Islam: Faith, Practice & History

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Islam: Faith, Practice & History Author:
Publisher: Ansariyan Publications – Qum
Category: General Books
ISBN: 978-964-219-145-1

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Islam: Faith, Practice & History

Islam: Faith, Practice & History

Author:
Publisher: Ansariyan Publications – Qum
ISBN: 978-964-219-145-1
English

1

Lesson 27: The Islamic Community 1

1. The Brotherhood of Islam

A Muslim is related to different people in different ways: first, he is very closely related to his family members; second, he is related to his relatives;

and finally, he is related to other Muslims in the bond of religious brotherhood known as the Muslim Ummah. The first two circles of relationship are based on family ties.

You and your brother or you and your cousin are from a common fore-father. But the third relationship is not based on family ties, it is based on religious ties.

All Muslims are related to one another through Islam, and this relationship is known as the“Islamic Brotherhood”. Allah says in the Qur’an, ‘’Indeed the believers are brothers.” (49:10)

The basis of Islamic brotherhood is not a common forefather, but the common God, Prophet, the Book, etc. All Muslims believe in Allah, Prophet Muhammad, and the Qur’an, and they all pray towards the same Ka’bah.

Relationships are also based on common race, language or country. People of the same race, same language or same country feel a special fraternity towards each other. But Islamic brotherhood transcends all these boundaries of race, language, country, colour and wealth.

Allah says in the Qur’an: “O you mankind! We have created you from a male and a female; and made you into nations and tribes so that you may know each other [more easily]. Indeed, the most noble among you in view of Allah is the most pious of you.” (49:13)

All Muslims are brethren of each other even if they are from different families, races, and countries, or have different skin colour and language. Muslims in China, Mexico, Iraq, Kenya, USA, India, England, Turkey, Malaysia, Ghana, Japan and Tunis are all brethren of one another on the basis of their common faith and beliefs.

Their colour, country, and language are less important when it comes to their relationship based on Islam.

All the Muslims of the world form a single brotherhood or community which is known as “the Muslim Ummah”. Every Muslim is a member of the ummah. The Ka’bah is a visual center of gravity for the Muslim ummah-Muslims all over the world face the same Ka’bah five times a day and confirm their brotherhood.

2. The Prophet & Islamic Brotherhood

The issue of Islamic brotherhood and fraternity was so important in Islam that soon after migrating to Medina, the first important social decree of Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) was on the issue of brotherhood.

The Muslim community of Medina was divided into two groups: the Ansar and the Muhajirin. “Ansar” (Helpers) was a title used for the natives of Medina, whereas “Muhajirin” (Immigrants) was a title used for those Muslims, mostly Meccans, who had migrated to Medina.

Among the Ansar, there were two tribes known as the Aws and the Khazraj who were bitter enemies and had fought each other for more than a century. The Prophet had resolved this conflict even before he migrated to Medina.

With the advent of Islam, the Aws and the Khazraj put their past animosity behind and accepted the bond of Islamic brotherhood. Referring to this blessing of Islam, Allah says:“And remember the favour of Allah upon you-you indeed were enemies (of each other) and then He created fraternity between your hearts and thus you became brethren by His blessing...” (3:103)

The Prophet found that there was cultural and economic disparity among the Ansar and the Muhajirin. So with the guidance of Allah, the Prophet announced one day that he was going to establish the bond of brotherhood between the Ansar and the Muhajirin.

He gathered the two groups at the mosque and then started calling out the name of one Muhajir and one Ansar, and declared them to be brothers of each other. Referring to this bond of brotherhood, Allah says:“Those who believed, migrated and fought in the way of Allah [i.e., the Muhdjirin], and those who gave shelter and helped [i.e., the Ansar]-they are the true believers, for them is forgiveness and a noble sustenance...” (8:75)

Some of the Ansar went beyond the call of duty in fulfilling the rights of brotherhood: they divided their entire wealth into two and gave one-half to their immigrant brother-in-faith.

Some even specified a substantial portion in their estate to be inherited by their immigrant brother-in-faith. Then Allah revealed the following verse“The blood relatives have more right to each other in the Book of Allah” .

This shows that one of the first steps towards building an Islamic community is creating the atmosphere for Islamic brotherhood and fraternity.

An interesting segment of the event of brotherhood is that when the Prophet had joined each Muhajir with an Ansar, ‘Ali bin Abi Talib (a Muhajir) was left out. So he came to the Prophet (who was also a Muhajir) and complained that he had been left out from the bond of brotherhood between the Muhajirin and the Ansar. The Prophet said, “O ‘Ali! You are my brother in this world as well as in the hereafter.”

3. The Moral Rights of Brotherhood

Islamic brotherhood as expressed in the Qur’an (“Indeed the believers are brothers”) is not just a fancy idea. It had been implemented by the Prophet in Medina. There are certain rights which the believers have over each other.

Allah has described some of those rights immediately after the verse quoted above. In this lesson, you will learn six of those rights from the Qur’an: “O you who believe!

1. “No people should laugh at, or make fun of, another people.”

You might laugh at others because of what you see-their appearance, dress or way of living. But you do not know anything about their hearts and minds.

Their faces and dresses might look funny to you, but inside they may be better than you. Therefore, do not make fun of other people“because those who are being laughed at may be better, in Allah’s view, than those who laugh.” (49:11)

2.“Do not find fault with your own Muslim brothers.” (49:11) A Muslim should pay more attention to his own deeds and try to amend his own mistakes. There is no need to probe and find the faults or mistakes of others.

3.“Do not call one another by insulting nicknames.” (49:11) Every Muslim has a good name; call others by their proper name or by a nickname which they use for themselves. But never call names because Allah does not like that one Muslim should insult his own brother-in-faith.

After mentioning these three rights of Muslim over each other, Allah ends the verse with the following statement: “And those who (commit such sins and) do not ask forgiveness, they are the unjust people.”

This verse of the Qur’an makes it clear that even such trivial things - making fun of others or calling names- are so much disliked by Allah that He considers such sins as “injustice”. And He surely does not like the unjust people!

4.“O you who believe! Avoid most of the suspicious [thoughts about other Muslims].” (49:12)

The reason why Allah wants us to avoid most of the suspicious thoughts about other Muslims has been explained by Allah in the next sentence: “Surely suspicion in most cases is a sin.” Islam wants you to think positively about your Muslim brother and sister.

5.“And do not spy [on each other].” (49:12)

Spying on your Muslim brother or sister and trying to find their weak points and secrets is not allowed in Islam.

6.“Nor should some of you backbite others.” (49:12) “Backbiting” is known in Arabic as ghibat. Ghibat means talking about the hidden bodily defects or secret inappropriate behaviour of someone behind his/her back.

The reason why ghibat of another Muslim is forbidden in Islam has been explained by Allah in the next sentence of the verse: “Does any one of you like to bite the flesh of his dead brother?! Surely you dislike it.”

Ghibat is just like biting the dead body of your own brother: he cannot defend himself. Saying bad things about someone in his absence is almost the same-he is not present to defend himself. In this sense, the term “backbiting” is very close to the meaning of “ghibat”.

The last three sins -suspicion, spying and backbiting- are connected to each other. If you avoid the first one, you will be able to stay away from the other two sins.

But if you always suspect others, then you will be tempted to spy on them or find bad things about them. If you find out anything negative about others, then you are tempted to gossip about them.

So keep your mind clean and try to think good of your Muslim brethren. These are some ethical rights which Muslims have over each other.

* * *

This lesson has been written by Sayyid M. Rizvi

Question Paper on Lesson 27

Question 1: [20 points]

True or False:

(a) Islam gives preference to the Arabs.

(b) Ummah means the Arab nation.

(c) Islamic brotherhood transcends all racial boundaries.

(d) Allah created each race from different first parents.

(e) Ansar means the refugees.

(f) Aws and Khazraj were from the Muhājirin.

(g) Suspicious thoughts about Muslims must be avoided at all times.

(h) Suspicion, spying and backbiting are connected to each other.

(i) The name of Chapter 49 of the Qur'ān is al-Hujarāt.

(j) The word “ghibat” used in this lesson and the word “ghaybat” in Lesson 18 mean the same thing.

Question 2: [10 points]

What is the basis of Islamic brotherhood?

Question 3: [10 points]

Briefly describe the event of brotherhood from the Islamic history.

Question 4: [10 points]

List the ethical rights of brotherhood as described in Chapter 49 of the Qur’ān.

Lesson 28: The Islamic Community 2

1. Equality of Believers

(A) The Concept

Islam came with a universal concept of brotherhood. Its foundation is based on tawhid, the belief in One God. And its social program is also based on unity of the believers.

Just as in tawhid, one first has to reject the false gods and then declare faith in the One and Only God, similarly, Islam rejects all artificial and man-made marks of distinction. No one can claim any superiority over the other based on race, colour, language or wealth.

Allah clearly declares in the Qur’an:

O you mankind! We have created you of a male and a female, and then We made you into races and tribes so that you may know each other. Surely the most honourable of you in Allah’s sight is the one who is the most pious among you; surely Allah is All-Knowing and Aware. (49:13)

According to this verse, all humans can trace their origin to Adam and Eve. Allah has divided them into different tribes and races so that it may be easy to recognise each other. Thus the difference in race, tribe, colour and language are to facilitate the recognition of each other.

