Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi]

Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi]21%

Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi] Author:
Translator: Dr. Zuhayr Aulia
Publisher: Fountain Books
Category: Various Books

Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi]
  • Start
  • Previous
  • 43 /
  • Next
  • End
  •  
  • Download HTML
  • Download Word
  • Download PDF
  • visits: 16541 / Download: 4015
Size Size Size
Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi]

Inspirational Quotes [From Grand Ayatollah Sadiq Shirazi]

Author:
Publisher: Fountain Books
English

Ethics

602: Holding on to one’s intention and resolve is the most difficult issue for the soul.

603: No matter how much success and sincerity one may have acquired, even if one sustained his sincerity for seventy years, one cannot guarantee against one’s intention and resolve being shaken, because one is shackled by instincts, desires, whims, worldly and various other weird things.

604: The truthfulness of an intention is a difficult and an extremely significant matter. It is reported in great Qur’anic verses, divine hadith as well as prophetic ones that huge masses end up going to hell because of their ill intention, even though their deeds were as big as the mountains.

605: It is imperative that we beseech the Almighty to protect our intention from various dangers, from Satan, whims, desires, and all other effects.

606: It is not fitting for filthy souls to meet Imam Mahdi, may Allah hasten his reappearance, nor do sinful eyes deserve to see him, or ears that are filled with sins and disobediences are worthy to hear his voice, and those lips from which thousands of disobediences have emanated will not have the honour to kiss his hands.

607: Why does Imam Mahdi, may Allah hasten his reappearance, not allow us to meet him while he is the owner of kindness and generosity? Did he not allow Sayyid so-and-so for an audience with him, or sheikh so-and-so, the so-and-so greengrocer, the so-and-so shop owner, and even illiterate individuals who cannot read and write? Why does he not allow you and me to meet him while we are learned? It is for nothing but our sins. [When appraising] The Imam does not look at our bodies but looks at our hearts, our souls, and our minds.

608: Let us plan for our souls and spirits before we plan for our stomachs, houses, and families, and let us move forward in this direction so that we may have the honour of meeting the Imam of our Time.

609: It is imperative that we acquire ‘elm al-akhlaq or the science of morals. It isn’t that all the Islamic morals and etiquettes are classified in the two groups of“recommended” and“discouraged” (mostahab & makrooh) deeds only. Rather, some of them are classified in the groups of“obligatory” and“prohibited” (halal & haram) too.

610: If you come to recognise the position and station of knowledge, and that some of the akhlaq constitute obligatory and prohibited duties, you would then know that akhlaq is part of the required knowledge too.

611: Magnanimity is a praiseworthy trait, so too are generosity, hospitality, giving; all of that is good and encouraged, but as long as it does not lead to abandoning an obligatory duty or committing a prohibited deed.

612: What is meant by giving up the“I” is not to humiliate oneself before others, nor is it meant to be arrogant; rather, it is meant that you intend your deed not for your own sake but purely for Allah’s sake.

613: If one is hurt or suffers a pain, it would not be possible for him not to say“ouch” , but if one trains oneself, it would then be possible for one not to say it, but instead say,“la hawla wa la quowata illa billah” .

614: We are required to strengthen our relationship with the community, and that is through adhering to Islamic morals (akhlaq) such as humility, dignity, pleasantness, magnanimity, forgiveness, compassion, upholding kinship.

615: Try to oppose your desires in all affairs; so if you believe something is right but you don’t like it, submit to it with all leniency and forbearance.

616: If you had a dispute with your friend and were angry with him, try to maintain your relation with him by visiting him, or greeting him every time you meet him.

617: akhlaq requires commitment, seriousness, and perseverance in order to attain its higher levels.

618: ‘elm al-akhlaq (the science of morals) is one of the challenging disciplines; it is even more demanding than fiqh (jurisprudence) which is considered to be one of the most difficult disciplines and has numerous case studies.

619: ‘elm al-akhlaq is more demanding than fiqh, and we must not take it lightly, because akhlaq means producing a true human being.

620: Advancement to higher levels of akhlaq (morals) and fada’il (virtues) is more demanding than gaining ijtihad in fiqh, because its fruit and result is more distant and more challenging to attain than fiqh. One will not touch the result of one’s endeavour in this respect except when one will have a [sound heart],[90] and the morals and virtues (akhlaq & fada’il) become second nature (malakah) to the individual. It is only then that one would feel the delight of akhlaq and attaining its higher levels, and it is then one would recognise the value of self-discipline and opposing the whims and desires.

621: akhlaq does not become second nature for an individual until one combats one’s self and opposes it, and opposes it, and opposes it vehemently and continually until that second nature of love of the good in all its dimensions grows within the individual.

622: If one acquires the second nature of love of the good in all its dimensions, one would feel the delight, and would begin to sense the result of one’s exertions in the field of morals and virtues (akhlaq & fada’il).

623: Climbing the levels of akhlaq is difficult, indeed it is more difficult than ijtihad, and the best evidence for that is that the number of those who have attained the rank of the perfect human being is rare compared to the number of the mojtahid individuals.

624: By saying that akhlaq is difficult we do not mean it is difficult to receive lectures in akhlaq such as studying the book of jami‘ al-sa‘adat or deliver lectures on akhlaq or listening to them; all these represent ‘elm al-akhlaq or the science of morals. However, what is a required necessity of akhlaq is the practice of it, and what we mean by fada’il (virtues) is not having knowledge of but practicing them.

625: By asserting that akhlaq is difficult it is not intended to put people off it, rather it is in order to make them pay attention to it more.

626: The fruit of akhlaq is not attained quickly, and the delight of feeling the spiritual elevation is not acquired except after much hardship and perseverance; and this is one of the differences that distinguishes akhlaq from other sciences and disciplines.

627: One of the many differences between akhlaq and other disciplines, is that mankind likes to be encouraged, and by it progresses in various fields, however, those who endeavour to advance in the course of akhlaq must expect no encouragement in the process, rather they should even expect dissuasion, as this is the state of the community in general.

628: Most people would dissuade those who take up akhlaq rather than encourage them.

629: When an individual shows perseverance, is truthful, or honours his promise even to the detriment of his own interests, in such circumstances most people would try to make him renege. It is for these that such an individual should observe patience, perseverance, and concentration in order to adhere to akhlaq and fada’il and advance in them.

630: Those who entice to renege, whims, satanic insinuations, and desires, make virtue resemble vice.

631: Magnanimity is a praiseworthy trait, which is opposed by profligacy which is blameworthy; however, one may embark on an action that stems from magnanimity but others would depict it as an abhorred act of profligacy and extravagance.

632: If you wanted to practice an act of altruism or self-sacrifice or any other praiseworthy action, you should not allow those around you to make you hesitate, and ultimately discourage you.

633: We should concentrate on akhlaq so that we become experts and ultimately acquire a [sound heart] and the second nature of virtues and morals (fada’il & akhlaq).

634: With a sound heart we can combat people’s dissuasion and the camouflage of the [soul that continually enjoins unto evil].[91]

635: When we are certain that the path of akhlaq is difficult and barbed, and realise that in every instance we need to allocate this task enough time, patience and perseverance, we need Allah’s support before all that, and must continually be wary of slipping. We would then know that we have begun observing the etiquettes of the journey, and that by relying on and trusting Allah we will arrive at the destination envisaged in Allah’s Messenger’s mission, peace be upon him and his holy family, when he declared:“I have been sent as a prophet to complete and perfect the noble traits.”

636: Our interaction with those of weakest faith should be such that it would not leave them with the impression of us being haughty in anyway.

637: Supposing that you are not haughty, but that alone would not be enough, it is essential that you do not leave an impression to that effect.

638: Qualities such as being personable, genial and humble, as well as having a pleasant expression, good listening attitude, and forbearance have a great impact on people, which surpass the influence of our speech.

639: Try to consort with anyone who asks you a question.

640: The one who commits a forbidden act, or takes usury, or wrongs the people do so for one’s own self; seeking wealth, position, fame, leadership, and realising all its desires for one’s self.

641: The one who does not perceive Allah and denies His existence, you will find him stamp on Allah’s laws and couldn’t care less, turns his back to Allah and His messengers, and takes one’s self and desires as his god instead of Almighty Allah.

642: The cognition and understanding of [the attributes and oneness of] Almighty Allah, upholding His laws and religion, and self-discipline, is the basis of every virtue.

643: The one who disciplines one’s self rises above all vices.

644: Imagine how the equation reverses if the self becomes the ruler; the thought of it alone would be enough for killing and oppressing people when self-discipline is non-existent, and the self declares“I am everything” . Whereas, the one who practices self-discipline, states: Allah is greatest, and He is above everything.

645: Sincerity being a good and praiseworthy issue is one of the real issues. So anyone would be upset if told he is insincere in his deeds. Even the insincere would be delighted if told he is sincere, even though he is not so in reality. This is an evidence for sincerity being a good issue, like the reality of truthfulness, bravery, magnanimity and everything that is good.

646: Every individual has one’s own weak points that one knows. If one of them surfaced and sought to overcome and deteriorate the individual, one should at that instance remember that there is Almighty Allah [who would hold one to account]. One should therefore concentrate on this attitude, and keep reminding oneself on this and similar issues, so that one can reform one’s self bit by bit.

647: Disobediences do not emanate except from a vile soul or a soul with no control over it; its owner is a slave to one’s desires instead of their master. It is natural therefore that such an individual may not have the qualities which would take him or her to paradise.

648: Donation is hard, and donation during hard times is even harder. The donor must therefore have a sublime soul, a control on one’s self and desires, which will truly save the individual.

649: Donation during hard times is the highest degree of self-sacrifice.

650: Self-control and self-discipline require great determination and training.

651: Self-control and self-discipline is a challenging undertaking which should not be taken lightly.

652: It is not possible to tame the self easily and quickly, and without the need to much preliminary training and discipline. Rather, it needs continuous discipline.

653: If self-discipline is one of the individual obligations (wajib ‘ayni) for [each one of] us, this means one would be required to prepare for the ways and means to enable one not to disobey the Almighty. This is a matter which should not be underestimated. This requires preparations, time, and discipline.

654: Discipline of the self is much harder than the discipline of the body, since in the latter case, with an able body, there won’t be any of the hindrances that will normally be faced in the course of the discipline of the self, which are extremely powerful, such as those depicted in the poem:

My self, my devil, my materialistic world, and my whims and desires

How can I free myself from them while they are all my enemies

We all face these hindrances, and they require powerful resolve and determination to overcome them.

655: The rein is in our hands and it is not in the hands of others… every one of us has one’s own rein in his or her hands.

656: At whatever stage of piety, abstention-from-haram, and self-discipline we may be, there is still more room for improvement and progression.

657: One who finds Almighty Allah, would not then care about what one person or another achieves. Learn from those who are pious and those who point you to faith and source of good. However, after you find the source of good, which is the Almighty, strengthen your connection with Him, continuously seek His help, seek refuge with Him from the evils, Satan, and the evil-commanding soul so that you, your intention, and your sincerity are not affected by the changes in the states of others.

658: If an individual who, in our opinion, is the greatest saint or devotee, errs the greatest error, then our faith must not change, otherwise, this will prove our faith is superficial.

659: We should know that Allah scrutinises our hearts, and He gives us success, capability and happiness according to our merit; since it is not wise, and Allah is the wisest, to give to someone over and above one’s worth and merit.

660: If we humans, with our limited intellectual capability, endeavour not to act other than in wisdom, how do we expect other than that from the Almighty?!

661: If the congregational prayer leader is not just (i.e. ‘adil)[92] we would not pray behind him, and this is based on wisdom, before it being a jurisprudential ruling.

662: We do not give a wealth of millions to a feebleminded, because it is not wise to do so, and thus the Almighty would not give us precious gems if we do not qualify for them.

663: Asceticism is not to abstain from food, drink, marriage or ownership; rather, true asceticism is not to grieve over wealth lost or opportunities missed whatever they may be, and not to rejoice for achieving them. One may not acquire this quality easily, except through continuous discipline and exercise.

664: People differ through the rate and magnitude of change; some can change quickly and some slowly. However, the more one realises the benefits gained or the harm repelled through the change, the higher the rate of change.

665: The love of prestige is one of the fundamental powerful traits in mankind.

