life only to complement an earlier redaction by a man, Fortunatus).49 Scholars suspect other works might be written by women, especially nuns who had firsthand knowledge of their saint-abbesses.50 In most cases male clergy wrote about women.

A similar case arises in classical Islam. Women may have lent considerable time, faith, and even wealth to their respective traditions, but they remained largely silent in the sources. Muslim women’s social expectations depended largely on the geographic locale and ruling elite; yet in most cases women played a sizable role in the establishment of schools and the transmission of knowledge. Like female patrons of Christianity, wealthy wives and mothers commissioned schools and donated land for educational institutions, and with those same sources of wealth, many women acquired personal tutors and received competitive educations.51 Also as with Christianity, tradition largely circumscribed women’s practical role in the public classroom as teachers or students; modes of formal education, including Qur’anic studies, remained confined to males.52 Any formal training or introduction to Islamic jurisprudence and hadith studies also remained a mostly masculine domain.

Although Muslim scholars restricted women from formal educations, they did not release them from the burden of learning and studying the hadith and models of holiness. Theoretically, women bore the same responsibility as men to understand and follow Islamic teaching. Hadith scholars even recognized several women of the early community as worthy transmitters. Many of these women, such as `A’isha, the Prophet’s youngest wife, lived with Muhammad and had intimate dealings with him. These women like none other could transmit information about the Prophet’s actions, words, and directives because of their association in the domestic sphere.53 Women’s official roles largely ended in the domestic sphere, however; while many women acted as hadith transmitters, there are no extant compilations by female scholars and no information about them. Thus our medieval sources are once again written by men about women.

In these male-authored medieval texts about women, gender, and holiness, hagiographers and theologians transformed Mary and Fatima into champions for their pious agenda. Mary marked the boundaries between Christianity and heresy; Fatima led her family to paradise and consigned her enemies to hell. Both communities fashioned a view of piety, politics, and family by manipulating traditional gender roles while still assigning their heroines to the domestic sphere as miraculous mothers and virgins. Today’s readers might be tempted to dismiss much of the hagiographers’ works as too proscriptive if not blatantly misogynistic, but closer examination reveals a more complex agenda.


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