These physical and material differences cannot be a standard for preference or superiority of one over others. Besides knowledge and Jihad, the only mark of distinction recognized in Islam is taqwa, i.e., piety and Godfearing. As Allah has said,“Surely the most honourable of you in Allah’s sight is the one who is most pious among you.”

Islam preached and promoted racial equality and harmony among the believers. It does not say that one should not feel fraternity towards the believers who belong to his tribe or culture.

However, a Muslim crosses the acceptable limits of ethnic fraternity when he starts preferring the evil person of his own tribe over the good Muslims of another tribe. Such racial prejudice is not allowed in Islam at all.

(B) Example from History

When the adhan, the call to prayer, was introduced in Medina, the Prophet selected Bilal as the first mu ‘azzin - even though Bilal was not an Arab, he was an Ethiopian. He could not even pronounce the letter “shin “ properly; it sounded like “sin ; so instead of saying “Ash-hadu an Ia ilaha il-lal-lah” he used to say “As-hadu an...” Some Arabs came to the Prophet and complained about his choice for the first mu’azzin.

The Prophet rejected their complaint and said Allah hears the sin of Bilal as shin.25 Juwaybar was a native of Yamamah who came to Medina in search of the truth about Islam.

He soon accepted Islam. Since he had neither money nor any friend, he was temporarily accommodated along with other poor Muslims in the Mosque by permission of the Prophet.

The Mosque, however, was not a place of habitation; therefore, the Prophet selected a site outside the Mosque and erected a shed over it for the homeless people. This place came to be known in history as “Suffa”.

One day the Prophet came to the people of Suffa and started talking to Juwaybar. He said, “How good it would be if you could marry and start a family, ending this loneliness and isolated life?”

Juwaybar said, “O Messenger of Allah, I have neither wealth nor beauty; nor have I a noble descent or lineage. Who will marry me? And which woman likes to be the wife of a poor, short, dark complexioned and ugly man like me?”

“O Juwaybar said the Prophet, “God has changed the worth of the human being in Islam. Many people were high-placed in the pre-Islamic society and Islam brought them down. Many were despised nonentities and Islam bestowed them with honour, high rank, and brought them up.

Islam abolished racial discrimination and pride of lineage. Now all people irrespective of their colour and origin are equal. Nobody has superiority over others except through piety and obedience to Allah.

“Therefore, O Juwaybar, do as I say. Go to the house of Ziyad bin Labid to ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage.”

Ziyad was one of the wealthiest persons of Medina and was held in high status by his own tribe. When Juwaybar entered his house, Ziyad was surrounded by his relatives and some of his tribesmen. Juwaybar took a seat, paused for a moment and then raising his head, he said, “I have brought a message from the Prophet. Do you like to hear it confidentially or openly?”

Ziyad: “A message from the Prophet is an honour to me, better tell it openly.”

Juwaybar: “The Prophet has sent me to request you for your daughter for myself.”

Ziyad: “Did he himself make this suggestion to you?”

Juwaybar: “I don’t speak on my own accord. Everybody knows me, I am not a liar!”

Ziyad: “Strange! We do not give our daughters to persons of unequal status nor outside our tribe. You go back; I shall go to the Prophet and have a talk with him myself.”

Juwaybar left the house murmuring, “By God whatever the Qur’an teaches and whatever is the purpose of the prophethood of Muhammad is totally against what Ziyad says.”

Those nearby heard the murmuring of Juwaybar. Zalfa, the lovely daughter of Ziyad, heard these words. She came from behind the curtain and said to father: “Father, who was the man who just went out saying something? And what did he mean?” Ziyad: “He had come to ask for your hand in marriage and was claiming that the Prophet had sent him for this purpose.”

Zalfa.: “Isn’t it possible that he had really sent him, and thus your rejection may amount to disobedience of the Prophet’s order?”

Ziyad: “What do you feel about it?”

Zalfa: “I feel you should bring him back before he reaches to the Prophet; and then go yourself to find out the truth.” So Ziyad went behind Juwaybar and persuaded him to come back to his home. Then he went hurriedly up to the Prophet.

Ziyad: “O Messenger of God, Juwaybar came to me with such and such message from you. I would like to inform you that our custom is to give our daughters to persons of equal status from our own tribe who all happen to be your companions.”

“O Ziyad” said the Prophet, “Juwaybar is a faithful man. That dignity and honour of which you are talking of has not been abolished. Every believer man is equal (for the purpose of marriage) to every believer woman.”

Ziyad returned to his house and explained the matter to his daughter. She said, “Please do not reject the proposal put by the Prophet. This matter concerns me. I accept Juwaybar whatever his condition may be. If the Prophet is pleased with it, I am also pleased.” The wedding was duly solemnized. Ziyad paid the mahr (marriagegift paid by the groom to the bride) and also provided a house and its essential items to the newly wed from his own wealth.

When the night came, Juwaybar was dazzled by the beauty of his bride and the richness of the house which was given to him. He was completely overwhelmed by the unexpected blessings of Allah; in spiritual ecstasy, he went to a corner of the room and spent the whole night in recitation of the Qur’an and prayer.

It was dawn when he came to himself and then decided to fast in gratitude to God.

When the women from Ziyad’s family came to see the bride the next morning, they found her untouched. They kept the matter secret from Ziyad. Two nights and days passed in the same manner: Juwaybar prayed during the nights and fasted during the days.

Now the women informed Ziyad about this unusual situation because they thought that perhaps Juwaybar was impotent. Ziyad took the matter to the Prophet; the Prophet called Juwaybar and inquired about the unusual behaviour seen in him.

“O Prophet!,” answered Juwaybar, “when I entered the house and found myself amidst that affluence, a state of gratitude and devotion over took me. I thought it was necessary to offer thanks and prayers to Allah before doing anything. Tonight I shall go to my wife.”

Juwaybar and Zalfa lived a most happy life. When the call for jihad came, Juwaybar participated in it with enthusiasm typical of a brave Muslim, and attained martyrdom under the banner of Islam. After his martyrdom, Zalfa was the most sought after woman for a wife and people were eager to pay the greatest mahr for her.26

The example of Bilal (a non-Arab) and Juwaybar (a poor and “status-less” Arab) shows that the concept of equality was not only presented on a theoretical level in Islam rather the Prophet demonstrated equality among the Muslims during his own lifetime in a practical manner.

It was in light of this teaching that he married his cousin to Zayd bin Haritha, a freed slave, and gave the sister of ‘Abdu ‘r-Rahman bin ‘Awf (a Qurayshite) in marriage to Bilal, an ex-slave of Ethiopian origin.

In his last khutba, the Prophet openly declared: “There is no superiority for an Arab over a non-Arab, nor for a non-Arab over an Arab, nor for a white man over a black, nor for a black over a white, except by piety. All of you are from Adam and Adam was from the dust.”

(C) Promotion of Equality & Brotherhood

Islam has also instituted certain rituals that promote the sense of equality among the followers of Islam.

One important way of promoting brotherhood among the Muslims is the salat in both forms: furada (individual prayer) and jama’at (congregational prayer).

In the furada prayer, you are required to recite surah al-Fatiha (the first chapter of the Qur’an). If you read the meaning of this surah, you will notice that half of the surah uses plural pronouns. For example:

“Only You, WE worship; and only You WE ask for help.” “Guide US to the straight path...”

You have to say these sentences with plural pronouns even if you are praying furada, on your own. You have to say “We...We...” even when you are praying alone. Why?

Firstly, because Allah wants you to realize and feel that you are not alone; that you are part of a brotherhood known as “the Islamic brotherhood”; that you belong to a community known as “the Islamic ummah.”

Secondly, Allah wants us to think of the Islamic ummah even when we are all alone. Islam is not a personal religion; it is a social religion. Thinking about other Muslims will surely promote the sense of brotherhood among the followers of Islam all over the world.

Although the daily prayers can be said individually as well as in congregation; however, to say the daily prayers in congregation has been highly recommended because it promotes the feeling of brotherhood and equality in Islam. How?

Firstly, all stand in lines regardless of any difference of race, tribe, colour, language or wealth. It often happens that a poor person will be standing in the front row while a wealthy person will be standing in the second row.

And this means that in the position of sajdah (prostration), the head of the wealthy person will be at the feet of the poor person! This will make the wealthy person realize that in God’s view, rich and poor are all equal.

Secondly, there is no reservation in the rows of congregational prayers. No one can come and say to someone else that “move from here, this is my place.” And if a person forcefully removes someone else, then his salat will be invalid (batil). This rule ensures that everyone feels equally related to God.

Thirdly, in jama’at prayer, every one will be reciting in the same language, and doing exactly the same action at the same time-takbir, ruku”, sajdah, etc. And also saying “we...we...”. This will surely create a sense of unity among the Muslims.

It is because of this aspect of congregational prayer that Islam has strongly recommended the jama’at prayer on a daily basis. And it is because of this aspect of jama’at prayer that Islam has even increased the spiritual reward of group prayer as follows:

Number of Persons Reward for 1 rak’at is equal to:

2 150 prayers

3 600 prayers

4 1200 prayers

5 2400 prayers

6 4800 prayers

7 9600 prayers

8 19,200 prayers

9 36,400 prayers

10 72,800 prayers

more than 10 nobody knows but Allah

Another important practical demonstration of equality and brotherhood in Islam is the ritual of hajj-the pilgrimage to Mecca. Although hajj is obligatory only once in a lifetime for those Muslims who can physically and financially afford the journey, it is indeed an experience that leaves longlasting and deep impressions on the psychological and spiritual dimension of the pilgrim.