666: If one is saddened for the loss of something, say one’s health, this would be normal; and self-discipline would lessen the impact of this loss on the individual. However, if the psychological pain, regret and suchlike dominate one’s life, then the solution would require training and practice to eliminate them. One relevant clue is to remind oneself that everything that one owns, including one’s health, body and soul, all are put in trust with him, and that one is not their real owner.[93]

667: We should know that our health is a trust [placed with us which] we must take care of, and that we must not be saddened or depressed if it is taken back from us. The qudsi hadith states:“O Muhammad! Love whoever you like but you will separate from them, and do what you like, for sure you will meet it.” This of course does not mean that one should not be saddened for the loss of dear ones, but there is a difference between that and that one gets sad and angry merely for the event to take place.

668: Since we face personal problems, we need to train ourselves to acquire the degree of agreeing with and accepting Allah’s share and destiny for us. As a result of our response to what has happened to us we should not say or do something that angers Allah. We should continually remind ourselves that whatever good we achieve is from Almighty Allah, i.e. it is a trust with us, and it is inevitable that we will separate from it one day. We should not regret what we lose and nor exult for what we achieve.[94]

669: If one proceeds on Allah’s path, one would certainly be supported by Him. Indeed the Almighty made that promise to the believers, when He promised them victory if they strive in His cause; whether combating an external enemy, or combating the internal enemy which is the self. Thus if the believer seeks help from Allah, and proceeds in the course of combating his self, support and victory from the Almighty Allah will come to him.

670: The best evidence for the possibility of gaining victory against the self are Allah’s devotees (awliya’ Allah) who reached those elevated stages, not to mention the ma‘soomeen, peace be upon them. For what is the difference between us and Sayyid Bahr al-‘Oloum for example, or Sheikh al-Sadouq, or Sayyid al-Radi,[95] Allah’s blessings be upon them all? They used to be normal people, i.e. non-ma‘soom, and through self-discipline they became extraordinary devotees, about whom wonders have been reported. It is through them that the current Islamic heritage reached us. How did they become like that while they weren’t ma‘soom? The answer: they took up the path of those who relied on Allah and sought His help, and the Almighty helped them and gave them victory against their selves until they attained whatever they attained in terms of knowledge and faith.

671: Through the continuous observance of holding oneself to account, it is possible for an individual to reach elevated levels and stations. Indeed, many reached such high levels that enticement would not boost their motivation any further, and discouragement would not weaken their resolve in any way, despite the fact that they are humans, have desires, and realise the meaning of enticement and discouragement, but realisation is one thing and being influenced by it is another.

672: Satan, desires and bad influence have their own negative impacts. However, if one becomes convinced that it is possible to reach [those elevated stations] and relies on the Almighty Allah, then this conviction in itself would help the individual reach them. One of the key factors for this [journey], which is easy to realise, is to hold oneself to account. To observe this, one should adhere to identifying a particular time of the day to hold oneself to account. The time should be appropriate, it shouldn’t be at a time when one is hungry, or full, or one’s mind is preoccupied with another matter, which might affect the process. It should be a time when one can isolate oneself, and assess one’s conducts that day.

673: The process of holding oneself to account should not cease as long as one is awake. This is possible through some self-discipline in that one would assign some time of the day to do that, increasing the time a bit every day. One should review one’s conduct and assess one’s deeds and intentions. For every good deed one should thank Allah and ask Him for more of the same, and make the necessary effort for it. For every evil deed one should seek Allah’s forgiveness and ask Him for help and success to eradicate such conduct.

674: It is essential for believing men and women to assign a particular time, every day, even if for a few minutes, for the business of holding oneself to account, and to carry out a quick review of the conducts over the previous twenty-four hours, and to resolve to continue the good deeds, and seek forgiveness for the sins.

675: It is imperative that one should pay attention to and direct others to observe and practice the Islamic morals such as truthfulness, patience, forbearance, loyalty, perseverance, and geniality, for this is the best means to gather all the goodness and happiness in this world and in the hereafter.

History

676: Have you ever seen any resemblance of the behaviour and conduct of our Prophet, peace be upon him and his holy family, throughout history? His people forced him out of his hometown and fought him mercilessly, despite knowing about his truthfulness, trustworthiness, magnanimity, and moral ethics. But when he overcomes them he sets them free and leaves them to choose whatever religion and way of life they wish.

677: Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family, used to advise and guide his people, show them the right path from that of straying, and then leave them to make their own choice.

678: The honourable Prophet, peace be upon him and his holy family, repelled tens of assaults and battles which the people of the book [i.e. the Jews and Christians] launched against him, yet without coercing any one of them to accept Islam.

679: History records that not even in one instance did Allah’s messenger, peace upon him and his holy family, coerce a dhimmi[96] to embrace Islam, and history is rife with the biography of the Chosen Prophet which has documented minute details about his life.

680: In his great hadith masterpiece of Bihar al-Anwar, the distinguished scholar ‘allamah Majlisi,[97] Allah’s blessings be upon him, has devoted ten volumes of this work, which total more than four thousand pages, all of which are about Allah’s messenger, peace upon him and his holy family, his battles, his ethics and conducts with the Muslims, the infidels and the people of the book… in all you would find not one instance in which Allah’s messenger coerced a Christian or a Jew to accept Islam.

681: History narrates to us that Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family, appointed a Muslim governor for the city of Mecca, who ruled it according to Allah’s laws. Mecca, at that time, was the bastion of polytheism, and given the beauty of what they saw, the atheists and polytheists abandoned their own laws which they had inherited and had grown accustomed to, when they saw the benefits and primacy of the laws of Islam.

682: The absolute majority of the people pledged allegiance to Imam Ali, peace be upon him, but despite that he climbed the pulpit to see if there were objectors and if so what were their objections. Do you find anything like this in history?

683: For the first time in history, the Commander of the Faithful, Imam Ali, peace be upon him, allowed people to freely march and demonstrate their vocal opposition, and also sanction them to express their opinions even in inadmissible matters. This was at a time when the entire world was suffocated by the darkness of tyranny and authoritarianism.

684: Read history for yourselves to find out what the Umayyad dynasty attempted to do with Islam, and what was Imam Husayn’s role, and why Allah’s Messenger said,“Indeed Husayn is the torch of guidance and the ark of salvation” .

685: The salvation of Allah’s religion depended on the blood of Husayn, peace be upon him, and were it not for the martyrdom of Husayn and his family members, there would have been no trace of Islam today. Whoever wishes [to see the evidence for this] should refer to history.

686: Read the history and observe the way of Allah’s Messenger and that of amir al-mo’mineen Imam Ali, and the history of Ahl al-Bayt, peace be upon them all; whatever opportunity they had and the chance they were given, see what they did. The Commander of the Faithful, peace be upon him, was the greatest leader on the surface of the earth, and he ruled the vastest state of the time, but when he was assassinated he was in debt. Have you ever heard that a leader has died who was in debt?[98]

687: The leader of the greatest country on earth, Imam Ali son of Abu Talib, peace be upon him, was in debt when he died, and Imam Hasan, peace be upon him, for a long period of time afterwards continued to repay the debts of the Commander of the Faithful. The same was in the case of Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family; he used to receive millions and he used to distribute them amongst the people. Close to his demise, he said:“O Ali! you are the one to pay off my debt…” as Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family, was in debt when he passed away, and his hauberk was put up as collateral - as it is well known. These issues need to be reflected upon, we must take these pure and divinely appointed leaders as role models.

688: The faithful men and women should not have their faith shaken by the events we see these days, which bring fear in the hearts of some of the faithful. They should refer to the Qur’an, and carefully study its verses to see in what situations Almighty Allah succoured the Muslims, and how He gave them victory.

689: Almighty Allah succoured the Muslims in situations in which victory looked impossible according to rational calculations. But despite that the Almighty blessed them with victory; one of the most important of those situations, was the battle of the Confederates (al-Ahzab).

690: At the dawn of Islam, the Almighty promised the faithful victory, but the hypocrites and the sick-hearted belied Allah and His messenger when they saw the Confederates (al-Ahzab), and said: [Allah and His Messenger promised us nothing but delusion].[99] Today, we are being subjected to the same test; so do we doubt Allah’s promise of victory to the faithful, or do we stand steadfast on our faith believing in Allah’s promise, without a negative doubt?

691: Poverty almost became extinct during the reign of the Islamic government, to the extent that when the Commander of the Faithful, Imam Ali, peace be upon him, saw one poor man, he was shocked, as he considered that an unacceptable phenomenon which does not fit with the Muslim society and the Islamic system of government. Thereby, the imam orders that the pauper man receives salary to enable him to lead a comfortable life, even though he was a Christian. Therefore, Imam Ali ensured that there will not be even one instance of manifestation of poverty and destitution in the Islamic country. It is for the people, including the Muslims, to know that the government of Islam overcomes poverty, and elevates the standard of living for the poor and destitute - not only for Muslims, but also for the non-Muslims who live under the rule of the government of Islam.

692: The Islamic governments used to last longer, because of the mutual bond between the people and the government. The head of government never needed“secret service” and“presidential guards” and suchlike to protect him from the people.

693: Abu Dharr al-Ghifari was a young polytheist, so what was it that made him embrace Islam? What did he see that made him become a Muslim and exemplary human being? And how great and numerous are the perpetual reverberations of his influence?

694: There are hundreds of eminent Shi’a scholars who are the fruit of the endeavours of Abu Dharr, Allah’s blessings be upon him, since they found Abu Dharr the most truthful, and became truthful like him, and henceforth they strived, progressed, and achieved great ends.

695: History does not register before Islam, nor do civilisations report since the dawn of Islam, until today, any social security system as comprehensive and wide-ranging as that practiced in Islam.[100]

696: In the so-called“apostasy wars” , which were waged against some of the Muslims under the pretext of“fighting the apostates” , the conducts which Khalid ibn Waleed practiced were totally contrary to the teachings of the noble prophet, peace be upon him and his holy family, and the teachings of Islam. The conducts perpetrated by Khalid ibn Waleed included: killing the Muslims by throwing them from high palaces, burning them alive, mutilating them and cutting their limbs, and throwing them down the wells. This is when the noble prophet, peace be upon him and his holy family, prohibited the mutilation of even a dog.

697: When Khalid ibn Waleed raided the Judhaymah clan of the al-Mostalaq tribe, [which was for no justification except for personal tribal revenge,] Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family, despatched the Commander of the Faithful (amir al-mo’mineen) Imam Ali, peace be upon him, to address the issue and compensate them. For everyone killed in that raid, Imam Ali gave the compensation (diyah) of the killed to his heirs, the compensation for every foetus miscarried as a result of fear or physical blow, he compensated the owners of any property damaged and items or wealth lost, he also compensated the owners for any cattle foetus miscarried, with broken or lost harnesses and leashes also compensated for. Imam Ali, peace be upon him, made monetary compensation to the women who were frightened and distressed in the course of the raid, and so too the youngsters were compensated for terror they felt. Also those who did not know what they had lost in the course of the raid were compensated, even the dogs’ drinking vessels which were broken or lost were compensated for. After all that, they were given money to be contented about Allah’s messenger, peace upon him and his holy family. Does history, even in the world today, find anything like this humane conduct, in which even the fright of women and children are compensated for?

698: The Umayyad rejected everything that Islam brought forth right from the outset; beginning from their master Abu Sufian, who is well-known for his infamous declaration he made amongst his inner circle, [long after the Prophet]“I swear by that which Abu Sufian swear by, there is no Paradise and no Fire” . Then came the turn of his son Mo‘awiyah, the founder of the Umayyad dynasty, who was relentless in character assassinating Allah’s messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family. On one occasion he confided to one of his companions when he heard the call-to-prayer (adhan) mentioning the name of the messenger of Allah, saying,“I swear I would not rest until I bury that name” . Mo‘awiyah’s son Yazid went even further and expressed publicly by declaring:

The Hashim were frivolous with the reign,

As there was never any divine revelation made …

And then he ordered for a table to be set for gambling and drinking wine, in full view of the public.

