INTRODUCTION
This study is concerned with the Shi‘is
in Indonesia, and their position as a minority Muslim group within the overwhelming Sunni majority, and the ways in which they act to gain recognition in the country. For the purposes of this study Shi‘ism is confined to Ithna ‘ashariyya (also known as Twelver or Ja‘fari Shi‘ism). This is a madhhab (school of Islamic thought) which believes in the twelve Imams who succeeded the Prophet Muhammad and has adopted a specific set of practices as a consequence of this belief system. Shi‘ism is a minority denomination of Islam and Shi‘is, constituting around 10 percent of the world’s Muslim population, have frequently been stigmatised by the Sunnis who form the majority. While most Shi‘is reside as a minority group in Muslim countries, they form a majority in Iran (around 90 percent), Iraq (60 percent), and Bahrain (60 percent). The Shi‘is in Iran came to the world’s attention with the Islamic revolution of 1978-1979 and the subsequent establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Following the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 the Shi‘is there have played an increasingly significant political role in the country and a moderate form of Shi‘ism, adhered to by Ayatollah Ali Sistani, has formed a powerful web of networks that is expected to strengthen civil society in southern Iraq.
Scholars, not only in the Muslim world but also in the West have generally focussed their attention on Sunnism. In the Muslim world Shi‘ism is often seen as a heterodox schism deviating from the true teaching of Islam with regard to theology and jurisprudence. Western scholars of Islam who used to rely on Sunni interpretations of Shi‘ism have contributed to misperceptions about the nature of Shi‘ism. Kohlberg
reveals that this lack of appropriate understanding of Shi‘ism can easily be found in the writings of the prominent Hungarian scholar Goldziher and others. Shi‘ism did not become a subject of central research until the Iranian revolution forced scholars to understand its ideological foundation which is strongly rooted in Shi‘i tenets.
This led to the association of Shi‘ism with radical and revolutionary movements. Much attention has been paid to Shi‘ism in Iran, creating an impression that Shi‘ism is identified with Iranian society and culture. Indeed, as a result of Iran’s ambitious attempts to export its version of revolution to other Muslim countries, studies of Shi‘ism outside Iran tend to be an attempt to measure the effects of the Iranian revolution on Shi‘i communities in Iraq, the Gulf states, Lebanon, Syria, and South Asia,
as well as on Sunni communities in Southeast Asia.
However, more than a quarter of a century on, no revolution following the Iranian model has occurred elsewhere, even in countries such as Iraq and Bahrain where the Shi‘is constitute a majority, and where Iran has allegedly supported Shi‘i movements. What is striking is that in the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq (1980-1988), Iranian Shi‘is doing battle against Iraqi soldiers were fighting their co-religionists. Nakash has shown historical, economic, and political features of Iraqi Shi‘i society that are significantly different from that of Shi‘is in Iran.
This clearly indicates that a monolithic perspective on Shi‘ism does not aid understanding of the diverse realities of Shi‘is. A study on Shi‘ism necessitates consideration of social, political, and cultural aspects unique to a certain society, region and history for the simple fact that the Shi‘is “employed a wide range of strategies in different times and places.”
While the Sunnism that predominates the Indonesian population has been widely studied by scholars from a variety of aspects and approaches, the reality of Shi‘ism in Indonesia and its related historical, sociological, political, and religious aspects is hardly known among scholars and even the majority of Muslims themselves. This study attempts to address this imbalance and understand the reality of the Shi‘is in Indonesia by describing the main aspects of the social and religious life of this minority Muslim group including the formation of the Shi‘i denomination, an examination of its prominent leaders, beliefs and practices, da‘wa, education, publication, organisation, and the Sunni responses to it. An understanding of the nature of this Muslim group is crucial for our understanding of Indonesian religion and society at large.