Before entering the holy territory of Mecca and its vicinity, it is necessary that all pilgrims change into ihrdm. Ihrdm (pronounced as ehram) is simple dress for pilgrims: For men, it consists of two extra-large size white towels-one to be tied from the waist down to the knees, and the other to be placed over the shoulders. For women, it consists of a two-piece simple white dress.

Also, no cosmetics are allowed while a person is in the ihrdm. This dress takes away all means by which a person would distinguish himself by the use of dress and cosmetics; you are not even allowed to look at yourself in the mirror.

When the pilgrim reaches Mecca, he has to proceed to the Holy Mosque and do tawdf-going around the Ka’bah seven times. This uniformity in dress and action-all believers moving around the Ka’bah has a strong impact in bringing out the real identity of a person: you are nothing but a slave of God, and in this there is no difference between you and the next person doing the tawaf.

It is appropriate to quote the impression which hajj had on one of the most famous Muslim figures in the Afro-American community of the USA, Malcolm X.

“There were tens of thousands of pilgrims, from all over the world. They were of all colors, from blue-eyed blondes to black-skinned Africans. But we were all participating in the same ritual, displaying a spirit of unity and brotherhood that my experience in America had led me to believe never could exist between the white and the non-white.

“America needs to understand Islam, because this is the one religion that erases from its society the race problem.

Throughout my travels in the Muslim world, I have met, talked to, and even eaten with people who in America would have been considered ‘white’-but the ‘white’ attitude was removed from their minds by the religion of Islam. I have never before seen sincere and true brotherhood practiced by all colors together, irrespective of their color.”27

* * *

This lesson has been written by Sayyid M. Rizvi.

Question Paper on Lesson 28

Question 1: [10 points]

True or False:

(a) The meaning of taqwa is same as that of jihād.

(b) Fraternity with the believers of your own tribe is disallowed in Islam.

(c) Bilal used to pronounce “shin” ش as “seen” س .

(d) Juwaybar was a native of Ethiopia.

(e) Zalfa was daughter of Ziyad bin Labid.

(f) Salātu 'l-Furāda means congregational prayer.

(g) Salātu 'l-Jamā`at means congregational prayer.

(h) The reward for 1 rak`at in a jamā`at prayer of six people is equal to 2400 prayers.

(i) “Ihrām” means the garment of the pilgrim.

(j) Going around the Ka`bah is known as “tawāf”.

Question 2: [5 points]

What are the three criteria of preference and superiority in Islam?

Question 3: [6 points]

Explain at what stage fraternity towards your own tribe/people becomes “prejudice” from the Islamic point of view.

Question 4: [5 points]

Name three people in the life of the Prophet, whose marriage reflected the equality of believers in Islam.

Question 5: [12 points]

Briefly explain how the congregational prayer promotes the concept of equality in Islam.

Question 6: [12 points]

Briefly explain how the pilgrimage to Mecca promotes the concept of equality in Islam.

Lesson 29: The Islamic Community 3

1. Bidding The Good & Forbidding The Evil

1. Amr Bi ’L-Ma‘Rūf & Nahi ‘Ani ’L-Munkar: Bidding The Good & Forbidding The Evil

Islam: A Social Religion. Islam is not a religion in the spiritual sense of the word only; it deals with all aspects of human life. Islam also seeks to create peace and harmony in the social life of a Muslim society.

It has instituted ways to promote good and prevent evil in the society. The most important social principle of Islam is known as “amr bi ‘l-ma’ruf wa nahi ‘ani ‘l-munkar”.

Amr bi ‘l-ma’ruf means to bid the good or to promote the good; whereas nahi ‘ani ‘l-munkar means to forbid the evil or to prevent the evil. This social principle is relevant on the individual level as well as social level.

We have to promote good and prevent evil within the sphere of our own family and friendship circle as well as within the Muslim community and the human society at large.

2. Importance of Amr & Nahi

Amr bi 1-maruf & nahi ‘ani l-munkar is a moral and ethical safety-net for the Muslim community and the human society at large.

It does not allow the Muslim community to abandon its members in the path of immorality and self-destructive path. Nor does it allow the Muslim ummah to be indifferent to the moral and ethical dilemma faced by humanity at large. Allah says:

“There should be among you (O believers), a group (of the learned and sincere persons) who should call (the people) towards goodness, bid (them) to the good and forbid (them) from the evil-they are the successful people.” (3:104) While describing the believers, Allah says:

“...The believing men and the believing women are helpers of each other: they bid the good, forbid the evil, establish the prayer, pay the alms, and they obey Allah and His Messenger-these are the people on whom Allah will be merciful.

Indeed Allah is Powerful and Wise.” (9:71) In the latter verse, while counting the positive qualities of the believers, Allah has placed amr bi ‘1-ma’ruf and nahi ‘ani 1- munkar before the salat and the zakat.

Because it is with amr and nahi that salat, zakat and other good deeds will be promoted and practised in the Muslim community.

Imam ‘Ali bin Abi Talib (a.s.) said: “Verily the people before you perished because when they committed sins, the Rabbis and the Priests did not forbid them from it. And when the people became submerged into sins and the Rabbis and the Priests did not forbid them, then the chastisement came down upon them.

Therefore, bid towards the good and forbid the evil; and know that bidding towards the good and forbidding from evil will not hasten your death or decrease your sustenance.”

On the same lines, the Prophet of Islam (may peace be upon him) had said earlier that, “My followers will be in good condition as long as they bid (each other) towards the good, forbid (each other) from the evil, and cooperate with each other in good (deeds).

If they do not do this, then the (heavenly) blessings will be lifted from them and some (evil ones) among them will be imposed over them (as a ruler). In that state, they will have no helper, neither on the earth nor in the heaven.”

Once a person from the tribe of Khath’am came to the Prophet and asked him: “O the Messenger of God! Please inform me about the best [teaching] of Islam.”

The Prophet: “Believing in God.”

Khath’ami: “Then what?”

The Prophet: “Maintaining [good] relations with the relatives.”

Khath’ami: “Then what?”

The Prophet: “Bidding the good and forbidding the evil.”

Then the Khath’ami asked, “And please also tell me what are the worst deeds in view of Allah?”

The Prophet: “Shirk: associating a person or a thing with Allah.”

Khath’ami: “Then what?”

The Prophet: “Severing relations with the relatives.”

Khath’ami: “Then what?”

The Prophet: “Promoting evil and forbidding the good.” These ahadith from the Prophet and the Imam are sufficient to impress the importance of amr bi ‘1-ma’ruf and nahi ‘ani ‘1- munkar for the ethical and moral wellbeing of the Muslim ummah and humanity at large.

3. Amr & Nahi: An Expression of Brotherhood

Amr and nahi should not be seen as interfering in the lives of other people; it is, on the contrary, one of the demands of brotherhood in Islam.

The Qur’anic verse in which Almighty Allah has talked about Islamic brotherhood is not actually a verse about brotherhood-it is a verse which gives an extreme example of amr and nahi, and it justifies the “interference” by saying that “indeed the believers are brothers”. Now read the entire two verses:

If two groups from among the believers fight (against each other), then you should make peace between them. However, if one continues its aggression over the other, then fight the aggressor party until it agrees to return to the command of Allah. If the aggressor agrees to return (to the command of Allah), then make peace between the two on the basis of justice. Be just; verily Allah loves those who are just. Indeed the believers are brothers, therefore, make peace between your brothers. And fear Allah so that you may be dealt with mercy.” (49:9-10)

This verse is saying that Muslims cannot be indifferent to the problems of their brethren; they have to get involved: either they should resolve the conflict peacefully or side with the oppressed against the aggressor until peace and justice is achieved in the society. This is not interference in the negative sense, this is the demands and rights of brotherhood which Allah has established among the believers.

4. Conditions & Levels of Amr & Nahi

The issue of amr bi 1-ma’ruf and nahi ‘ani 1-munkar, depending on the circumstance, can take different forms: it can become wajib or sunnat. Even the means of amr and nahi depends on the circumstances of the issue and the person involved. The person who wants to do amr and nahi should observe the following conditions:

1. You must be familiar with the Islamic view on that issue in order to properly define “good” and “evil” before encouraging others to do good or forbid them from evil.

2. In each given case, you must weigh the possibility of the influence of your advice. If you are sure or there seems to be a great probability that your words will have no effect on the other person, then it is not necessary to do amr or nahi.

3. You must also evaluate the state of the person whom you want to advise. Is he insisting or repeating the evil deeds or was it just a one time slip on his part? If you discern or come to know that he is not going to repeat the sin, then you do not have to do amr or nahi.

4. You must also evaluate the overall situation to make sure that your action of amr or nahi would not lead to a worse situation than what exists at present.