699: Yazid, son of Mo‘awiyah, used to drink wine and commit indecent and despicable acts, just as his father Mo‘awiyah used to do. Like his father Yazid used to do these discretely; for example he used to go to a village called Hawarin to indulge in his acts. However, after the killing of Imam Husayn, peace be upon him, Yazid believed that he had eradicated all obstacles, and he had realised the aspirations of his father and grandfather, and so he started to practice those conducts in public, while at the same time claiming to be the caliph or successor to Allah’s Messenger, peace be upon him and his holy family. In this way he attempted to distort the image of Islam, and this was the first of many steps the Umayyad took to oppose and undermine Islam in order to eliminate it altogether.

700: It is truly unfortunate that you see one who is viewed as a scholar considers Saladin as an“Islamic leader” , though even his admirers from amongst his religious sect admit that in one incident he burnt an entire city, and more than fifty thousand of its inhabitants, which included women, children and old men, perished.

701: Admirers of Saladin and those who promote and glorify his personality report that he killed nearly one million human beings for nothing other than that they were of a different viewpoint to him.

[For more on the criminal conduct of Saladin see endnote #6 in the endnotes section beginning on page 243.]

702: If we review and survey the shining aspects of human history, we will find that the law of Islam is the best one for quality society management in various domains. Islam has the wise politics, as well as the sound economics, and low crime-rate to an extent the like of which world’s history has not seen from the time of the ancient civilisations until today, and indeed nothing close to that.

703: History records numerous examples of events that show Islam’s mercy and humaneness. At a time when the pre-Islamic jahiliyah wars brought destruction and death of tens of thousands of people, however, the total number of victims of all the eighty-or-so battles fought during the reign of Allah’s Messenger’s government was not more than fourteen-hundred, and that is on both sides. Needless to say, all the battles the Prophet engaged in were purely defensive.

704: Under the leadership of the commander of the faithful Imam Ali ibn Abu Talib peace be upon him, the greatest country on the face of the earth, which comprised tens of the countries according to today’s map and had implemented the laws of Islam, was not accustomed to the existence of begging paupers. This was until the Imam, peace be upon him, noticed this odd phenomenon once during the entire of his reign. He was shocked to see this and denounced it by saying,“What is this?!” History never recorded such an event again until the end of his reign.

705: The shiny and radiant history of the biography of the Holy Prophet and the Commander of the Faithful, peace be upon them, during their rule, is full of numerous examples, which indicate that they endeavoured to provide social justice for all, and not to wrong even one of the minorities, even the enemies of the state, or the enemies of the Head of State, or the hypocrites.

706: At a time when the world throughout the east and west was being crushed with oppression and vice for centuries on end, the Muslims were the greatest and most powerful nation on the face of the earth - and this was according to the rate and prevalence of the teachings of the Qur’an amongst them and their adherence to them.

707: Observes of Islamic history recognise that there is something distinctly evident in the history of the ma‘soom Imams, peace be upon them, which is farsightedness and meticulousness in thought. Their teachings were not limited to their time alone, but they took into account the time and circumstance of hundreds of years ahead in providing direction and guidance for the Shi’a leadership and management and the roadmap for them.

708: [During the prolonged period of infighting between the Umayyad and the Abbasid dynasties, the persecution of the Shi’a and the Ahl al-Bayt were lessened to some extent, and thus] Imams Baqir and Sadiq, peace be upon them, used the opportunity, as far as they could, to protect the lives of the Shi’a on the one hand, and, on the other, endeavoured to teach and disseminate the correct Islam, which ultimately reached us.[101]

709: If scholars make a careful examination of history, they will find that most of the Jews, Christians, Zoroastrians, and polytheists who embraced Islam during the era of the ma‘soom Imams, peace be upon them, were the students of Imam Muhammad al-Baqir, or Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq, or the ma‘soom Imams after them, peace be upon them all.

710: Imams Muhammad al-Baqir and Ja‘far al-Sadiq, peace be upon them, brought about a massive scholarly tidal wave that preserved Islam intact.

711: Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, trained and educated more than four thousand scholars and hadith narrators, and those four thousand scholars learned the real Islam from a ma‘soom Imam and went about teaching and disseminating it in every town and village throughout the vast Islamic country.

712: History has recorded that the judges who had been practicing law for many years differed in their judgement when issuing a verdict for a thief. This was because they had not come across a theft case before hand, so that they would be familiar with the Sharia verdict for it. This happened for the chief judge of the time Ibn Abu Dawood. He gathered the scholars, jurists and judges in the presence of Imam Muhammad al-Jawad,[102] peace be upon him, to address the issue.[103] This proves how perfectly the Islamic law ensures a happy and prosperous life for mankind in all aspects.

713: By the Grace of Almighty Allah upon the entire Islamic Ummah and the wounded Iraqi nation in particular, the“tyrant of the time” was removed and the masses have the great blessing of the freedom to visit the holy shrines, in particular the shrine of Imam Husayn, peace be upon him, on the 15th of Sha‘ban. It was on the occasion of 15th of Sha‘ban [1410AH/1990AD] that the honourable nation of Iraq offered thousands of victims in the cause of visiting Imam Husayn, peace be upon him. It is imperative to commemorate the oppressed victims of the Sha‘ban uprising who stamped their support and succour for Imam Husayn, peace be upon him, with the blood of their hearts. They eternalised the ideals of bravery, chivalry, and sacrifice for Iraq and history. We also commiserate the victims’ grieved families, and this great nation, whose honour and magnanimity history has witnessed.

714: My elder brother, the late Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Shirazi, may Allah elevate his station, used to continuously emphasise through his lectures, writings and poems to pay particular attention to Allah’s laws that have been practically forgotten; on issues such as the one Ummah, brotherhood in faith - thus there is no difference between various races and nationalities - consultation on matters of concern such as management of the country, the Islamic freedom, pluralism, and suchlike.

715: My elder brother, the late Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Husayni Shirazi, may Allah elevate his station, was a manifestation of the holy hadith by Imam Sadiq, peace be upon him;“scholars are the Prophets’ heirs” . One of the manifest qualities of prophets is that they employ all their energies and resources in Allah’s cause, and do not care about any of this world’s pleasures of life for that cause. Our late brother too, from his early age, adopted such policy; he devoted and dedicated all his energies and abilities to the cause of the Almighty Allah, and never cared about anything in the world which would be to the detriment of that cause - rather it was the complete opposite.

716: Amongst the things worth mentioning, as we observe the occasion of the anniversary of the passing away of Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Husayni Shirazi, are the matters he used to be continually preoccupied with. These were the causes and tragedies of the Muslims throughout the world, whether they were in Muslim countries or in other than them, especially the dark decades the wounded Iraq went through, the tragedies of Palestine, Afghanistan and the like.

717: The late Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Husayni Shirazi, may Allah elevate his station, used to prepare for the day the oppressed Iraq would find a way out through his books, communiqués, meetings with various sections of the nation of Iraq such as scholars, academics, politicians, businessmen, and the like.

718: This is how another one of the many pages of continuous tragedies was turned, and Almighty Allah brought about some of the hopes, through the fall of Iraq’s tyrant. The prayers of the tortured in the depth of the dungeons, and those of bereaved mothers, widows and children were answered. And the holy shrines that were desecrated throughout the dark history were avenged.

719: After the arrest of the tyrant Saddam, while I thank Almighty Allah for His Grace for this great blessing which has included the entire oppressed Muslim nation of Iraq, rather the entire Muslim Ummah, or even all of humanity, I beseech Him to complete this blessing by eliminating all sequels of the great tragedy, which has lasted for many long decades, and end it with the bright and happy dawn for the future of this patient nation. I congratulate all, inside and outside the country, the seminaries, the academics, the loyal tribes, the professionals, workers, businessmen, and all others on the occasion of this victory for this oppressed nation.

720: The explosions which targeted the holy shrines and the innocent organisers of the Husayni rituals in the holy cities of Karbala and Kadimiyah, as well as others, in the holy month of Muharram [1425AH/2004AD], and on the day of Ashura in particular, and desecrated the holy sanctuary of the shrines of the holy Imams; namely Imam Husayn, Imam al-Kadim,[104] Imam al-Jawad, as well as the shrine of al-Abbas[105] peace be upon them all - the focal-point for the hearts of hundreds of millions of Muslims - represent a continuation of the movement of [the cursed tree in the Qur’an][106] which is embodied by Yazid, Obaidullah Ibn Ziyad, Omar ibn Sa‘d, Shimr ibn Dhil-Jawshan, and their ilk.[107]

721: The martyrs and the injured in the explosions which targeted the holy shrines, and the organisers of the Husayni rituals in the holy cities of Karbala, Kadimiyah, and others locations, in the holy month of Muharram, represent the movement of the [goodly tree][108] which is embodied in Imam Husayn, al-Abbas, Ali al-Akbar, al-Qasim ibn al-Hasan, and their likes peace be upon them all.

722: The wrongful attacks in the holy month of Muharram against the innocent participants in the mourning procession in the city of Quetta in Pakistan, and others like it, represent a continuation of the movement of the Umayyad [the cursed tree in the Qur’an].

723: History has proven that sectarian commotions have all ended in failure for all sides, and have resulted in the waste of energies, loss of golden opportunities, and they give the common enemy the chance to hunt in murky water.

An Overview of Contemporary Muslim History

Pan-Arabism, Pan-Iranism and Pan-Turanism, three of the different tendencies or ideologies among Muslim societies, came into being as a result of secularist activities at the beginning of the twentieth century and during the inter-war period (1914-1945)77 . However, my present discussion will not focus on the problems of particular Muslim nations or Arab, Turkish or Persian nationalism.

My major concern here is the theoretical stance of Islam on the subject of nationalism. In some ways, it is almost confusing to speak of Islam and nationalism by referring to specific examples. P. J. Vatikiotis in his chapter on Islam and Nationalism, faces this problem in dealing with individual nationalist ideologies.78

The work conducted by Vatikiotics is to a large extent a study of a specific Muslim nation and its nationalism rather than of Islam and nationalism, for the terms Arab, Persian, Turk, etc., are not equivalent to Islam.

At any rate, Syria was the country in which Arab nationalism, (al- qawmiyyah al-'Arabiyyah) had its origin.79 However, according to M. J. Steiner,“Syria was not the first Arab land to open her gates to modern nationalist; Egypt did so several decades earlier. But Syria was the first Arab speaking country to ride towards nationalism on the vehicle of cultural awakening.” 80 It was before World War I that Arab nationalism emerged, and it was in the period after World War II that it spread through the Arab world. Sharabi has stated:

The most sophisticated articulation of the doctrine of Arab nationalism is probably that given by the Socialist Arab Ba'th party. But Arab nationalism does not constitute a single political creed Under the leadership of Gamal 'Abdul-Nasser, a mass nationalist movement emerged which attracted the allegiance of Arabs from Morocco to Iraq.81

'Urubah (Arabism) may be defined as taking pride in being the inheritor of the Arab as well as Muslim culture heritage.82 Syria at that time was considered to be a cosmopolitan country of many races, nationalities and religions. Therefore, it is rather surprising to find it stated by Sharabi that Syria“was destined to become the cradle of Arab nationalism.” There existed around twenty religious sects in that relatively small area each with its own voice. From within such an area“the cultural renaissance of the Arabs in modern times” emerged.83

As a result of this movement, however, the religious outlook was replaced by a secular doctrine whose power had been derived from both the cultural and political aspirations of the peoples who were fighting for their independence. This wave of secularism derived from the West, was to a large extent more successful in Turkey than in the Arab lands“where Islam still retains some power as a cultural and even political factor.” In the case of the latter,“the bonds of religion had to be removed slowly and gradually.” 84

The Pan-Islamic movement of the end of the nineteenth century on the other hand, represented“an impulse to resist and repulse the attacks of the European powers.” It was obviously intended to unite all Muslims“in a common defensive struggle against European attacks.” 85 'Divide and rule' had been the policy of the colonial powers up to that time.