Previous Studies on Shi‘ism in Indonesia
Despite the fact that the Shi‘is in Indonesia constitute a minority group amidst the overwhelming Sunni majority, a number of scholars, (including Muslim scholars), historians and social scientists have written articles or books concerned with certain aspects of Shi‘ism in this region. In particular, historians and Muslim scholars studying the Islamisation of the Indonesian archipelago have dealt with the development of Shi‘ism in the country. Here we find two opposing views with regard to whether it was Shi‘ism or Sunnism which came first to the area that is currently called Indonesia: The first theory, widely accepted among historians, social scientists, and Indonesian Muslim scholars, such as Hamka
and Azra,
neglects the existence of Shi‘ism and generally affirms that Sunnism was the first branch of Islam to arrive in Indonesia and continues to predominate the Muslim community today. In contrast, proponents of ‘Shi‘i theory’ such as Fatimi,
Jamil,
Hasymi,
Azmi,
Aceh,
and Sunyoto
, believe that the Shi‘is have been present in Indonesia since the early days of Islamisation of the region and that, in fact, its adherents have played an important part in this process. Their theory is based on several elements of Shi‘i tradition practiced by Muslim communities in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago, as well as on Arabic, Chinese and local written sources and the existing material cultures. Proponents of this theory generally admit that most Shi‘i traces have vanished over the course of time and as a result of the huge impact Sunnism has had on the country.
Fatimi, Azmi, and Aceh establish the view that Shi‘ism came to the Malay-Indonesian world before Sunni Islam had such a tremendous influence on the region. Like their opponents, the proponents of ‘Shi‘i theory’ believe Aceh Province to be the first place in Indonesia that experienced Islamisation. Abubakar Aceh speculates that Arabs, Persians or Indians coming from Gujarat, India -all followers of Shi‘ism - were among the first propagators of Islam in the archipelago.
Kern shares a similar opinion that Islam came from Gujarat to the Malay-Indonesian archipelago and argues that the influence of Shi‘ism in Gujarat had not been less than in other areas of India.
On the contrary, Fatimi points to the kingdom of Champa, in parts of present day Vietnam and Cambodia, a place from which the Shi‘is came to the Malay-Indonesian areas of Southeast Asia. According to Fatimi, there is a strong possibility that there were “Muslim settlements in the neighbourhood of Champa in the second half of the 8th century” which adhered to Shi‘ism.
Based on a variety of sources, Fatimi also tries to show the close (though often neglected) relationship between the Chams and the Malays, throughout history from the 7th century onwards.
Following Fatimi’s viewpoints, Azmi tries to connect Fatimi’s description with the development of Muslim kingdoms in Aceh. He goes on to point out that the Shi‘is then spread through trading centres in Southeast Asia, including Perlak in Northern Sumatra which is said to have become the first Muslim Sultanate in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago.
The first Shi‘i king of the Perlak sultanate was said to be Sultan Alaiddin Sayyid Maulana Abdul Azis Shah who reigned from 840 until 864. But, during the reign of the third king, Sultan Alaiddin Sayyid Maulana Abbas Shah (888-913), the Sunnis began to spread and exert influence on the Perlak population.
In this regard, writers such as Azmi, Jamil and Hasjmy, who base their theories on local sources, conclude that the Shi‘is not only arrived in the early days of Islamisation but, during this period, had considerable political power in the archipelago. It was at this time that the Shi‘is and the Sunnis became embroiled in a long and bitter political struggle. These scholars suggest that around the end of the 10th century, as a result of four years of civil war between the Shi‘is and the Sunnis, the Perlak sultanate was divided into two: The Shi‘i coastal Perlak and the Sunni hinterland Perlak. Both territories had their own kings. It is suggested that the two kingdoms were united in the face of an attack from the Sriwijaya kingdom. During the long war which ensued, the Shi‘i king died and this marked the end of the Shi‘i sultanate in Aceh. Sriwijaya ceased its attack, and the Sunni Perlak sultanate continued to exist until its collapse in 1292.