Even when you have decided that you should do amr or nahi, you will have to look at the different level of doing amr bi ‘lma’ruf and nahi ‘ani ‘l-munkar. In all, there are three levels of amr and nahi:

1. By indirect action: By indirectly expressing your dislike of the other person’s wrongful behaviour. For example, by not greeting him or greeting him without the previous warmth, or by ignoring him:

with the hope that this might lead the person to think about change in your attitude towards him, and hopefully guide him to the right direction.

2. Verbally: If the first method does not work, then talk to the person. Whether you should talk politely and friendly, or harshly depends on the situation.

3. By direct action: This is only applicable to those who have authority over others: parents, teachers and Islamic government. If preventing the evil depends on physical action, then it must be thought out very carefully. The example mentioned in 49:9 is of this level of amr and nahi.

* * *

This lesson has been written by Sayyid M. Rizvi.

Question Paper on Lesson 29

Question 1: [10 points]

True or False:

(a) Islam is as much a social religion as it is spiritual.

(b) Muslims should not attempt to reform those who are on the path of immorality.

(c) In verse 9:71, amr and nahi has been mentioned before salāt and zakāt.

(d) Indifference to immorality takes away the Divine blessings from the entire society.

(e) Amr & nahi are expressions of brotherhood in Islam.

Question 2 [10 points]

Briefly demonstrate the importance of amr bi 'l-ma‘rūf and nahi ‘ani 'l-munkar in Islam.

Question 3: [10 points]

How does the Qur’ān justify “inteference” in cases of inappropriate behaviour?

Question 4: [10 points]

Briefly list the conditions for doing amr and nahi.

Question 5: [10 points]

What are the three levels of amr and nahi?

Chapter 3: The Holy Prophet’s Youth

Hilf al-Fudhul

Hilf al-Fudhul,60 the most important Qurayshi treaty,61 was held among some branches of Quraysh tribe, because one of the Banu-Zubayd tribe had entered Mecca and sold some goods to al-’Az ibn Wa'il of Banu-Sahm. The goods were delivered to al-’Az ibn Wa'il who refused to pay the price to the seller. A man from Banu-Zubayd then came to Wa'il to receive his money, but he received nothing. There was a strong tribal system in Arabia in those days and every tribe tried to defend its own interests and those of its members. If a foreigner was wronged, there was nobody to help or protect him. The Zubaydi man had to climb Abu-Qubays Mount and say passionate poems to let the leaders of Quraysh hear what injustice he had suffered.

At that time, these leaders had gathered below the mountain to have a meeting. Having heard the man's call for justice, Zubayr ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib encouraged the leaders of Banu-Hashim, i.e. ‘Abd al-Muttalib, Banu-Zuhrah, Banu-Tamim and Banu-Harith (who were among the prominent clans of Quraysh) to gather at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an al-Taymi. They convened a treaty according to which nobody, either weak or poor, was to be the subject of any act of injustice. Then they went to the home of al-’Az and received the money for the Zubaydi man.62 At that time, Muhammad (S) was twenty years old.63

The participation of Muhammad (S) in this treaty was a brave act. It is interpreted now as a symbolic act of protection of human rights in that backward and ignorant society. His brave and just act is appreciated when we notice that the youngsters of his age in those days were participating in pleasure-seeking parties and did not have any concept of protecting the oppressed or carrying out justice. After prophethood, he used to remember his participation in that treaty with a lot of joy. He said:

“I took part in a treaty at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an which made me even more delighted than receiving red-haired camels. If at this era of Islam I am invited to such a pact, I will joyfully accept it.”64

Since this pact was superior to any other treaty, it had the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.65 This pact was a stronghold for the homeless and the miserable. Later on, it was repeatedly used to protect the oppressed ones in Mecca against tyrants and oppressors.66

Second Journey to Damascus

Khadijah, daughter of Khuwaylid, was a rich, honorable and dignified trader who used to employ men for trade purposes, provide them with capital and pay them wages in return.67 When Muhammad (S) was twenty-five years old,68 Abu-Talib said to him, “I have become broke and empty-handed. Now a caravan is on its way to Damascus. I wish you to go to Khadijah and ask for a job.”

At this time, Khadijah had become aware of Muhammad's traits of honesty and good manners. She sent an errand to him saying, “If you accept the supervision of my caravan, I will pay you more than others and I would send my special servant, Maysarah, to help you.” Muhammad (S) accepted this offer69 and accompanied the caravan to Damascus accompanied by Maysarah.70 He could make more money than others.71

Maysarah observed such feats of magnanimity in Muhammad (S) that he was surprised. During this trip, Nustur the monk predicted his prophethood. He observed that Muhammad (S) had some arguments with a man over trade. That man said, “You should swear to Lat and ‘Uzza so that I could accept your statement.” Muhammad (S) replied, “I have never sworn to Lat and ‘Uzza in my whole life.”72 On his return to Mecca, Maysarah told Khadijah what he had seen in Muhammad (S).73

Marrying Khadijah

Khadijah was a farsighted, provident, honorable and dignified woman of noble lineage. She was superior to all women of Quraysh.74 Due to her high moral standards, she was nicknamed Tahirah (immaculate)75 and Sayyidah (doyenne) of Quraysh.76 She is said to have married twice but her previous husbands had died.77 Every Qurayshi nobleman desired to marry her.78 Some well-known persons such as ‘Uqbah ibn Abi-Mu’it, Abu-Jahl, and Abu-Sufyan had asked her for marriage but she always turned them down.79

On the other hand, Khadijah was a relative of Muhammad (S) and both of them had the common ancestor of Quzay. She had recognized the bright future for Muhammad (S),80 and was pleased to accept him as her spouse.81 She made an offer of marriage and he consulted with his uncles who accepted this marriage, which took place in a family gathering.82 It is said that at that time, Khadijah was forty years old and Muhammad (S) was twenty-five.83 She was his first wife.84

Installation of the Black Stone

Muhammad's excellent manners, honesty and decency had attracted the Meccan people so much that everybody called him amin meaning trustworthy.85 He was so reliable that they decided to use his good judgment in the installation of the Black Stone.86 He resolved their problem through high prudence and discretion. Due to the flood which descended from the mountains of Mecca, the walls of the Kaaba had broken on several sides. This event took place when he was thirty-five years old. Up to that day, the Kaaba had no ceiling and its walls were low. For this reason, its internal treasures were unprotected. People of Quraysh decided to build a roof; however, they were not able to carry out their plan. After the event of the flood, the leaders of the Meccan tribes decided to destroy the building to reconstruct it with a roof over it. At the time of the reconstruction, there were disagreements among the tribes over the location of the Black Stone. Once again, competitions and resorting to tribal pride surfaced. Each tribe desperately tried to have the honor of installing the stone. Some tribes, by thrusting their hands into a vessel full of blood, vowed not to let any other tribe have the honor of the installation.

Finally, upon the suggestion made by the eldest man of Quraysh, they decided to follow the opinion of the first person who would enter the Mosque from the entrance called Bab al-Safa. Suddenly, Muhammad (S) entered the mosque from that direction. Everybody declared that Muhammad (S) was trustworthy and they would listen to his judgment. A piece of cloth was brought in by the order of the trustworthy man of Quraysh i.e. Muhammad (S). He spread the piece of cloth, wrapped the stone inside it and asked the Qurayshi leaders to take each corner of it and collectively carry it to the wall. As soon as the stone was taken to the wall, Muhammad (S) installed it in its original location.87

With his delicate discretion and prudence, he solved their problem stopping a potentially huge amount of bloodshed.

‘Ali in the School of Muhammad

A devastating famine occurred in Mecca after the reconstruction of the Kaaba and several years before Muhammad's prophethood. Abu-Talib, the Holy Prophet's uncle, was insolvent. Muhammad made the proposal to his other uncle ‘Abbas who was one of the richest members of Quraysh that each one of them would take one of Abu-Talib's children to his home to protect them against famine. ‘Abbas accepted this proposal. Both of them went to Abu-Talib and offered so. Thus, ‘Abbas took Ja’far, and Muhammad (S) took ‘Ali home to protect and educate. ‘Ali stayed at Muhammad's home until he was promoted to the status of prophethood. Then, ‘Ali confirmed and followed him.88 At that time, ‘Ali (a.s) was six years old and his personality was in the making.89 Muhammad (S) wanted to compensate for the hardships Abu-Talib and his wife, Fatimah bint Asad, had gone through when he was young by adopting one of his children, namely ‘Ali. He saw ‘Ali as the most competent of Abu-Talib's children. This is evident by Muhammad's remark after he had adopted ‘Ali, “I have selected the one who has been selected by God to help me.”90 Muhammad (S) showed a lot of respect and affection to ‘Ali (a.s) and did everything possible to educate him well. Fadhl ibn ‘Abbas, one of ‘Ali's cousins, says:

I asked my father, “Which one of his children did the Prophet love the most?” He replied, “‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.” I said, “I have asked you of the Prophet's sons.” He replied, “The Prophet loves ‘Ali more than any of his sons and showed affection towards him more than others. The Prophet would never let go of ‘Ali except for those days when he attended Khadijah's caravan. We have never seen a father more affectionate towards his son than the Prophet and we have never seen a son more obedient to his father than ‘Ali to the Prophet.”91