Since the rise of nationalist movements within their societies, Muslims have been constantly encouraged to think about and to take pride in their nationality. In some instances, and mostly in Western societies nationalism is considered to be a key factor in a nation's success and independence. In Europe the expansion of the movement was natural since there was no energetic and effective school of religious thought encouraging people of the same religion and different nations to come together and form a single community. In Muslim world, however, Islam itself is considered to be the guarantor of liberty, and is regarded as the basic element of Muslim independence and freedom. Algeria, Indonesia, Pakistan, and more recently Islamic Republic of Iran are examples of this trend.86

In the nineteenth century the Muslim world was stirred by the teachings of two insightful figures, Sayyid Jamal al-Din (1838- 1896/97) and Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), the“two champions of the Pan-Islamic movement.” These two Muslim thinkers, and particularly Sayyid Jamal al-Din were among the first figures who“inspired feelings of resistance to the danger of Western imperialism in the hearts of the Muslim peoples” and forced them to think of an Islamic front against imperialism.87

Sayyid himself used to hide his own nationality for he preferred not to be known as an individual belonging to a specific nation so that the Western colonialists might motivate others against him88 . He stated that there is no nationality for Muslims except Islam89 .

Sayyid was chief among individuals who“were the first to seize upon the Pan-Islamic idea, and became its propagandists.” 90 Familiar with the ancient civilization and power of the East, he“yearned to rouse it from a state of complete decadence. He recognized all the menace of existing conditions and the need of a solid alliance against Christian Europe.” 91

Sayyid Jamal al-Din“conceived the idea of Pan-Islam” , in 1882 while in Constantinpole, where he made a“deep impression upon” Ottoman Sultan Abdul- Hamid II. The Turkish Sultan developed and supported the idea of Pan-Islam“as a deliberate policy and attempt to restore to the office of Caliph its ancient significance as the chief and protector of all Muhammedans.” 92

The Sultan sent delegates to the Muslim world“to rally all believers behind their caliph.” Consequently, even among the orthodox Arabs, Shi'ites, and Sunnites, the Pan-Islamic idea received an encouraging response, although theoretically they could not recognize Abdul-Hamid as caliph93 , probably because they realized that the Qur'an did not predict the office of Caliph. Instead they believed that such an office“sprang from military and political needs.94” During the revival of Pan-Islamism, the office of caliphate, after having long been void of all significance,“rose again to importance, especially through Abdul-Hamid who endeavoured to restore the authority of the Caliph.” 95

It was in the late nineteenth century that both Sayyid Jama al-Din and Sultan Abdul-Hamid upheld the call for Muslim unity and for a single Islamic government ruling the entire Muslim world. They tried to gather all Muslims under the umbrella of the 0ttoman Empire in the hope of defending Islam against Western imperialism and its dream of conquering the Middle East.96

However, as Kohn elaborates:

In spite of a consciousness of Islamic affinity, politically nationalism was the stronger force. Attempts to revive the Caliphate (which Mustafa Kemal abolished in Turkey in 1924) as a pan-Islamic movement failed.97

At the very outset of the movement of Pan-Islam, the Western colonial powers, mainly France and England, realized the danger of this newborn doctrine. They tried as a result to defeat this movement before it grew and acquired strength. They began to explore every means of destroying Muslim unity. One of the most effective methods utilized in this regard was to encourage nationalist feelings among Arabs and Turks in order to create barriers between the various peoples of the Muslim world. This strategy was aimed in particular at the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it was no accident that the first nationalist aspirations arose in the dependencies of the latter.98

Three motivations have been recognized as lying behind this policy. First, the British colonial office actually perceived a threat in the wave of Islamic unity and so tried to discourage its emergence. Secondly, the creation of a Jewish state was in the planning stages. Thirdly, the presence of Russia in the Muslim world was endangering the political aims of the office. Steiner remarks:

To the policy makers of the British Colonial Office, Pan-Arabia is occasionally an expression of what is known as 'benevolent imperialism,' and sometimes - oddly enough- a bugbear aimed at intimating the Jewish National Home in Palestine.99

He continues that it was the intention of the British“to build up Pan-Arabia as a bulwark against Russian penetration into the Arab World.” 100 Since Pan-Arabism lacked the necessary elements required to unify the Arabs of different areas, it did not go beyond the status of a myth in the Arab history.“The three prerequisites of any political movement are: ideology, organization, and leadership. In Pan-Arabism all three are lacking.” 101

Alongside the Pan-Arabism movement, two other movements were being formed in other parts of Muslim world. The role of German 0rientalists in planting the idea of Pan-Turanism in the minds of the Turks is discussed by Steiner as well. Again, it was done to inspire“the Pan-Turan leaders of Turkey to side with Germany against Russia and Great Britain.” 102

It is asserted that three Jewish from Europe motivated the thought of Turk Nationalism. This is confirmed by the famous 0rientalist Bernard Lewis in his Islam in History. According to him, Arthur Lumley David (1832-1811) was the first one who encouraged the feeling of nationalism among the Turks. He was a British Jewish who departed to Turkey and distributed a book known as Preliminary Discourses trying to confirm the excellence and superiority of Turk race to Arab and other nations.103

At that time, Iran was not governed by the Ottoman Empire; therefore, the movement of pan-Iranism has its own story. In fact, the pan-Iranism movement, propagated as it was by Western- leaning free-thinkers, was not as advanced as the nationalist movements in other Muslim areas. This was because the British Colonial Office now realized that the wave of Muslim unity influenced Iranians less than Turks and Arabs, due to Iran's independence from the Ottoman Empire.

The colonial powers were not very concerned that Iran might become a part of a united Islamic world. They therefore concentrated on introducing Western institutions into Iran without feeling obliged to strengthen the nationalist sentiment for Pan-Iranism. It was for this reason that the nationalist movement of Pan-Iranism was weaker than Pan- Turanism or Pan-Arabism in other parts of the world of Islam.104 Here again, and in Pan-Turanism as well the above-mentioned three prerequisites were lacking.

In any case, the establishment of nationalist movements in Muslim world was not the result of a real consciousness or awareness among Muslims. Rather it was the fruit of Western colonialism. Kohn claims that the rise of nationalism in countries outside Western Europe during this period was influenced by the West.“Yet this very dependence on the West hurt the pride of the native educated class, as soon as it began to develop its own nationalism.” 105

To be continued.

Bibliography

1- A.K.P., Dar Justejuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; “Melli Gara'i”, no. 11, (Tehran:1982 ).

2- Baron, Modern Nationalism and Religion, (New York:1947 ).

3- Dabashi, Hamid, Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York:1993 , New York University Press).

4- Frazier, Franklin, The Negro Church in America, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,1964 .

5- Ha'iri Husayn, Eighty Eight Aphorisms from the Eight Imam, (Mashhad,1992 ).

6- Hayes, Carlton J. H., Nationalism: A Religion, (New York:1960 ).

7- Hess Andrew C., The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “MILLET”, editor in chief John L. Esposito, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

8- Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad. The Life of Muhammad, English translation by

9- A. Guillaume, (London, New York & Toronto:1955 ).

10- ICPIKW. Pity Aphorisms, selected and collected from Ayatollah Khomeini's words (Tehran:1994 , the Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini's Works).

11- Imam Ali. Nahj al-Balaghah, English Translation by Sayyid Mohammad 'Askari Jafery, (Poona, India:1967 ).

12- Imam Khomeini, Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, English translation by M. Qara'i, (Tehran:1989 ).

13- Imam Khomeini. Imam's Final Discourse, English translation by translation unit of the Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, (Tehran:1989 ).

14- Khadduri, Majid. War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (Virginia:1995 , William Byrd Press).

15- Khaji Nuri, A. Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran:1980 ).

16- Kohn, Hans. A History of Nationalism in the East, English translation by Margaret M. Green, (London:1929 ).

17- Kohn, Hans. Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York:1965 ).

18- Kohn, Hans. Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York:1946 ).

19- Lee, Martha. The Nation of Islam: An American Millenarian Movement, (Queenston:1988 , Edwin Mellen Press).

20- Mawdudi, Sayyid Abul 'Ala. The Political Theory of Islam, (Delhi:1964 ).

21- Mawlawi, Jalal al-Din Muhammad, Mathnawi-ye Ma'nawi-ye, (Tehran:1987 , Jawidan).

22- Muhyiddeen, Bawa, M. A., Islam and World Peace: Explanation of a Sufi, (Pennsylvania:1987 ).

23- Mutahhari, Murtadha, Khaddmat-i Mutaqdbil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran:1981 ).

24- Naqawi, Ali Muhammad. Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyyah, (Tehran:1984 , Munazamah al-I'lam al-Islami).

25- Paret R., First Encyclopaedia of Islam, “UMMA” 1st ed. vol. 8, (Leiden:1987 , E. J. Brill).

26- Sharabi, Hisham B.. Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York & London:1966 ).

27- Soekarno. Nationalism, Islam and Marxism, English translation by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York:1984 ).

28- Steiner, M. J. Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago:1947 ).

29- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an, vol. 14, (Beirut:1974 ).

30- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan: An Exegesis of the Qur'an, English translation by Rezvi, vol. 3, (Tehran:1982 ).

31- Tahir-ul-Qadri, Islam in Various Perspectives, (Lahore: Model Town,1986 ).

32- Turgay, A. Uner. The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “NATI0N”, editor in chief John L. Esposite, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

33- Van der Veer, Peter. Religious Nationalism, (London:1994 , University of California Press).

34- Vatikiotis, P. J. Islam and State, (London, New York & Sydney:1987 , Croom Helm).

Notes

1. The Qur'an, 49: 10.

2. Hans Kohn, A History of Nationalism in the East, English translation by Margaret

M. Green, (London: 1929), p. 41.

3. Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (U.S.A.: William Byrd Press, 1955), p.8.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid. p. 7.

7. This passage occurs four times in the Qur'an: 12: 104; 38: 87; 68: 52; 81: 27.

8. Cf. M.R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen, Islam and World Peace: Explanations of a Sufi, (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 1987), pp. 37 & 98.

9. Hans Kohn, Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York: 1965), p. 4.

10. Ibid., p. 9.

11. Ernest Renan (1823-1892) the celebrated French historian and philosopher.

12. Soekarno, Nationalism Islam and Marxism, Translated by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York: 1984), p. 38.

13. Otto Bauer (1881-1938) was a leading theoretician of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, whose book, Die Nationalitdtenfrage und die isterreichische Sozialdemokratie (The Nationalities Question and Austrain Social Democracy), first published in 1906. He was very influential in the European socialist movement of the time. (Ibid., p. 39)

14. Ibid., p. 39.

15. Ibid.

16. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 9.

17. Carlton J. H. Hayes, Nationalism: A Religion, (New York: 1960), p. 7.

18. Ibid., p. 1.

19. Ibid., p. 2.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid., p. 3.

22. 'Ali Muhammad Naqawi, Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyya, (Tehran: Munazzamah al-I'lam al-Islami, 1984), p. 54.

23. Ibid., pp. 54-55.

24. Ibid. pp. 101-102.

25. Ibid., p. 88.

26. See: Muntaziri, Husayn 'Ali, Dirasat fi Wilayat al-Faqih, (Beirut: 1988), v.1, pp. 525-492. As an English reference, see: Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent; the Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York; London: New York University Press, 1993), pp. 424-425 & 491-493.

27. Cf. Pity Aphorisms, Selected from Imam Komeini's words, (Tehran: 1994), p. 102.

28. Ibid., p. 103.

29. Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 419.

30. A. Khaji Nuri, Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran: 1980), p. 49.

31. Ibid., p. 50.

32. Imam Khomeini, Imam's Final Discourse, (Tehran: Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, 1989), p. 20.

33. Ibid., p. 21.

34. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

35. Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 472.

36. Ibid.

37. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 56.

38. Imam, Imam's Final Discourse, p. 8.

39. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 5.

40. Pity Aphorisms, p. 109.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.

43. Amir Kabir Publication, Dar Justujuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; Milli Garayi,

Ayatollah Khomeini's sayings, (Tehran: 1982), no. 11, pp. 9, 27, 29 & 57.

44. Cf. Mutaharri, Khadamat-i Mutaqabil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran: 1981), p. 44.

45. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

46. Imam Khomeini Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, translated into English by M. Qara'i, (Tehran: 1989), part one, p. 137.

47. Ibid., pp. 137-138.

48. Imam Khomeini, Forty Hadith, p. 138.

49. Ibid.

50. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

51. Ibid., p. 53.

52. Ibid., p. 55, citing Ibn Hisham, Sirat al-Nabi, v. 2, p. 412.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., p. 56.

55. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 44.

56. Ibid.

57. Hans Kohn, Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York: 1946), p. 2.

58. Ibid.

59. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 23.