Sunyoto, acknowledging the existence of the Shi‘i Perlak sultanate that was in place for nearly a century, points out that the collapse of the sultanate led Shi‘i followers to migrate to other regions. Some moved to Pasai, an area dominated by the Sunnis, Sunyoto suggests that the result ing interrelationship between the two branches of Islam led to a specific formulation of Shi‘ism and Sunnism. He goes on to claim that while officially the Muslims in Pasai followed the Shafi‘i school of jurisprudence, they also practiced several Shi‘i rituals and ceremonies such as the commemoration of the martyrdom of Husayn (‘ashura), the celebration of the fifteenth day of the eighth month in the Muslim calendar (nisf Sha‘ban), the commemoration of the dead on the first, third, seventh, fortieth, and so on, and the annual death commemoration (hawl).
Sunyoto goes on to apply his theories to the Muslims in Java. He suggests that such Shi‘i traditions were taught in Java by some of the so-called Wali Sanga
(Nine Saints) who were known to have propagated Islam and founded Islamic tradition among the population of the island. According to Sunyoto, two of them in particular, Sunan Kalijaga and Syaikh Siti Jenar, were responsible for popularising Shi‘i traditions among the people of Java. He admits, however, that in contrast to Shaykh Siti Jenar and Sunan Kalijaga, the majority of Wali Sanga expounded Sunni Islam. A moderate figure, Sunan Bonang, attempted to bridge the two opposing groups. Sunyoto emphasises that this moderate, ‘third way’ - that is culturally Shi‘i but theologically Sunni - had a great impact on the formulation of Islam in Java.
Basing his ideas on a local Javanese source, Babad Tanah Jawi, Muhaimin points out that Shaykh Siti Jenar, also known as Lemah Abang, was said to follow Twelver Shi‘ism upholding “a doctrine that claims that the Imam should be the supreme political figure in the state”. This doctrine, also adhered to by the Persian Sufi martyr Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 922),
is the Sufi wujudiyya doctrine. Muhaimin suggests that Siti Jenar came to Java from Baghdad and he is said to have converted a number of rulers and their subjects on the island.
Similarly, Rachman tries to trace Shi‘i philosophical and operational elements in Java. He points to the belief in the arrival of the Imam Mahdi, the twelfth Imam within Shi‘i Islam, a belief which has been traditionally and historically predominant in Java. Even though Rachman agrees with the rather speculative views that the Islam that first came to the archipelago was Sufi Islam, he supports the hypothesis that there was peaceful interaction between Sunnis and Shi‘is. This interaction “greatly and equally contributed to the emergence of the unique Islamic community in the region.”
Another issue relevant to the study of Shi‘ism in Indonesia is the widespread commemoration of ‘ashura, the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn, the third Imam within Shi‘ism, at Karbala, Iraq, on 10 October 680 (10 Muharram 61AH).
The ‘ashura ceremony is generally celebrated throughout Indonesia with the cooking of ‘ashura porridge (bubur sura), however on the west coast of Sumatra - in Bengkulu and Pariaman - a so-called tabut (in Iran, ta‘ziya)
ceremony takes place instead. Snouck Hurgronje provides us with an interesting account of the ceremonies related to the ‘ashura festivals held in Aceh as well as in Bengkulu and Pariaman at the end of the 19th century. He suggests that the carnival originated during one of two waves of Shi‘i influence in Indonesia in the late-17th and early 18th centuries, at a time when the British brought the Sipahis (Sepoys) from India.
Djajadiningrat remarks that the widespread ceremonies in Indonesia relating to the martyrdom of Husayn clearly indicate the Shi‘i influence on Indonesian Islam.
Kartomi
and Feener
have provided historical accounts of the tabut ceremony in Pariaman and Bengkulu respectively. Kartomi uncovered evidence of substantial Shi‘i elements in the coastal Sumatran towns including the annual tabut festival. She observes that there are very few Shi‘i families in the towns of Pariaman and Bengkulu. The Shi‘i families that are there claim to be descendants of British Indian soldiers who came to the area at the end of 17th and early-18th century. Kartomi also suggests that “their beliefs and practices are tolerated, even assisted by local imams (prayer leaders), who pray and chant in the Shi‘i manner on each occasion that a tabut festival is held.”