After his prophethood, Muhammad (S) had so much emphasis over ‘Ali's education in the Islamic issues that if he received a Divine revelation at night, he would teach it to ‘Ali before dawn. If he received Divine revelation during the day, he would inform ‘Ali of it before sunset.92 Once, ‘Ali (a.s) was asked, “How come you learned more narrations from the Prophet than his other followers?” He answered, “Whenever I asked the Prophet anything, he would answer; and whenever I was silent, he used to start telling me a narration.”93

When ‘Ali (a.s) was the caliph, he referred to his religious education with the following remarks:

“You, followers of the Prophet, are well aware of my close relationship with him; and you know that when I was a small boy, he used to embrace me close to his breast and let me sleep in his bed in such a way that I could touch his body and feel his smell; he even used to put food into my mouth. I used to follow the Prophet like a child going after his mother. He used to teach me one of his ethical virtues each day and ordered me to adopt that virtue. Each year, he used to pray God at the Hara' Mountain; I was the only person to be with him. When he received the Divine revelation, I could vividly hear Satan's voice. I asked the Prophet what that noise was. He answered that it was Satan's noise and that it had a terrible sensation for not being obedient on the earth. He says that I could hear what he heard and see what he saw; the difference was that he was the Prophet and I was not; I was his vizier and representative for doing good on the earth.”94

This discourse might just refer to the Prophet's prayer at Hara’ after his prophethood, but since most of the Prophet's prayers were done at Hara’ prior to his prophethood, we can be sure that this issue is related to the era prior to his prophethood and Satan's noise of discomfort is related to the descent of the first revelations. Anyway, ‘Ali's spirit and continuous education from the Prophet prepared him to see and hear things which were not possible for ordinary people to hear or see. These were due to his sensitive mind, piercing eyes, sensitive ears and specific insight.

Notes

1. Tarikh al-Tabari 2:191; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:13; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 5-6.

2. Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 13; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah, pp. 118; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 195-196; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:33; Ibn ‘Anbah, ‘Umdat al-Talib, pp. 28.

3. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:56; Al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-Nasab, pp. 17.

4. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:155; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:105.

5. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 155; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, p28.

6. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 154; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma’arif, pp. 67; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:546; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:96; Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:312; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:84; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, Saba’ik al-Dhahab, pp. 62, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 1:204.

Some genealogists have considered the children of Fihr ibn Malik ibn Nizar as part of Quraysh. See Kalbi, op cit, pp. 21; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p55; Ibn Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 96; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, op cit, pp. 62; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 204; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat Ansab al-’Arab, pp. 12; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:25-26.

There are some other statements regarding this issue. See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:27.

7. The Arab groups and tribes are given different names, such as sha’b, qabilah, ‘imarah, batn, fadkhdh and fazilah in accordance with their extension and size. For instance, Khuzaymah was a sha’b; Kinanah qabilah, Quraysh ‘imarah, Quzay batn, Hashim fakhdh, and ‘Abbas fazilah. See Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:330; Husayn Mu'nis, the History of Quraysh.

On the basis of this typology, some researchers have attributed Quraysh to qabilah and some to ‘imarah. But the very nature of this typology is a suspect; some researchers would not accept it as such. See The History of Quraysh, pp. 215-216. Here, we will refer to Quraysh as a qabilah (tribe).

8. Mas’udi states that the tribe of Quraysh had twenty-five branches and he mentions them by names. See Muruj al-Dhahab 2:269.

9. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6.

10. op cit, p6; Shukri al-Alusi; Bulugh al-Irab 1:324.

11. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6, al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 323; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:15, al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:73.

12. Halabi, op cit, pp. 7; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:109.

13. al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 324, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:7; Shaykh al-Saduq, al-Khizal 2:312-313.

14. Saduq, al-I’tiqadat, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:117; Uzul al-Kafi 1:445.

Among the issues concerning ‘Abd al-Muttalib is his vow to sacrifice one of his children for God. The report on this vow, despite its fame, suffers some documental considerations and needs further clarifications. See ‘Ali Dawani, The History Of Islam From The Start To Hegira, pp. 54-59; Shaykh al-Saduq, Man-La-Yahdhuruhu’l-Faqih 3:89.

15. Saduq, op cit, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 117; Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat, pp. 12; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 4:322.

Some researchers have interpreted this narration in the form of the cleanliness of the progenitor. See Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Some Lectures On The Analytic History Of Islam 1:64.

16. Mufid, op cit, Saduq, op cit.

Some Sunni distinguished scholars, such as al-Fakhr al-Razi and al-Suyuti, believe the same thing in this regard as the Twelver Shi’ah. See Bihar al-Anwar 15:118-122.

17. Saduq, Kamal al-Din, pp. 175; al-Ghadir 7:387.

18. For further information regarding these events, see Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 172-181; Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, The History Of The Prophet Of Islam, pp. 26-27.

19. Mas’udi, op cit, pp. 27.

20. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 80-82; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 94-97; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 44-55; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 67-69; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 70-77.

21. Prior to the event of the Elephant Army, Quraysh had appointed the death of Quzay as a historical point of reference. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4.

22. Shaykh al-Kulayni, Uzul al-Kafi 1:439; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:274; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:250-252; Halabi, op cit, pp. 95; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 72-73; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:201; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:101; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:14; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nubawiyyah 1:167; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, The Clarification Of The History Of Damascus; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 61.

23. ‘Ali Akbar Fayyadh, the History of Islam, pp. 62; ‘Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 86-87; Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi, Tarikh Tahlili Islam ta Payan Umawiyyan, pp. 37.

Concerning the exact date of the Holy Prophet's birthday, whether it occurred in the Elephant Year or prior or after it, the matter is not clear. For Further information, see Muhammad The Last Of The Prophets 1:176-177; the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi in Rasuli Mahallati’s Lessons from the Analytical History of Islam 1:107; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:203; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:281-282; Sayyid Hasan Taqizadah, From Parviz to Genghis, pp. 153; Husayn Mu’nis, the History of Quraysh, pp. 153-159.

Furthermore, some European historians explained the motive behind Abraha's military campaign to be an ambition for territorial expansion against Iran via the northern part of Arabia, which took place due to the Roman instigations. In Muslim reference books, the motive is said to be religious due to the competition between the Church in Yemen and the Kaaba in Hijaz. See Fayyadh, op cit, pp. 62; Abu’-l-Qasim Payandeh, introduction of the translation of Qur’an into Persian.

24. Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, pp. 439; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 6. al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 2:167.

The age of the Holy Prophet at his father's death is also recorded as eleven months and twenty-eight days. See Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:100.

25. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 17:282; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:99; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:176; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:10.

26. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; Halabi, op cit, 1:143.

27. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 110; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:15; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:384.

28. Halabi, op cit, 1:146.

29. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196, Muruj al-Dhahab, 2:274; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 101-102; Ibn Kathir, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 49.

30. Al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:94; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad’ wal-Tarikh 4:131; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:401; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:112.

31. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:33; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 44; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:275.

32. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:203; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 401.

33. Ja’far Subhani, Forugh Abadiyyat 1:159; Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:81.

34. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah, 1:176; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 113; Halabi, op cit, pp. 146; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 146.

It is said while the Holy Prophet was living with Halimah al-Sa’diyyah in the desert when the case of opening his chest took place. However, experts in the history of Islam regard this as invented and false for many reason. See Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:82; Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Lessons From The Analytical History Of Islam 1:189, 204; Sheikh Muhmud Abu-Rayyah, Adhwa'un ‘Ala al-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah 1:175-177.

35. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171-172; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 93, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110-111.

36. Ibn Shahrashub, a distinguished narrator, has dealt with this issue but has not dealt with the Holy Prophet’s orphanage. See al-Manaqib 1:33.

37. Salma, the mother of ‘Abd al-Muttalib was from Yathrib and from Banu’l-Najjar. See al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:121.

38. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, p65; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 94 Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 116; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 177; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, p121; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 9; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:172; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:223.

39. Halabi, op cit, 1:172.

40. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:178; Saduq, op cit, pp. 171; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:9.

41. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 189; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tabari, op cit, 2:194.

42. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, pp. 1; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; al-Suhayli, al-Rawdh al-Anif 1:193.

43. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Jawad ‘Ali, al-Mufazzal 4:82.

44. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:219.

45. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:36; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:285.

46. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 1:14; Uzul al-Kafi 1:453.

47. A village in Hawran, a province of Damascus. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 1:441.

48. This issue is brought up by the following Muslim historians and narrators: Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:191-193; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:90, h. 2620; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 73; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:121; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:286; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:182-186; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:96; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 1:195; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 17-18; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:15; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:270, 354; Ibn Kathir, Sirat al-Nabi 1:243-249, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:229-230; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:141; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:409.

49. Qur’an 2:41, 42, 89, 146; 7:157; 6: 20; 61: 6.

50. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:193; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:590; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:278; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:245; Saih al-Bukhari 5:28.

51. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:81; Uzul al-Kafi 1:447.

52. Gustav Le Bon, The Islamic And Arab Civilization, pp. 101, Ignáz Goldziher, Doctrine and Law in Islam, pp. 25; Muhammad Ghazzali, Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 47; Karl Brockleman, History of Muslim Peoples, pp. 34; Treason in Historical Accounts 1:220-225

53. Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, pp. 207.

54. Qur’an 4:47,51,171; 5:72-73; 9:630.

55. Shaykh ‘Abbas al-Qummi, Safinat al-Bihar 2:727; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihayah fi Gharib al-hadith wa’l-Athar 5:282.

56. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih mi Sirat al-Rasul al-A’¨am, pp. 106.

57. Halabi, op cit, 2:332.

58. Muhammad, a prophet who should be re-evaluated, pp. 5. This book includes weak points, errors and distortions which decrease the scientific value of its content. The style of the translator, too, is quite peculiar; see Nashr Danish Magazine, eighth year, Issue, 2, pp. 52, Article: a phenomenon called Zabihollah Mansuri, written by Karim Emami.

59. Muhammad, the last of the prophets 1:188, the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi. Some contemporary Iranian historians have raised some doubts on the issue of the Holy Prophet’s visit to Bahira, such doubts and disturbances should be taken care of. We shouldn’t that even if we superficially believe that this visit has not taken place, nothing is taken away from the grandeur of the Holy Prophet, because there were numerous other predictions of the coming prophet beside Bahira. The reason why we have brought up the claims of the Orientalists here is to show that they have used this issue to make some distortions in the history of Islam.

60. One of the events in which the Holy Prophet is said to have participated in while he was young was the war of al-Fujjar. It is said that this war had taken place prior to Hilf al-Fudhul when the Holy Prophet was 14-20 years old. However, since his participation in this war is doubtful, we will not follow it up here. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:95-97; Some analytical lessons of the history of Islam 1:303-503.

61. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:128; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 52.

62. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 52-53; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 128; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:142; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:12.

63. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit. It is recorded that the age of the Holy Prophet was even older at this time. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; al-Munammaq, pp. 53; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:225.

64. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 142; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, op cit, pp. 13; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 16; Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 188.

65. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 54-55

66. al-Buladhari 2:13. The memory of this treaty was still fresh at the start of Islam. For instance, during the reign of Mu’awiyah al-Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Abi-Sufyan was the governor of Medina. He quarreled with Imam al-Husayn on a financial issue about the grove of Dhu’l-Marwah. Imam al-Husayn said, “Is al-Walid acting arrogantly against me because he has ruling authority? I swear by Allah, if he does not give me my due, I shall take my sword and stand in the Mosque of Allah calling by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.” When his word was conveyed to ‘Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr, he cried out, “By Allah I swear, if al-Husayn calls by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul, I shall certainly take my sword and support him; and then, either he will be given his due or we die altogether.” When al-Walid was informed of these situation, he had to give al-Husayn his due until he pleased him. See Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:142; al-Buladhari, op cit, 2:14; Halabi, op cit, 1:215; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:226; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:42.

67. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:199; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 81. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, in Tadhkirat al-Khawazz pp. 301, says “Khadijah used to employ them in the form of limited partnership.” Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah 1:16, says: “She used to employ either in the form of limited partnership or on a wage-system.”

68. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:129.

69. There are some pieces of evidence which show that the Holy Prophet’s job was in the form of limited participation and not on the basis of wage-earning system. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:112.

70. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 199; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 81.

71. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 130.

72. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 130.

73. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p131; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39; Tarikh al-Tabari 2:196; al-Bayhaqi, Dala’il al-Nubuwwah 1:215; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Dulabi, al-Dhurriyyah al-Tahirah, pp. 45-46.

74. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:200-201; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:131; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:215; al-Dulabi, op cit, pp. 46; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

75. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Halabi, op cit, 1:224; ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah 4:281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:279.

76. Halabi, op cit, 1:224.

77. Her previous husbands were ‘Utayq ibn ‘A’idh and Abu-Halah Hind ibn Nabbash. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 280; Halabi, op cit, 1:229; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302.

According to some documents, Lady Khadijah had never married before the Holy Prophet who, accordingly, was her first and last husband. Some contemporary experts emphasize this point. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:121.

78. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 215; Tabari, op cit, 2:197; Halabi, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40.

79. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 16:22.

80. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 20-21; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:203; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:41.

81. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 21-23.

82. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:98; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:16; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40; Dulabi; op cit, pp. 46; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227; al-Majlisi, op cit, 16:19.

83. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 98; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:132; Tabari, op cit, 2:196: Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:280; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

Regarding Lady Khadijah’s age, there are various statements and records. See Amir Muhanna al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 53-54.

84. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:201; Dulabi, op cit, pp. 49; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:216; Khargushi, op cit, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434.

85. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:121; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:210; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:211; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:369.

86. This stone, being the most sacred component of the Kaaba, is introduced as a heavenly stone which became a component of Kaaba by Prophet Abraham due to God's command. See al-Majlisi, op cit, 12:84, 99; al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:62-63. Al-Hajar al-Aswad is a reddish-black, oval piece of stone set in the eastern side of the Kaaba at a height of one meter and a half from the ground. It is the center of circumambulation.

87. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:145-146, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:14-15; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:337-338; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:99-100; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:271-272. Some historians have given other reasons for the reconstruction of the Kaaba. However, every historian has referred to the Holy Prophet’s Judgment. See Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 103; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:205; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah.

88. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:262; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:213; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:58; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:90; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:119, and 1:15.

89. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:15; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, 2:180.

90. Abu’l-Faraj al-Izfahani, Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp. 15.

91. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 13, pp. 200.

92. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 624.

93. Al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 170.

94. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 192.

Section 3: From Prophethood To Migration

Chapter One: Prophethood and Promulgation of the Religion

Chapter Two: The Public Propagation and the Start of Oppositions

Chapter Three: The Consequences and Reactions of Opposition to the Qur'an

Chapter 3: The Holy Prophet’s Youth

Hilf al-Fudhul

Hilf al-Fudhul,60 the most important Qurayshi treaty,61 was held among some branches of Quraysh tribe, because one of the Banu-Zubayd tribe had entered Mecca and sold some goods to al-’Az ibn Wa'il of Banu-Sahm. The goods were delivered to al-’Az ibn Wa'il who refused to pay the price to the seller. A man from Banu-Zubayd then came to Wa'il to receive his money, but he received nothing. There was a strong tribal system in Arabia in those days and every tribe tried to defend its own interests and those of its members. If a foreigner was wronged, there was nobody to help or protect him. The Zubaydi man had to climb Abu-Qubays Mount and say passionate poems to let the leaders of Quraysh hear what injustice he had suffered.

At that time, these leaders had gathered below the mountain to have a meeting. Having heard the man's call for justice, Zubayr ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib encouraged the leaders of Banu-Hashim, i.e. ‘Abd al-Muttalib, Banu-Zuhrah, Banu-Tamim and Banu-Harith (who were among the prominent clans of Quraysh) to gather at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an al-Taymi. They convened a treaty according to which nobody, either weak or poor, was to be the subject of any act of injustice. Then they went to the home of al-’Az and received the money for the Zubaydi man.62 At that time, Muhammad (S) was twenty years old.63

The participation of Muhammad (S) in this treaty was a brave act. It is interpreted now as a symbolic act of protection of human rights in that backward and ignorant society. His brave and just act is appreciated when we notice that the youngsters of his age in those days were participating in pleasure-seeking parties and did not have any concept of protecting the oppressed or carrying out justice. After prophethood, he used to remember his participation in that treaty with a lot of joy. He said:

“I took part in a treaty at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an which made me even more delighted than receiving red-haired camels. If at this era of Islam I am invited to such a pact, I will joyfully accept it.”64

Since this pact was superior to any other treaty, it had the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.65 This pact was a stronghold for the homeless and the miserable. Later on, it was repeatedly used to protect the oppressed ones in Mecca against tyrants and oppressors.66

Second Journey to Damascus

Khadijah, daughter of Khuwaylid, was a rich, honorable and dignified trader who used to employ men for trade purposes, provide them with capital and pay them wages in return.67 When Muhammad (S) was twenty-five years old,68 Abu-Talib said to him, “I have become broke and empty-handed. Now a caravan is on its way to Damascus. I wish you to go to Khadijah and ask for a job.”

At this time, Khadijah had become aware of Muhammad's traits of honesty and good manners. She sent an errand to him saying, “If you accept the supervision of my caravan, I will pay you more than others and I would send my special servant, Maysarah, to help you.” Muhammad (S) accepted this offer69 and accompanied the caravan to Damascus accompanied by Maysarah.70 He could make more money than others.71

Maysarah observed such feats of magnanimity in Muhammad (S) that he was surprised. During this trip, Nustur the monk predicted his prophethood. He observed that Muhammad (S) had some arguments with a man over trade. That man said, “You should swear to Lat and ‘Uzza so that I could accept your statement.” Muhammad (S) replied, “I have never sworn to Lat and ‘Uzza in my whole life.”72 On his return to Mecca, Maysarah told Khadijah what he had seen in Muhammad (S).73

Marrying Khadijah

Khadijah was a farsighted, provident, honorable and dignified woman of noble lineage. She was superior to all women of Quraysh.74 Due to her high moral standards, she was nicknamed Tahirah (immaculate)75 and Sayyidah (doyenne) of Quraysh.76 She is said to have married twice but her previous husbands had died.77 Every Qurayshi nobleman desired to marry her.78 Some well-known persons such as ‘Uqbah ibn Abi-Mu’it, Abu-Jahl, and Abu-Sufyan had asked her for marriage but she always turned them down.79

On the other hand, Khadijah was a relative of Muhammad (S) and both of them had the common ancestor of Quzay. She had recognized the bright future for Muhammad (S),80 and was pleased to accept him as her spouse.81 She made an offer of marriage and he consulted with his uncles who accepted this marriage, which took place in a family gathering.82 It is said that at that time, Khadijah was forty years old and Muhammad (S) was twenty-five.83 She was his first wife.84

Installation of the Black Stone

Muhammad's excellent manners, honesty and decency had attracted the Meccan people so much that everybody called him amin meaning trustworthy.85 He was so reliable that they decided to use his good judgment in the installation of the Black Stone.86 He resolved their problem through high prudence and discretion. Due to the flood which descended from the mountains of Mecca, the walls of the Kaaba had broken on several sides. This event took place when he was thirty-five years old. Up to that day, the Kaaba had no ceiling and its walls were low. For this reason, its internal treasures were unprotected. People of Quraysh decided to build a roof; however, they were not able to carry out their plan. After the event of the flood, the leaders of the Meccan tribes decided to destroy the building to reconstruct it with a roof over it. At the time of the reconstruction, there were disagreements among the tribes over the location of the Black Stone. Once again, competitions and resorting to tribal pride surfaced. Each tribe desperately tried to have the honor of installing the stone. Some tribes, by thrusting their hands into a vessel full of blood, vowed not to let any other tribe have the honor of the installation.