60. Kohn, Prophets and Peoples, p. 145.

61. Ibid., p. 148.

62. Ibid.

63. Ibid., p. 149.

64. Hayes, Nationalism, p. 11.

65. Ibid., p. 13.

66. Ibid., pp. 14-15.

67. “The vernacular of a country or region is the language that is most widely spoken there.” Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary, 1994.

68. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 8.

69. Ibid., pp. 8-9.

70. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34, also see: Abaas Arianpoor Kashani, English-Persian Dictionary, (Tehran: Amir Kabir Publication, 1963), v. 3, p. 3347.

71. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 50.

72. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34.

73. M. H. Tabataba'i, al-Mizan; An Exegesis of the Quran, English, translation by Rezvi, (Tehran: 1982), v. 3, p. 179.

74. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

75. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

76. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

77. P. J. Vatikiotis, Islam and State, (London, New York, Sydney: Croom Helm, 1987), p. 13.

78. Ibid., pp. 72-83.

79. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York, London: 1966), p., 96.

80. M. J. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago: 1947), p. 79.

81. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism, p. 96.

82. Ibid.

83. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, p. 79.

84. Ibid.

85. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

86. Mutaharri, Khadamat, pp. 34-35.

87. Soekarno, Nationalism, pp. 44-45.

88. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 36.

89. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

90. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

91. Ibid., pp. 38-40.

92. Ibid., p. 40.

93. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, pp. 42-44.

94. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 42.

95. Ibid.

96. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 31.

97. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 83.

98. Naqawi, al-Islam, pp. 31-32.

99. Steiner, Inside pan-Arabia, p. 197.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid. p. 198.

102. Ibid.

103. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 37, citing Bernard Lewis, Islam in History, (London: 1973), p. 132.

104. Ibid., p. 33.

105. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 30.

Islam and Nationalism: A Theoretical Point of View Part 2

Authors(s): S. Ahmad Rahnamaei

Publisher(s): Ahlul Bayt World Assembly

Journal: Vol.11, No.2, 2010

Nationalism and Islam: Clash or Reconciliation?

The phenomenon of ‘nationalism in religion’ according to S. W. Baron is considered to be an obstacle that prevents religion from fulfilling its role in human life. The necessary balance between organized humanity’s social responsibility and the right of each state would be gained through organized religion.

In Modern Nationalism and Religion, Baron attempts to show a way to achieve this aim. For the sake of this aspiration, he makes the proposal that“religion must try to purge itself of its nationalist biases.” In this regard, he believes that“the impact of religious bodies can make itself felt most strongly and effectively.” 1 He further adds:

The world religions have long represented large-scale approaches to the riddles of existence. While stressing individual beliefs and observations and, at times, overemphasizing parochial duties and attitudes, they also have taught man to think in terms of a universal godhead, the cosmic relevance of even minutiae of ethical behaviour and the essential nature of an all-human brotherhood.2

The religions that Baron is speaking of here are the most dominant surviving religions in the West, i.e., Christianity and Judaism. Referring to the position of the Judeo-Christian heritage, Baron remarks that it“has been endangered by the rise of the neopagan forms of extreme nationalism and the idolization of race and state ....” 3

The negative impact of nationalism on the living religions of modern Western societies seems obvious. It should be emphasized, however, that the nationalist biases within a divine religion have never had their origin in the religion itself; rather, it is the adherents and followers who burden themselves with such prejudices. This will be made clearer when I later consider the Qur’anic teachings in this area and the philosophy of prophethood.

To fulfil the objectives of the present study, I should restrict myself to a description of nationalism in the mirror of Islam only. From a theoretical point of view, I can see that there are not many similarities between Islam as a divine religion which has its own especial doctrine of human life, and nationalism as, let us say, a political movement in terms of its fundamental elements.

A distinction between the attitude of Islam and the practice of its adherents has been suggested by Soekarno. He, criticizing nationalists’ and Marxists’ comment on Islam, remarks that:

Nationalists and Marxists both blame Islam for the down-fall of the Moslem nations, their present backwardness and the fact that most of them are under Western domination.

But they are confused! It is not Islam, but rather its adherents who have been at fault. Seen from a nationalist and socialist perspective, it would be hard to find a civilization comparable in greatness to that of the early Islamic world. The downfall of national greatness, the downfall of Islamic socialism was not brought about by Islam itself, but by the moral downfall of its leaders. Once the“Caliphs became kings,” the true nature of Islam was suppressed.4

Soekarno also says:“I am certainly not saying that Islam accepts Materialism; nor do I forget that Islam transcends national boundaries and is supra-national in character.” 5

Once the Muslim Ummah was established in Madina in 632 A.D., the leader of Islam proclaimed the message of Islam on a universal scale. In his Political Theory of Islam, Abul ‘Ala Mawdoodi remarks:“A state of this sort evidently cannot restrict the scope of its activities. It is a universal and all-inclusive state.

Its sphere of activity is co-extensive with the whole of human life” 6 Islam, from the very beginning, has been a monotheistic religion of“supra-national and universal human scope.” Islam, rejecting racism and nationalism,“did not stop at the call to the faith. It rose to establish a state which embodied a new nation, which is that of the believers, Islamic Ummah or Ummah Muslima.” 7 P. J. Vatikiotis, in paraphrasing this point, states:

The very basis of this new nation and its nationalism, if you wish, has been the religion of Islam. The state has been and remains its instrument. The state, therefore, has no value in itself; nor is it set up temporally for a particular people, as a nation-state, to the exclusion of others. Rather, it is based on the universal principle of Islam to safeguard the religion and extend its message.8

The Muslim Ummah is built on the basis of the Qur’anic faith and certain self-evident truths such as the equality of all people before God, friendly relationships among fellow believers, and kindness towards people. Here are some words from Imam ‘Ali b. Musa al-Rida (765-818) where he says:

To be friendly with others denotes one half of wisdom.

The believer who is endowed with a good temper will have the strongest faith.

Perfection in intellect is primarily to have faith in God and secondly to behave well towards others.

To bear enmity towards people is the worst provision for the journey to the Hereafter.9

The members of the Muslim Community, recognizing that humankind is endowed by the Compassionate Creator with certain inalienable rights, like the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, are encouraged to do good, to help the persecuted and to fulfil the desires of the needy.10 As Majid Khadduri mentions:

In the Tradition, Muhammad is reported to have conceived of the Muslim community as“a single hand, like a compact wall whose bricks support each other,” and in the Qur’an it is often referred to as a distinct“nation” (ummah) or a“brotherhood,” bound by common obligations to a superior divine authority.11

Thus, one finds neither inspiration nor encouragement towards nationalism within the constitution of the Muslim ummah.

Regarding the attitude of Islam towards nationalism, there has been a very long discussion among the theoreticians of the political and social sciences. Those who express negative feelings towards nationalism are themselves divided.

Some believe that nationalism is in conflict with Islam, but at the same time, they maintain, as a kind of justification, the existence of temporal secularism within the power structure of the Islamic nation. One such theoretician is Vatikiotis, whose attitude is clarified in the following passage.

Nationalism (qawmiyya)12 as an ideology is incompatible with the world of Islam, for it implies a pre-Islamic kind of tribal particularism, or jahiliyya. In fact, nationalism is Islam’s deadliest, for it represents an attempt to separate Islam from polity and isolate it from the resolution of temporal matters.

That is, it postulates the separation between religion and polity, religion and the state, or it denies Islam its central role in the regulation of Muslim earthly political affairs. The nation state in Islam is then an ideological, not a territorial concept. It comprises the community of the faithful or believers wherever they may be.13

Vatikiotis explains that the nation state of Islam implies“the structure of temporal-secular power.” 14 The author justifies this kind of“temporal-secular power” as a means of safeguarding the ummah“against its external, infidel enemies and ensures that the believers can lead the life of observant Muslims.” 15

This is in spite of the fact that the Qur’anic nation state of Islam by itself has nothing to do with secularism, even in its temporal form. Islam is a religion, and between it and secularism there can be found no harmony. From the genuine Islamic point of view, the believers are even taught not to accept an unbeliever ruler who governs not by the revealed Shari‘ah of Islam.16

As Kohn mentions:

From the very first Islam was not only a religion, but a political and social system as well. The Koran, the Sunna, and the systems based upon them, contain not only religious commandments but also the principles of private and public law.17

A glance at the Qur’anic passages

There are two Qur’anic terms that imply more or less the notion of a nation. One of these is milla, which is mentioned seventeen times in fifteen verses. In defining the concept of milla, Raghib Isfahani, in his dictionary of Qur’anic words and expressions, states that milla, imlal and imla’ are all of the same root.

The infinitive imla’ meaning ‘to dictate’, contains the notion of something which is dictated from any divine or undivine, mighty or unmighty, holy or non-holy source. The word milla in its religious sense means a way, a path, or a cult which is dictated and presented by a divine18 or perhaps undivine leader or group. Both cases have been exemplified in the Qur’an:

“Say, verily, my Lord has guided me to the straight way, a right and steadfast religion, the milla (religion-trod) of Ibrahim, the true in faith, and Ibrahim certainly joined not gods with Allah.” 19

This verse hints at Ibrahim’s milla as a divine path and religion. On the other hand, we recite in the Qur’an:

“And the unbelievers said to their apostles, ‘Be sure we shall derive you out of our land, or you shall return to our milla (religion).’” 20

Since a divine religion like that of Ibrahim was revealed and dictated by Allah, it is called milla in the sense that it is a dictated path that should be followed by the adherents of that divine religion. Thus, milla in its most elementary concept is employed to mean path, rite or religion itself, as it may be applicable to people who follow that rite or religion.

In either case, milla in its divine sense is also attributed to the prophet or to the leader of a religion.21 According to the Qur’an, people are requested to recognize and practice the divine religion of the prophet Ibrahim:

“Say, Allah speaks the truth, thus, follow the religion of Ibrahim (millata Ibrahim), the sane in faith; he was not of the pagans.” 22

The milla of infidels, by contrast, is a satanic cult which is considered to contradict the divine paths of God’s prophets.

Islam is an Abrahamic religion, and Muslims are to honour the milla of their father Ibrahim23 by following the Prophet Muhammad. Muslims then form an Abrahamic milla with especial qualifications, all of whose elements are based on divinity without taking any racial, territorial, linguistic, or other differences into consideration.

This is because, as we understand from the Qur’anic verses, there is an eternal togetherness between the nation of Islam and Islam itself. Hess Andrew C. mentions that the word millet [milla] though basically employed to mean“religion” , later in Islamic history is extended to include“religious community” , i.e., the community of Islam.24

The word ‘ummah’ is another Qur’anic term, referring to the religious nation of Islam. This word occurs more than forty times in the Qur’an as well as a number of other times in two other conjugations, i.e., ummatukum (your ummah) and umam (different ummahs).

The passages that contain the word ummah are so varied that its meaning cannot be rigidly defined.” But is the term in its Qur’anic concept identified with what R. Paret deems as always referring to“ethical, linguistic or religious bodies of people who are the objects of the divine plan of salvation” ?25

We may take this definition of ummah as applicable in the case of some other ethical religious nations in reality; nevertheless, it seems a problematic concept when we are concerned with the notion of a Muslim community referring to the Qur’anic passages that contain the term ummah.

Accordingly, there is no supposition of elements like language or ethnicity as playing a role in the formation of the Islamic ummah. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

In an Islamic state, Islam cannot be treated as a personal affair of an individual or a belief or faith of a particular group. It negates the idea of duality of religious and secular life as it practically exists in present-day Christianity in the form of incompatibility between church and state.26

Thus, an Islamic state and secular life contradict one another. In a secular state, religion has no obligatory role in providing the authority; rather, it is the people themselves who are the source of its authority. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

“But the authority of an Islamic state derives from the Almighty Allah and Islam is the basis in polity in an Islamic state; it regulates both individual and state affairs.” 27

The usage of “ummah” in the Qur’an and the concept of an Islamic ummah

To some extent, the usage of the term ummah in the Qur’an does not answer our understanding of the concept. On a few occasions, the exegetes of the Qur’an qualify the term as referring exclusively to the Islamic community. Allamah Tabataba’i28 describes the literal concept and other usages of the word ummah in the Qur’an by offering four definitions:

1- It may be literally translated as ‘people’, meaning a group of people, as in the verse:

“Mankind was but one single ummah (people, nation) ...” 29

2- Sometimes the word is meant to describe a single human being, as in the verse:

“Surely Ibrahim was an ummah devoutly obedient to Allah.” 30

3- ‘A long period of time’ is another usage of the word, as is implied in the verse:

“And remembered after an ummah” ,31

meaning after a long time.