Finally, upon the suggestion made by the eldest man of Quraysh, they decided to follow the opinion of the first person who would enter the Mosque from the entrance called Bab al-Safa. Suddenly, Muhammad (S) entered the mosque from that direction. Everybody declared that Muhammad (S) was trustworthy and they would listen to his judgment. A piece of cloth was brought in by the order of the trustworthy man of Quraysh i.e. Muhammad (S). He spread the piece of cloth, wrapped the stone inside it and asked the Qurayshi leaders to take each corner of it and collectively carry it to the wall. As soon as the stone was taken to the wall, Muhammad (S) installed it in its original location.87

With his delicate discretion and prudence, he solved their problem stopping a potentially huge amount of bloodshed.

‘Ali in the School of Muhammad

A devastating famine occurred in Mecca after the reconstruction of the Kaaba and several years before Muhammad's prophethood. Abu-Talib, the Holy Prophet's uncle, was insolvent. Muhammad made the proposal to his other uncle ‘Abbas who was one of the richest members of Quraysh that each one of them would take one of Abu-Talib's children to his home to protect them against famine. ‘Abbas accepted this proposal. Both of them went to Abu-Talib and offered so. Thus, ‘Abbas took Ja’far, and Muhammad (S) took ‘Ali home to protect and educate. ‘Ali stayed at Muhammad's home until he was promoted to the status of prophethood. Then, ‘Ali confirmed and followed him.88 At that time, ‘Ali (a.s) was six years old and his personality was in the making.89 Muhammad (S) wanted to compensate for the hardships Abu-Talib and his wife, Fatimah bint Asad, had gone through when he was young by adopting one of his children, namely ‘Ali. He saw ‘Ali as the most competent of Abu-Talib's children. This is evident by Muhammad's remark after he had adopted ‘Ali, “I have selected the one who has been selected by God to help me.”90 Muhammad (S) showed a lot of respect and affection to ‘Ali (a.s) and did everything possible to educate him well. Fadhl ibn ‘Abbas, one of ‘Ali's cousins, says:

I asked my father, “Which one of his children did the Prophet love the most?” He replied, “‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.” I said, “I have asked you of the Prophet's sons.” He replied, “The Prophet loves ‘Ali more than any of his sons and showed affection towards him more than others. The Prophet would never let go of ‘Ali except for those days when he attended Khadijah's caravan. We have never seen a father more affectionate towards his son than the Prophet and we have never seen a son more obedient to his father than ‘Ali to the Prophet.”91

After his prophethood, Muhammad (S) had so much emphasis over ‘Ali's education in the Islamic issues that if he received a Divine revelation at night, he would teach it to ‘Ali before dawn. If he received Divine revelation during the day, he would inform ‘Ali of it before sunset.92 Once, ‘Ali (a.s) was asked, “How come you learned more narrations from the Prophet than his other followers?” He answered, “Whenever I asked the Prophet anything, he would answer; and whenever I was silent, he used to start telling me a narration.”93

When ‘Ali (a.s) was the caliph, he referred to his religious education with the following remarks:

“You, followers of the Prophet, are well aware of my close relationship with him; and you know that when I was a small boy, he used to embrace me close to his breast and let me sleep in his bed in such a way that I could touch his body and feel his smell; he even used to put food into my mouth. I used to follow the Prophet like a child going after his mother. He used to teach me one of his ethical virtues each day and ordered me to adopt that virtue. Each year, he used to pray God at the Hara' Mountain; I was the only person to be with him. When he received the Divine revelation, I could vividly hear Satan's voice. I asked the Prophet what that noise was. He answered that it was Satan's noise and that it had a terrible sensation for not being obedient on the earth. He says that I could hear what he heard and see what he saw; the difference was that he was the Prophet and I was not; I was his vizier and representative for doing good on the earth.”94

This discourse might just refer to the Prophet's prayer at Hara’ after his prophethood, but since most of the Prophet's prayers were done at Hara’ prior to his prophethood, we can be sure that this issue is related to the era prior to his prophethood and Satan's noise of discomfort is related to the descent of the first revelations. Anyway, ‘Ali's spirit and continuous education from the Prophet prepared him to see and hear things which were not possible for ordinary people to hear or see. These were due to his sensitive mind, piercing eyes, sensitive ears and specific insight.

Notes

1. Tarikh al-Tabari 2:191; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:13; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 5-6.

2. Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 13; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah, pp. 118; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 195-196; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:33; Ibn ‘Anbah, ‘Umdat al-Talib, pp. 28.

3. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:56; Al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-Nasab, pp. 17.

4. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:155; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:105.

5. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 155; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, p28.

6. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 154; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma’arif, pp. 67; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:546; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:96; Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:312; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:84; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, Saba’ik al-Dhahab, pp. 62, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 1:204.

Some genealogists have considered the children of Fihr ibn Malik ibn Nizar as part of Quraysh. See Kalbi, op cit, pp. 21; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p55; Ibn Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 96; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, op cit, pp. 62; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 204; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat Ansab al-’Arab, pp. 12; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:25-26.

There are some other statements regarding this issue. See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:27.

7. The Arab groups and tribes are given different names, such as sha’b, qabilah, ‘imarah, batn, fadkhdh and fazilah in accordance with their extension and size. For instance, Khuzaymah was a sha’b; Kinanah qabilah, Quraysh ‘imarah, Quzay batn, Hashim fakhdh, and ‘Abbas fazilah. See Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:330; Husayn Mu'nis, the History of Quraysh.

On the basis of this typology, some researchers have attributed Quraysh to qabilah and some to ‘imarah. But the very nature of this typology is a suspect; some researchers would not accept it as such. See The History of Quraysh, pp. 215-216. Here, we will refer to Quraysh as a qabilah (tribe).

8. Mas’udi states that the tribe of Quraysh had twenty-five branches and he mentions them by names. See Muruj al-Dhahab 2:269.

9. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6.

10. op cit, p6; Shukri al-Alusi; Bulugh al-Irab 1:324.

11. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6, al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 323; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:15, al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:73.

12. Halabi, op cit, pp. 7; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:109.

13. al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 324, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:7; Shaykh al-Saduq, al-Khizal 2:312-313.

14. Saduq, al-I’tiqadat, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:117; Uzul al-Kafi 1:445.

Among the issues concerning ‘Abd al-Muttalib is his vow to sacrifice one of his children for God. The report on this vow, despite its fame, suffers some documental considerations and needs further clarifications. See ‘Ali Dawani, The History Of Islam From The Start To Hegira, pp. 54-59; Shaykh al-Saduq, Man-La-Yahdhuruhu’l-Faqih 3:89.

15. Saduq, op cit, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 117; Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat, pp. 12; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 4:322.

Some researchers have interpreted this narration in the form of the cleanliness of the progenitor. See Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Some Lectures On The Analytic History Of Islam 1:64.

16. Mufid, op cit, Saduq, op cit.

Some Sunni distinguished scholars, such as al-Fakhr al-Razi and al-Suyuti, believe the same thing in this regard as the Twelver Shi’ah. See Bihar al-Anwar 15:118-122.

17. Saduq, Kamal al-Din, pp. 175; al-Ghadir 7:387.

18. For further information regarding these events, see Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 172-181; Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, The History Of The Prophet Of Islam, pp. 26-27.

19. Mas’udi, op cit, pp. 27.

20. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 80-82; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 94-97; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 44-55; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 67-69; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 70-77.

21. Prior to the event of the Elephant Army, Quraysh had appointed the death of Quzay as a historical point of reference. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4.

22. Shaykh al-Kulayni, Uzul al-Kafi 1:439; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:274; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:250-252; Halabi, op cit, pp. 95; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 72-73; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:201; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:101; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:14; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nubawiyyah 1:167; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, The Clarification Of The History Of Damascus; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 61.

23. ‘Ali Akbar Fayyadh, the History of Islam, pp. 62; ‘Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 86-87; Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi, Tarikh Tahlili Islam ta Payan Umawiyyan, pp. 37.

Concerning the exact date of the Holy Prophet's birthday, whether it occurred in the Elephant Year or prior or after it, the matter is not clear. For Further information, see Muhammad The Last Of The Prophets 1:176-177; the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi in Rasuli Mahallati’s Lessons from the Analytical History of Islam 1:107; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:203; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:281-282; Sayyid Hasan Taqizadah, From Parviz to Genghis, pp. 153; Husayn Mu’nis, the History of Quraysh, pp. 153-159.

Furthermore, some European historians explained the motive behind Abraha's military campaign to be an ambition for territorial expansion against Iran via the northern part of Arabia, which took place due to the Roman instigations. In Muslim reference books, the motive is said to be religious due to the competition between the Church in Yemen and the Kaaba in Hijaz. See Fayyadh, op cit, pp. 62; Abu’-l-Qasim Payandeh, introduction of the translation of Qur’an into Persian.

24. Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, pp. 439; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 6. al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 2:167.

The age of the Holy Prophet at his father's death is also recorded as eleven months and twenty-eight days. See Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:100.

25. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 17:282; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:99; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:176; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:10.

26. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; Halabi, op cit, 1:143.

27. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 110; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:15; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:384.

28. Halabi, op cit, 1:146.

29. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196, Muruj al-Dhahab, 2:274; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 101-102; Ibn Kathir, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 49.

30. Al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:94; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad’ wal-Tarikh 4:131; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:401; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:112.

31. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:33; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 44; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:275.

32. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:203; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 401.

33. Ja’far Subhani, Forugh Abadiyyat 1:159; Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:81.

34. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah, 1:176; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 113; Halabi, op cit, pp. 146; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 146.

It is said while the Holy Prophet was living with Halimah al-Sa’diyyah in the desert when the case of opening his chest took place. However, experts in the history of Islam regard this as invented and false for many reason. See Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:82; Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Lessons From The Analytical History Of Islam 1:189, 204; Sheikh Muhmud Abu-Rayyah, Adhwa'un ‘Ala al-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah 1:175-177.

35. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171-172; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 93, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110-111.

36. Ibn Shahrashub, a distinguished narrator, has dealt with this issue but has not dealt with the Holy Prophet’s orphanage. See al-Manaqib 1:33.

37. Salma, the mother of ‘Abd al-Muttalib was from Yathrib and from Banu’l-Najjar. See al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:121.

38. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, p65; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 94 Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 116; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 177; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, p121; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 9; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:172; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:223.

39. Halabi, op cit, 1:172.

40. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:178; Saduq, op cit, pp. 171; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:9.

41. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 189; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tabari, op cit, 2:194.

42. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, pp. 1; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; al-Suhayli, al-Rawdh al-Anif 1:193.

43. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Jawad ‘Ali, al-Mufazzal 4:82.

44. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:219.

45. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:36; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:285.

46. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 1:14; Uzul al-Kafi 1:453.

47. A village in Hawran, a province of Damascus. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 1:441.

48. This issue is brought up by the following Muslim historians and narrators: Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:191-193; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:90, h. 2620; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 73; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:121; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:286; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:182-186; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:96; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 1:195; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 17-18; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:15; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:270, 354; Ibn Kathir, Sirat al-Nabi 1:243-249, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:229-230; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:141; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:409.

49. Qur’an 2:41, 42, 89, 146; 7:157; 6: 20; 61: 6.

50. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:193; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:590; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:278; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:245; Saih al-Bukhari 5:28.

51. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:81; Uzul al-Kafi 1:447.

52. Gustav Le Bon, The Islamic And Arab Civilization, pp. 101, Ignáz Goldziher, Doctrine and Law in Islam, pp. 25; Muhammad Ghazzali, Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 47; Karl Brockleman, History of Muslim Peoples, pp. 34; Treason in Historical Accounts 1:220-225

53. Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, pp. 207.

54. Qur’an 4:47,51,171; 5:72-73; 9:630.

55. Shaykh ‘Abbas al-Qummi, Safinat al-Bihar 2:727; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihayah fi Gharib al-hadith wa’l-Athar 5:282.

56. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih mi Sirat al-Rasul al-A’¨am, pp. 106.

57. Halabi, op cit, 2:332.

58. Muhammad, a prophet who should be re-evaluated, pp. 5. This book includes weak points, errors and distortions which decrease the scientific value of its content. The style of the translator, too, is quite peculiar; see Nashr Danish Magazine, eighth year, Issue, 2, pp. 52, Article: a phenomenon called Zabihollah Mansuri, written by Karim Emami.

59. Muhammad, the last of the prophets 1:188, the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi. Some contemporary Iranian historians have raised some doubts on the issue of the Holy Prophet’s visit to Bahira, such doubts and disturbances should be taken care of. We shouldn’t that even if we superficially believe that this visit has not taken place, nothing is taken away from the grandeur of the Holy Prophet, because there were numerous other predictions of the coming prophet beside Bahira. The reason why we have brought up the claims of the Orientalists here is to show that they have used this issue to make some distortions in the history of Islam.

60. One of the events in which the Holy Prophet is said to have participated in while he was young was the war of al-Fujjar. It is said that this war had taken place prior to Hilf al-Fudhul when the Holy Prophet was 14-20 years old. However, since his participation in this war is doubtful, we will not follow it up here. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:95-97; Some analytical lessons of the history of Islam 1:303-503.

61. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:128; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 52.

62. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 52-53; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 128; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:142; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:12.

63. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit. It is recorded that the age of the Holy Prophet was even older at this time. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; al-Munammaq, pp. 53; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:225.

64. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 142; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, op cit, pp. 13; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 16; Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 188.

65. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 54-55

66. al-Buladhari 2:13. The memory of this treaty was still fresh at the start of Islam. For instance, during the reign of Mu’awiyah al-Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Abi-Sufyan was the governor of Medina. He quarreled with Imam al-Husayn on a financial issue about the grove of Dhu’l-Marwah. Imam al-Husayn said, “Is al-Walid acting arrogantly against me because he has ruling authority? I swear by Allah, if he does not give me my due, I shall take my sword and stand in the Mosque of Allah calling by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.” When his word was conveyed to ‘Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr, he cried out, “By Allah I swear, if al-Husayn calls by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul, I shall certainly take my sword and support him; and then, either he will be given his due or we die altogether.” When al-Walid was informed of these situation, he had to give al-Husayn his due until he pleased him. See Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:142; al-Buladhari, op cit, 2:14; Halabi, op cit, 1:215; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:226; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:42.

67. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:199; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 81. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, in Tadhkirat al-Khawazz pp. 301, says “Khadijah used to employ them in the form of limited partnership.” Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah 1:16, says: “She used to employ either in the form of limited partnership or on a wage-system.”

68. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:129.

69. There are some pieces of evidence which show that the Holy Prophet’s job was in the form of limited participation and not on the basis of wage-earning system. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:112.

70. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 199; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 81.

71. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 130.

72. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 130.

73. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p131; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39; Tarikh al-Tabari 2:196; al-Bayhaqi, Dala’il al-Nubuwwah 1:215; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Dulabi, al-Dhurriyyah al-Tahirah, pp. 45-46.

74. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:200-201; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:131; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:215; al-Dulabi, op cit, pp. 46; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

75. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Halabi, op cit, 1:224; ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah 4:281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:279.

76. Halabi, op cit, 1:224.

77. Her previous husbands were ‘Utayq ibn ‘A’idh and Abu-Halah Hind ibn Nabbash. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 280; Halabi, op cit, 1:229; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302.

According to some documents, Lady Khadijah had never married before the Holy Prophet who, accordingly, was her first and last husband. Some contemporary experts emphasize this point. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:121.

78. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 215; Tabari, op cit, 2:197; Halabi, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40.

79. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 16:22.

80. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 20-21; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:203; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:41.

81. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 21-23.

82. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:98; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:16; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40; Dulabi; op cit, pp. 46; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227; al-Majlisi, op cit, 16:19.

83. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 98; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:132; Tabari, op cit, 2:196: Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:280; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

Regarding Lady Khadijah’s age, there are various statements and records. See Amir Muhanna al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 53-54.

84. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:201; Dulabi, op cit, pp. 49; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:216; Khargushi, op cit, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434.

85. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:121; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:210; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:211; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:369.

86. This stone, being the most sacred component of the Kaaba, is introduced as a heavenly stone which became a component of Kaaba by Prophet Abraham due to God's command. See al-Majlisi, op cit, 12:84, 99; al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:62-63. Al-Hajar al-Aswad is a reddish-black, oval piece of stone set in the eastern side of the Kaaba at a height of one meter and a half from the ground. It is the center of circumambulation.

87. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:145-146, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:14-15; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:337-338; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:99-100; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:271-272. Some historians have given other reasons for the reconstruction of the Kaaba. However, every historian has referred to the Holy Prophet’s Judgment. See Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 103; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:205; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah.

88. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:262; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:213; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:58; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:90; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:119, and 1:15.

89. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:15; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, 2:180.

90. Abu’l-Faraj al-Izfahani, Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp. 15.

91. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 13, pp. 200.

92. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 624.

93. Al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 170.

94. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 192.

Section 3: From Prophethood To Migration

Chapter One: Prophethood and Promulgation of the Religion

Chapter Two: The Public Propagation and the Start of Oppositions

Chapter Three: The Consequences and Reactions of Opposition to the Qur'an


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