4- ‘Religion’ is considered to be a fourth usage of the term, such as in the verse:

“And surely this is your single ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, fear Me,” 32

or in the verse:

“Surely this your ummah is one ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, worship Me.” 33

Allamah maintains that“In both these verses, according to some commentators, the word ummah has been used for ‘religion’.” 34

Allamahh regards the first usage of the above-mentioned ones as the original meaning and remarks that the other kinds of usage are based on this fundamental one.35 In the case of the fourth concept, he prefers to explain the word ummah in the sense of a ‘people.’ Accordingly, it represents the notion of one single Muslim nation that believes in Allah, worships Him and is faithful to Him.

Once again in dealing with the notion of the Prophet’s ummah, Allamah interprets the word ummah in the two latter verses to mean nothing more or less than a group of people. He furthermore states that the reference to Muhammad’s ummah, in the sense that it includes all those who have believed in his call, gained currency after the revelation of the Qur’an and the expansion of Islam.36

In his commentary on the verse:

“Verily this is your ummah, the unique ummah, and I am your Lord, then worship Me,” 37

Allamah mentions that the word ummah hints at a group which gathers around the same objective. Such a translation is understood from the first root of the word ummah, which is amma, i.e.“had an aim.”

Therefore, ummah is a company of people“which has a single aim, a single goal and a single ambition, and that unity of aim unites all the members, and makes them one people. That is why it is correct to use it for one human being as well as for many ...” 38 On another occasion, Allamah maintains that the unification of the ummah springs from its unique shari‘a, that is, the Shari‘a of Oneness (Din al-Tawhid).39

The constitution of the first Islamic community

The formation of the Islamic community dates from the time of the Prophet in Madina. He created a new community there shortly after arriving in this first city-state of Islam.40 Ibn Ishaq in his Sirat Rasul Allah relates the following passage41 which is translated by A. Guillaume:

The apostle wrote a document concerning the emigrants and the helpers in which he made a friendly agreement with the Jews and established them in their religion and their property, and stated the reciprocal obligations, as follows: This is a document from Muhammad the prophet [governing the relations] between the believers and Muslims of Quraysh and Yathrib, and those who followed them and joined them and laboured with them. They are one community (ummah) to the exclusion of all men.42

The broad outlines of an Islamic state were established within this first constitution of the city-state of Madina. Through this constitution, the Prophet declared Madina to be a political unit. As depicted in article 2 of the constitution, Muslims established a“unique communication” (ummah wahida) as“distinct from all the people of the world.” 43

The Prophet“went beyond the circle of Muslims proper and included those citizens of Madina who had not yet heeded his religious appeal in one political combination.” 44 Within the framework of the constitution it is expressly stated that all citizens, including the Jews and other non-Muslim minorities, lived under the protection of the Islamic state.

At any rate, this single ummah constituted by the Prophet was a Muslim ummah under whose political aegis many non-Muslim minorities had been given protection.45 In short, as Khadduri states:“The conception of the ummah or brotherhood constituted the basis of the Islamic community in whose membership alone the believer obtains prosperity in this world and salvation in the next.” 46

The Qur’an, appreciating the wise act of the Prophet, says:

“It is the milla (cult, nation) of your father Ibrahim. It is He (God) Who has named you Muslims, both before and in this revelation.” 47

Furthermore, the Prophet, in order to reinforce the position of the newly born ummah,“instituted brotherhood between his fellow emigrants and the helpers, and he said, ‘Let each of you take a brother in God.’”

One of the aspects of the Prophet’s conduct (sirah) that discourages nationalism and focuses on faith as the key-element of Muslim unity is this brotherhood between people of several nations and tribes. One may go further and say that even the wars that occurred between the Qurayshi Prophet and the infidel tribesmen of the Quraysh were intended to discourage tribalism as well as nationalism.

The Prophet and Muslims, as depicted in the Qur’an,48 were allowed to defend themselves and fight against the Quraysh since he and his followers had been unjustly treated by the Quraysh simply because of their faith in Allah.49

In this case, the nationalist and tribalist interests were disregarded for the sake of the monotheistic faith of Muslims in contrast to the idol-worship of the Quraysh. This means that the faith of the ummah at that time overshadowed all other elements and aspects of life.

An Overview of Contemporary Muslim History

Pan-Arabism, Pan-Iranism and Pan-Turanism, three of the different tendencies or ideologies among Muslim societies, came into being as a result of secularist activities at the beginning of the twentieth century and during the inter-war period (1914-1945)77 . However, my present discussion will not focus on the problems of particular Muslim nations or Arab, Turkish or Persian nationalism.

My major concern here is the theoretical stance of Islam on the subject of nationalism. In some ways, it is almost confusing to speak of Islam and nationalism by referring to specific examples. P. J. Vatikiotis in his chapter on Islam and Nationalism, faces this problem in dealing with individual nationalist ideologies.78

The work conducted by Vatikiotics is to a large extent a study of a specific Muslim nation and its nationalism rather than of Islam and nationalism, for the terms Arab, Persian, Turk, etc., are not equivalent to Islam.

At any rate, Syria was the country in which Arab nationalism, (al- qawmiyyah al-'Arabiyyah) had its origin.79 However, according to M. J. Steiner,“Syria was not the first Arab land to open her gates to modern nationalist; Egypt did so several decades earlier. But Syria was the first Arab speaking country to ride towards nationalism on the vehicle of cultural awakening.” 80 It was before World War I that Arab nationalism emerged, and it was in the period after World War II that it spread through the Arab world. Sharabi has stated:

The most sophisticated articulation of the doctrine of Arab nationalism is probably that given by the Socialist Arab Ba'th party. But Arab nationalism does not constitute a single political creed Under the leadership of Gamal 'Abdul-Nasser, a mass nationalist movement emerged which attracted the allegiance of Arabs from Morocco to Iraq.81

'Urubah (Arabism) may be defined as taking pride in being the inheritor of the Arab as well as Muslim culture heritage.82 Syria at that time was considered to be a cosmopolitan country of many races, nationalities and religions. Therefore, it is rather surprising to find it stated by Sharabi that Syria“was destined to become the cradle of Arab nationalism.” There existed around twenty religious sects in that relatively small area each with its own voice. From within such an area“the cultural renaissance of the Arabs in modern times” emerged.83

As a result of this movement, however, the religious outlook was replaced by a secular doctrine whose power had been derived from both the cultural and political aspirations of the peoples who were fighting for their independence. This wave of secularism derived from the West, was to a large extent more successful in Turkey than in the Arab lands“where Islam still retains some power as a cultural and even political factor.” In the case of the latter,“the bonds of religion had to be removed slowly and gradually.” 84

The Pan-Islamic movement of the end of the nineteenth century on the other hand, represented“an impulse to resist and repulse the attacks of the European powers.” It was obviously intended to unite all Muslims“in a common defensive struggle against European attacks.” 85 'Divide and rule' had been the policy of the colonial powers up to that time.

Since the rise of nationalist movements within their societies, Muslims have been constantly encouraged to think about and to take pride in their nationality. In some instances, and mostly in Western societies nationalism is considered to be a key factor in a nation's success and independence. In Europe the expansion of the movement was natural since there was no energetic and effective school of religious thought encouraging people of the same religion and different nations to come together and form a single community. In Muslim world, however, Islam itself is considered to be the guarantor of liberty, and is regarded as the basic element of Muslim independence and freedom. Algeria, Indonesia, Pakistan, and more recently Islamic Republic of Iran are examples of this trend.86

In the nineteenth century the Muslim world was stirred by the teachings of two insightful figures, Sayyid Jamal al-Din (1838- 1896/97) and Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), the“two champions of the Pan-Islamic movement.” These two Muslim thinkers, and particularly Sayyid Jamal al-Din were among the first figures who“inspired feelings of resistance to the danger of Western imperialism in the hearts of the Muslim peoples” and forced them to think of an Islamic front against imperialism.87

Sayyid himself used to hide his own nationality for he preferred not to be known as an individual belonging to a specific nation so that the Western colonialists might motivate others against him88 . He stated that there is no nationality for Muslims except Islam89 .

Sayyid was chief among individuals who“were the first to seize upon the Pan-Islamic idea, and became its propagandists.” 90 Familiar with the ancient civilization and power of the East, he“yearned to rouse it from a state of complete decadence. He recognized all the menace of existing conditions and the need of a solid alliance against Christian Europe.” 91

Sayyid Jamal al-Din“conceived the idea of Pan-Islam” , in 1882 while in Constantinpole, where he made a“deep impression upon” Ottoman Sultan Abdul- Hamid II. The Turkish Sultan developed and supported the idea of Pan-Islam“as a deliberate policy and attempt to restore to the office of Caliph its ancient significance as the chief and protector of all Muhammedans.” 92

The Sultan sent delegates to the Muslim world“to rally all believers behind their caliph.” Consequently, even among the orthodox Arabs, Shi'ites, and Sunnites, the Pan-Islamic idea received an encouraging response, although theoretically they could not recognize Abdul-Hamid as caliph93 , probably because they realized that the Qur'an did not predict the office of Caliph. Instead they believed that such an office“sprang from military and political needs.94” During the revival of Pan-Islamism, the office of caliphate, after having long been void of all significance,“rose again to importance, especially through Abdul-Hamid who endeavoured to restore the authority of the Caliph.” 95

It was in the late nineteenth century that both Sayyid Jama al-Din and Sultan Abdul-Hamid upheld the call for Muslim unity and for a single Islamic government ruling the entire Muslim world. They tried to gather all Muslims under the umbrella of the 0ttoman Empire in the hope of defending Islam against Western imperialism and its dream of conquering the Middle East.96

However, as Kohn elaborates:

In spite of a consciousness of Islamic affinity, politically nationalism was the stronger force. Attempts to revive the Caliphate (which Mustafa Kemal abolished in Turkey in 1924) as a pan-Islamic movement failed.97

At the very outset of the movement of Pan-Islam, the Western colonial powers, mainly France and England, realized the danger of this newborn doctrine. They tried as a result to defeat this movement before it grew and acquired strength. They began to explore every means of destroying Muslim unity. One of the most effective methods utilized in this regard was to encourage nationalist feelings among Arabs and Turks in order to create barriers between the various peoples of the Muslim world. This strategy was aimed in particular at the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it was no accident that the first nationalist aspirations arose in the dependencies of the latter.98

Three motivations have been recognized as lying behind this policy. First, the British colonial office actually perceived a threat in the wave of Islamic unity and so tried to discourage its emergence. Secondly, the creation of a Jewish state was in the planning stages. Thirdly, the presence of Russia in the Muslim world was endangering the political aims of the office. Steiner remarks:

To the policy makers of the British Colonial Office, Pan-Arabia is occasionally an expression of what is known as 'benevolent imperialism,' and sometimes - oddly enough- a bugbear aimed at intimating the Jewish National Home in Palestine.99

He continues that it was the intention of the British“to build up Pan-Arabia as a bulwark against Russian penetration into the Arab World.” 100 Since Pan-Arabism lacked the necessary elements required to unify the Arabs of different areas, it did not go beyond the status of a myth in the Arab history.“The three prerequisites of any political movement are: ideology, organization, and leadership. In Pan-Arabism all three are lacking.” 101

Alongside the Pan-Arabism movement, two other movements were being formed in other parts of Muslim world. The role of German 0rientalists in planting the idea of Pan-Turanism in the minds of the Turks is discussed by Steiner as well. Again, it was done to inspire“the Pan-Turan leaders of Turkey to side with Germany against Russia and Great Britain.” 102

It is asserted that three Jewish from Europe motivated the thought of Turk Nationalism. This is confirmed by the famous 0rientalist Bernard Lewis in his Islam in History. According to him, Arthur Lumley David (1832-1811) was the first one who encouraged the feeling of nationalism among the Turks. He was a British Jewish who departed to Turkey and distributed a book known as Preliminary Discourses trying to confirm the excellence and superiority of Turk race to Arab and other nations.103

At that time, Iran was not governed by the Ottoman Empire; therefore, the movement of pan-Iranism has its own story. In fact, the pan-Iranism movement, propagated as it was by Western- leaning free-thinkers, was not as advanced as the nationalist movements in other Muslim areas. This was because the British Colonial Office now realized that the wave of Muslim unity influenced Iranians less than Turks and Arabs, due to Iran's independence from the Ottoman Empire.

The colonial powers were not very concerned that Iran might become a part of a united Islamic world. They therefore concentrated on introducing Western institutions into Iran without feeling obliged to strengthen the nationalist sentiment for Pan-Iranism. It was for this reason that the nationalist movement of Pan-Iranism was weaker than Pan- Turanism or Pan-Arabism in other parts of the world of Islam.104 Here again, and in Pan-Turanism as well the above-mentioned three prerequisites were lacking.

In any case, the establishment of nationalist movements in Muslim world was not the result of a real consciousness or awareness among Muslims. Rather it was the fruit of Western colonialism. Kohn claims that the rise of nationalism in countries outside Western Europe during this period was influenced by the West.“Yet this very dependence on the West hurt the pride of the native educated class, as soon as it began to develop its own nationalism.” 105

To be continued.

Bibliography

1- A.K.P., Dar Justejuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; “Melli Gara'i”, no. 11, (Tehran:1982 ).

2- Baron, Modern Nationalism and Religion, (New York:1947 ).

3- Dabashi, Hamid, Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York:1993 , New York University Press).

4- Frazier, Franklin, The Negro Church in America, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,1964 .

5- Ha'iri Husayn, Eighty Eight Aphorisms from the Eight Imam, (Mashhad,1992 ).

6- Hayes, Carlton J. H., Nationalism: A Religion, (New York:1960 ).

7- Hess Andrew C., The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “MILLET”, editor in chief John L. Esposito, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

8- Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad. The Life of Muhammad, English translation by

9- A. Guillaume, (London, New York & Toronto:1955 ).

10- ICPIKW. Pity Aphorisms, selected and collected from Ayatollah Khomeini's words (Tehran:1994 , the Institute for Compilation and Publication of Imam Khomeini's Works).

11- Imam Ali. Nahj al-Balaghah, English Translation by Sayyid Mohammad 'Askari Jafery, (Poona, India:1967 ).

12- Imam Khomeini, Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, English translation by M. Qara'i, (Tehran:1989 ).

13- Imam Khomeini. Imam's Final Discourse, English translation by translation unit of the Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, (Tehran:1989 ).

14- Khadduri, Majid. War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (Virginia:1995 , William Byrd Press).

15- Khaji Nuri, A. Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran:1980 ).

16- Kohn, Hans. A History of Nationalism in the East, English translation by Margaret M. Green, (London:1929 ).

17- Kohn, Hans. Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York:1965 ).

18- Kohn, Hans. Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York:1946 ).

19- Lee, Martha. The Nation of Islam: An American Millenarian Movement, (Queenston:1988 , Edwin Mellen Press).

20- Mawdudi, Sayyid Abul 'Ala. The Political Theory of Islam, (Delhi:1964 ).

21- Mawlawi, Jalal al-Din Muhammad, Mathnawi-ye Ma'nawi-ye, (Tehran:1987 , Jawidan).

22- Muhyiddeen, Bawa, M. A., Islam and World Peace: Explanation of a Sufi, (Pennsylvania:1987 ).

23- Mutahhari, Murtadha, Khaddmat-i Mutaqdbil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran:1981 ).

24- Naqawi, Ali Muhammad. Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyyah, (Tehran:1984 , Munazamah al-I'lam al-Islami).

25- Paret R., First Encyclopaedia of Islam, “UMMA” 1st ed. vol. 8, (Leiden:1987 , E. J. Brill).

26- Sharabi, Hisham B.. Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York & London:1966 ).

27- Soekarno. Nationalism, Islam and Marxism, English translation by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York:1984 ).

28- Steiner, M. J. Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago:1947 ).

29- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an, vol. 14, (Beirut:1974 ).

30- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan: An Exegesis of the Qur'an, English translation by Rezvi, vol. 3, (Tehran:1982 ).

31- Tahir-ul-Qadri, Islam in Various Perspectives, (Lahore: Model Town,1986 ).

32- Turgay, A. Uner. The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “NATI0N”, editor in chief John L. Esposite, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

33- Van der Veer, Peter. Religious Nationalism, (London:1994 , University of California Press).

34- Vatikiotis, P. J. Islam and State, (London, New York & Sydney:1987 , Croom Helm).

Notes

1. The Qur'an, 49: 10.

2. Hans Kohn, A History of Nationalism in the East, English translation by Margaret

M. Green, (London: 1929), p. 41.

3. Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (U.S.A.: William Byrd Press, 1955), p.8.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid. p. 7.

7. This passage occurs four times in the Qur'an: 12: 104; 38: 87; 68: 52; 81: 27.

8. Cf. M.R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen, Islam and World Peace: Explanations of a Sufi, (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 1987), pp. 37 & 98.

9. Hans Kohn, Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York: 1965), p. 4.

10. Ibid., p. 9.

11. Ernest Renan (1823-1892) the celebrated French historian and philosopher.

12. Soekarno, Nationalism Islam and Marxism, Translated by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York: 1984), p. 38.

13. Otto Bauer (1881-1938) was a leading theoretician of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, whose book, Die Nationalitdtenfrage und die isterreichische Sozialdemokratie (The Nationalities Question and Austrain Social Democracy), first published in 1906. He was very influential in the European socialist movement of the time. (Ibid., p. 39)

14. Ibid., p. 39.

15. Ibid.

16. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 9.

17. Carlton J. H. Hayes, Nationalism: A Religion, (New York: 1960), p. 7.

18. Ibid., p. 1.

19. Ibid., p. 2.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid., p. 3.

22. 'Ali Muhammad Naqawi, Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyya, (Tehran: Munazzamah al-I'lam al-Islami, 1984), p. 54.

23. Ibid., pp. 54-55.

24. Ibid. pp. 101-102.

25. Ibid., p. 88.

26. See: Muntaziri, Husayn 'Ali, Dirasat fi Wilayat al-Faqih, (Beirut: 1988), v.1, pp. 525-492. As an English reference, see: Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent; the Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York; London: New York University Press, 1993), pp. 424-425 & 491-493.

27. Cf. Pity Aphorisms, Selected from Imam Komeini's words, (Tehran: 1994), p. 102.

28. Ibid., p. 103.

29. Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 419.

30. A. Khaji Nuri, Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran: 1980), p. 49.

31. Ibid., p. 50.

32. Imam Khomeini, Imam's Final Discourse, (Tehran: Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, 1989), p. 20.

33. Ibid., p. 21.

34. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

35. Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 472.

36. Ibid.

37. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 56.

38. Imam, Imam's Final Discourse, p. 8.

39. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 5.

40. Pity Aphorisms, p. 109.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.

43. Amir Kabir Publication, Dar Justujuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; Milli Garayi,

Ayatollah Khomeini's sayings, (Tehran: 1982), no. 11, pp. 9, 27, 29 & 57.

44. Cf. Mutaharri, Khadamat-i Mutaqabil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran: 1981), p. 44.

45. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

46. Imam Khomeini Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, translated into English by M. Qara'i, (Tehran: 1989), part one, p. 137.

47. Ibid., pp. 137-138.

48. Imam Khomeini, Forty Hadith, p. 138.

49. Ibid.

50. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

51. Ibid., p. 53.

52. Ibid., p. 55, citing Ibn Hisham, Sirat al-Nabi, v. 2, p. 412.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., p. 56.

55. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 44.

56. Ibid.

57. Hans Kohn, Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York: 1946), p. 2.

58. Ibid.

59. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 23.

60. Kohn, Prophets and Peoples, p. 145.

61. Ibid., p. 148.

62. Ibid.

63. Ibid., p. 149.

64. Hayes, Nationalism, p. 11.

65. Ibid., p. 13.

66. Ibid., pp. 14-15.

67. “The vernacular of a country or region is the language that is most widely spoken there.” Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary, 1994.

68. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 8.

69. Ibid., pp. 8-9.

70. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34, also see: Abaas Arianpoor Kashani, English-Persian Dictionary, (Tehran: Amir Kabir Publication, 1963), v. 3, p. 3347.

71. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 50.

72. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34.

73. M. H. Tabataba'i, al-Mizan; An Exegesis of the Quran, English, translation by Rezvi, (Tehran: 1982), v. 3, p. 179.

74. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

75. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

76. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

77. P. J. Vatikiotis, Islam and State, (London, New York, Sydney: Croom Helm, 1987), p. 13.

78. Ibid., pp. 72-83.

79. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York, London: 1966), p., 96.

80. M. J. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago: 1947), p. 79.

81. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism, p. 96.

82. Ibid.

83. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, p. 79.

84. Ibid.

85. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

86. Mutaharri, Khadamat, pp. 34-35.

87. Soekarno, Nationalism, pp. 44-45.

88. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 36.

89. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

90. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

91. Ibid., pp. 38-40.

92. Ibid., p. 40.

93. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, pp. 42-44.

94. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 42.

95. Ibid.

96. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 31.

97. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 83.

98. Naqawi, al-Islam, pp. 31-32.

99. Steiner, Inside pan-Arabia, p. 197.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid. p. 198.

102. Ibid.

103. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 37, citing Bernard Lewis, Islam in History, (London: 1973), p. 132.

104. Ibid., p. 33.

105. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 30.

Islam and Nationalism: A Theoretical Point of View Part 2

Authors(s): S. Ahmad Rahnamaei

Publisher(s): Ahlul Bayt World Assembly

Journal: Vol.11, No.2, 2010

Nationalism and Islam: Clash or Reconciliation?

The phenomenon of ‘nationalism in religion’ according to S. W. Baron is considered to be an obstacle that prevents religion from fulfilling its role in human life. The necessary balance between organized humanity’s social responsibility and the right of each state would be gained through organized religion.

In Modern Nationalism and Religion, Baron attempts to show a way to achieve this aim. For the sake of this aspiration, he makes the proposal that“religion must try to purge itself of its nationalist biases.” In this regard, he believes that“the impact of religious bodies can make itself felt most strongly and effectively.” 1 He further adds:

The world religions have long represented large-scale approaches to the riddles of existence. While stressing individual beliefs and observations and, at times, overemphasizing parochial duties and attitudes, they also have taught man to think in terms of a universal godhead, the cosmic relevance of even minutiae of ethical behaviour and the essential nature of an all-human brotherhood.2

The religions that Baron is speaking of here are the most dominant surviving religions in the West, i.e., Christianity and Judaism. Referring to the position of the Judeo-Christian heritage, Baron remarks that it“has been endangered by the rise of the neopagan forms of extreme nationalism and the idolization of race and state ....” 3

The negative impact of nationalism on the living religions of modern Western societies seems obvious. It should be emphasized, however, that the nationalist biases within a divine religion have never had their origin in the religion itself; rather, it is the adherents and followers who burden themselves with such prejudices. This will be made clearer when I later consider the Qur’anic teachings in this area and the philosophy of prophethood.

To fulfil the objectives of the present study, I should restrict myself to a description of nationalism in the mirror of Islam only. From a theoretical point of view, I can see that there are not many similarities between Islam as a divine religion which has its own especial doctrine of human life, and nationalism as, let us say, a political movement in terms of its fundamental elements.

A distinction between the attitude of Islam and the practice of its adherents has been suggested by Soekarno. He, criticizing nationalists’ and Marxists’ comment on Islam, remarks that:

Nationalists and Marxists both blame Islam for the down-fall of the Moslem nations, their present backwardness and the fact that most of them are under Western domination.

But they are confused! It is not Islam, but rather its adherents who have been at fault. Seen from a nationalist and socialist perspective, it would be hard to find a civilization comparable in greatness to that of the early Islamic world. The downfall of national greatness, the downfall of Islamic socialism was not brought about by Islam itself, but by the moral downfall of its leaders. Once the“Caliphs became kings,” the true nature of Islam was suppressed.4

Soekarno also says:“I am certainly not saying that Islam accepts Materialism; nor do I forget that Islam transcends national boundaries and is supra-national in character.” 5

Once the Muslim Ummah was established in Madina in 632 A.D., the leader of Islam proclaimed the message of Islam on a universal scale. In his Political Theory of Islam, Abul ‘Ala Mawdoodi remarks:“A state of this sort evidently cannot restrict the scope of its activities. It is a universal and all-inclusive state.

Its sphere of activity is co-extensive with the whole of human life” 6 Islam, from the very beginning, has been a monotheistic religion of“supra-national and universal human scope.” Islam, rejecting racism and nationalism,“did not stop at the call to the faith. It rose to establish a state which embodied a new nation, which is that of the believers, Islamic Ummah or Ummah Muslima.” 7 P. J. Vatikiotis, in paraphrasing this point, states:

The very basis of this new nation and its nationalism, if you wish, has been the religion of Islam. The state has been and remains its instrument. The state, therefore, has no value in itself; nor is it set up temporally for a particular people, as a nation-state, to the exclusion of others. Rather, it is based on the universal principle of Islam to safeguard the religion and extend its message.8

The Muslim Ummah is built on the basis of the Qur’anic faith and certain self-evident truths such as the equality of all people before God, friendly relationships among fellow believers, and kindness towards people. Here are some words from Imam ‘Ali b. Musa al-Rida (765-818) where he says:

To be friendly with others denotes one half of wisdom.

The believer who is endowed with a good temper will have the strongest faith.

Perfection in intellect is primarily to have faith in God and secondly to behave well towards others.

To bear enmity towards people is the worst provision for the journey to the Hereafter.9

The members of the Muslim Community, recognizing that humankind is endowed by the Compassionate Creator with certain inalienable rights, like the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, are encouraged to do good, to help the persecuted and to fulfil the desires of the needy.10 As Majid Khadduri mentions:

In the Tradition, Muhammad is reported to have conceived of the Muslim community as“a single hand, like a compact wall whose bricks support each other,” and in the Qur’an it is often referred to as a distinct“nation” (ummah) or a“brotherhood,” bound by common obligations to a superior divine authority.11

Thus, one finds neither inspiration nor encouragement towards nationalism within the constitution of the Muslim ummah.

Regarding the attitude of Islam towards nationalism, there has been a very long discussion among the theoreticians of the political and social sciences. Those who express negative feelings towards nationalism are themselves divided.

Some believe that nationalism is in conflict with Islam, but at the same time, they maintain, as a kind of justification, the existence of temporal secularism within the power structure of the Islamic nation. One such theoretician is Vatikiotis, whose attitude is clarified in the following passage.

Nationalism (qawmiyya)12 as an ideology is incompatible with the world of Islam, for it implies a pre-Islamic kind of tribal particularism, or jahiliyya. In fact, nationalism is Islam’s deadliest, for it represents an attempt to separate Islam from polity and isolate it from the resolution of temporal matters.

That is, it postulates the separation between religion and polity, religion and the state, or it denies Islam its central role in the regulation of Muslim earthly political affairs. The nation state in Islam is then an ideological, not a territorial concept. It comprises the community of the faithful or believers wherever they may be.13

Vatikiotis explains that the nation state of Islam implies“the structure of temporal-secular power.” 14 The author justifies this kind of“temporal-secular power” as a means of safeguarding the ummah“against its external, infidel enemies and ensures that the believers can lead the life of observant Muslims.” 15

This is in spite of the fact that the Qur’anic nation state of Islam by itself has nothing to do with secularism, even in its temporal form. Islam is a religion, and between it and secularism there can be found no harmony. From the genuine Islamic point of view, the believers are even taught not to accept an unbeliever ruler who governs not by the revealed Shari‘ah of Islam.16

As Kohn mentions:

From the very first Islam was not only a religion, but a political and social system as well. The Koran, the Sunna, and the systems based upon them, contain not only religious commandments but also the principles of private and public law.17

A glance at the Qur’anic passages

There are two Qur’anic terms that imply more or less the notion of a nation. One of these is milla, which is mentioned seventeen times in fifteen verses. In defining the concept of milla, Raghib Isfahani, in his dictionary of Qur’anic words and expressions, states that milla, imlal and imla’ are all of the same root.

The infinitive imla’ meaning ‘to dictate’, contains the notion of something which is dictated from any divine or undivine, mighty or unmighty, holy or non-holy source. The word milla in its religious sense means a way, a path, or a cult which is dictated and presented by a divine18 or perhaps undivine leader or group. Both cases have been exemplified in the Qur’an:

“Say, verily, my Lord has guided me to the straight way, a right and steadfast religion, the milla (religion-trod) of Ibrahim, the true in faith, and Ibrahim certainly joined not gods with Allah.” 19

This verse hints at Ibrahim’s milla as a divine path and religion. On the other hand, we recite in the Qur’an:

“And the unbelievers said to their apostles, ‘Be sure we shall derive you out of our land, or you shall return to our milla (religion).’” 20

Since a divine religion like that of Ibrahim was revealed and dictated by Allah, it is called milla in the sense that it is a dictated path that should be followed by the adherents of that divine religion. Thus, milla in its most elementary concept is employed to mean path, rite or religion itself, as it may be applicable to people who follow that rite or religion.

In either case, milla in its divine sense is also attributed to the prophet or to the leader of a religion.21 According to the Qur’an, people are requested to recognize and practice the divine religion of the prophet Ibrahim:

“Say, Allah speaks the truth, thus, follow the religion of Ibrahim (millata Ibrahim), the sane in faith; he was not of the pagans.” 22

The milla of infidels, by contrast, is a satanic cult which is considered to contradict the divine paths of God’s prophets.

Islam is an Abrahamic religion, and Muslims are to honour the milla of their father Ibrahim23 by following the Prophet Muhammad. Muslims then form an Abrahamic milla with especial qualifications, all of whose elements are based on divinity without taking any racial, territorial, linguistic, or other differences into consideration.

This is because, as we understand from the Qur’anic verses, there is an eternal togetherness between the nation of Islam and Islam itself. Hess Andrew C. mentions that the word millet [milla] though basically employed to mean“religion” , later in Islamic history is extended to include“religious community” , i.e., the community of Islam.24

The word ‘ummah’ is another Qur’anic term, referring to the religious nation of Islam. This word occurs more than forty times in the Qur’an as well as a number of other times in two other conjugations, i.e., ummatukum (your ummah) and umam (different ummahs).

The passages that contain the word ummah are so varied that its meaning cannot be rigidly defined.” But is the term in its Qur’anic concept identified with what R. Paret deems as always referring to“ethical, linguistic or religious bodies of people who are the objects of the divine plan of salvation” ?25

We may take this definition of ummah as applicable in the case of some other ethical religious nations in reality; nevertheless, it seems a problematic concept when we are concerned with the notion of a Muslim community referring to the Qur’anic passages that contain the term ummah.

Accordingly, there is no supposition of elements like language or ethnicity as playing a role in the formation of the Islamic ummah. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

In an Islamic state, Islam cannot be treated as a personal affair of an individual or a belief or faith of a particular group. It negates the idea of duality of religious and secular life as it practically exists in present-day Christianity in the form of incompatibility between church and state.26

Thus, an Islamic state and secular life contradict one another. In a secular state, religion has no obligatory role in providing the authority; rather, it is the people themselves who are the source of its authority. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

“But the authority of an Islamic state derives from the Almighty Allah and Islam is the basis in polity in an Islamic state; it regulates both individual and state affairs.” 27

The usage of “ummah” in the Qur’an and the concept of an Islamic ummah

To some extent, the usage of the term ummah in the Qur’an does not answer our understanding of the concept. On a few occasions, the exegetes of the Qur’an qualify the term as referring exclusively to the Islamic community. Allamah Tabataba’i28 describes the literal concept and other usages of the word ummah in the Qur’an by offering four definitions:

1- It may be literally translated as ‘people’, meaning a group of people, as in the verse:

“Mankind was but one single ummah (people, nation) ...” 29

2- Sometimes the word is meant to describe a single human being, as in the verse:

“Surely Ibrahim was an ummah devoutly obedient to Allah.” 30

3- ‘A long period of time’ is another usage of the word, as is implied in the verse:

“And remembered after an ummah” ,31

meaning after a long time.

4- ‘Religion’ is considered to be a fourth usage of the term, such as in the verse:

“And surely this is your single ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, fear Me,” 32

or in the verse:

“Surely this your ummah is one ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, worship Me.” 33

Allamah maintains that“In both these verses, according to some commentators, the word ummah has been used for ‘religion’.” 34

Allamahh regards the first usage of the above-mentioned ones as the original meaning and remarks that the other kinds of usage are based on this fundamental one.35 In the case of the fourth concept, he prefers to explain the word ummah in the sense of a ‘people.’ Accordingly, it represents the notion of one single Muslim nation that believes in Allah, worships Him and is faithful to Him.

Once again in dealing with the notion of the Prophet’s ummah, Allamah interprets the word ummah in the two latter verses to mean nothing more or less than a group of people. He furthermore states that the reference to Muhammad’s ummah, in the sense that it includes all those who have believed in his call, gained currency after the revelation of the Qur’an and the expansion of Islam.36

In his commentary on the verse:

“Verily this is your ummah, the unique ummah, and I am your Lord, then worship Me,” 37

Allamah mentions that the word ummah hints at a group which gathers around the same objective. Such a translation is understood from the first root of the word ummah, which is amma, i.e.“had an aim.”

Therefore, ummah is a company of people“which has a single aim, a single goal and a single ambition, and that unity of aim unites all the members, and makes them one people. That is why it is correct to use it for one human being as well as for many ...” 38 On another occasion, Allamah maintains that the unification of the ummah springs from its unique shari‘a, that is, the Shari‘a of Oneness (Din al-Tawhid).39

The constitution of the first Islamic community

The formation of the Islamic community dates from the time of the Prophet in Madina. He created a new community there shortly after arriving in this first city-state of Islam.40 Ibn Ishaq in his Sirat Rasul Allah relates the following passage41 which is translated by A. Guillaume:

The apostle wrote a document concerning the emigrants and the helpers in which he made a friendly agreement with the Jews and established them in their religion and their property, and stated the reciprocal obligations, as follows: This is a document from Muhammad the prophet [governing the relations] between the believers and Muslims of Quraysh and Yathrib, and those who followed them and joined them and laboured with them. They are one community (ummah) to the exclusion of all men.42

The broad outlines of an Islamic state were established within this first constitution of the city-state of Madina. Through this constitution, the Prophet declared Madina to be a political unit. As depicted in article 2 of the constitution, Muslims established a“unique communication” (ummah wahida) as“distinct from all the people of the world.” 43

The Prophet“went beyond the circle of Muslims proper and included those citizens of Madina who had not yet heeded his religious appeal in one political combination.” 44 Within the framework of the constitution it is expressly stated that all citizens, including the Jews and other non-Muslim minorities, lived under the protection of the Islamic state.

At any rate, this single ummah constituted by the Prophet was a Muslim ummah under whose political aegis many non-Muslim minorities had been given protection.45 In short, as Khadduri states:“The conception of the ummah or brotherhood constituted the basis of the Islamic community in whose membership alone the believer obtains prosperity in this world and salvation in the next.” 46

The Qur’an, appreciating the wise act of the Prophet, says:

“It is the milla (cult, nation) of your father Ibrahim. It is He (God) Who has named you Muslims, both before and in this revelation.” 47

Furthermore, the Prophet, in order to reinforce the position of the newly born ummah,“instituted brotherhood between his fellow emigrants and the helpers, and he said, ‘Let each of you take a brother in God.’”

One of the aspects of the Prophet’s conduct (sirah) that discourages nationalism and focuses on faith as the key-element of Muslim unity is this brotherhood between people of several nations and tribes. One may go further and say that even the wars that occurred between the Qurayshi Prophet and the infidel tribesmen of the Quraysh were intended to discourage tribalism as well as nationalism.

The Prophet and Muslims, as depicted in the Qur’an,48 were allowed to defend themselves and fight against the Quraysh since he and his followers had been unjustly treated by the Quraysh simply because of their faith in Allah.49

In this case, the nationalist and tribalist interests were disregarded for the sake of the monotheistic faith of Muslims in contrast to the idol-worship of the Quraysh. This means that the faith of the ummah at that time overshadowed all other elements and aspects of life.


4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14