The above scholars maintain that there have been changes to the practice of ‘ashura commemoration. Snouck Hurgronje points out that a wave of Islamic orthodoxy from Mecca was to purify Islam in the Dutch East Indies of sundry heresies including the ‘ashura ceremonies.
Aceh holds a similar view. “International relations between Indonesia and Muslim countries, especially Mecca and Egypt, make traces of the Shi‘i beliefs vanish in the Indonesian Muslim community.”
Kartomi also points out that since 1974 the tabut ceremony has been diverted towards attracting tourists and this has meant a loss of “the essential elements of passion, which is a distinguishing feature of Shi‘ism.”
Other studies related to Shi‘ism in Indonesia are concerned with the existing literature in the region. In scrutinising the Hikayat Muhammad Hanafiyyah,
a major Shi‘i literary work, (which was translated into Malay from Persian not much later than the 14th century), Brakel attempts to review some remarks on the relationship between the hikayat (Malay epics) and the Shi‘i character of early Islam in Indonesia. He points out that the possibility for such a Shi‘i text to be received into the body of Malay literature implies a definite role for Shi‘i influences in the formation of early Indonesian Islam.
Brakel writes:
The mere fact that a Shi‘a text of the more extreme kind was received into Malay literature at all, to thrive there up till the present day, is already of great significance. It provides strong proof not only of the strong links between Malay and Persian literature, but no less of the heretical character of early Indonesian Islam.
Similar studies were made by Baried. After examining 17 Malay stories that are said to contain Shi‘i elements
, Baried concludes that these stories are rough and imperfect data, as “they constitute only fragments of stories about Ali and his family.”
She argues that these ‘fragments’ fail to indicate real Shi‘i elements and that the corpus in fact represents all the existing Malay documents that clearly indicate Shi‘i elements. This very limited study, which is based on synopses from old manuscripts catalogues, can only produce a general statement rather than a conclusion. In order to discover any real elements of Shi‘ism in the Malay literature, all existing Malay documents would need to be carefully scrutinised to “bring light that Shi‘i elements exist in stories other than those of which the contents have bearing on Shi‘i narratives.”
In some of his studies Wieringa remarks that through a fairly extensive range of Malay-Indonesian literature one can find Shi‘i traces in Indonesian Islam which are not recognised by common readers. He affirms that traces of Shi‘ism were gradually purged over time (particularly from the 19th century onwards), due to close contacts with Middle Eastern Islam. Wieringa regards this as “a de-Shi‘itization of Malay hikayat literature.”
He concludes that the prominent position of Ali and Fatima in Malay hikayat literature has to be understood in the context of early Islamisation of the Malay-Indonesian world: Stories were provided for new Muslim converts at a time when Indonesian Islam was still tinged with Shi‘ism, but gradually the Shi‘i elements of the stories were neutralised to such an extent that they became acceptable for Sunni Muslims.
Another topic relevant to the study of Shi‘ism in Indonesia is the position and role of the Sayyids (those who claim to be descendants of the Prophet Muhammad through his daughter Fatima) in the Islamisation of the Malay-Indonesian world. Scholars such as Aceh believe that the Sayyids played a major role in the spread of Shi‘ism in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago. They point to the fact that a great number of sultans in Aceh used the title Sayyid. Aceh suggests that most of these sultans were Shi‘is or at least sympathetic to this branch of Islam and, consciously or unconsciously, they included the Shi‘i doctrines and worldview in the propagation of Islam.
Scholars such as al-Baqir,
and Al-Attas
also suggest that the Wali Sanga and other leading figures were Sayyids. Al-Baqir cites the Sayyid construction of a grave for the Muslim saints in Indonesia. This was clearly contrary to Sunni tradition, but it was acceptable within Shi‘ism. This, according to al-Baqir, indicates that the first propagators of Islam in the archipelago were Sayyids who upheld Shi‘i beliefs despite the fact that some of them practiced Shafi‘i Islamic jurisprudence.
Similarly, Pelras mentions the Shi‘i influence on Sayyid Jalaluddin al-Aidid who brought Islam to South Sulawesi, (and the areas of Cikoang Laikang and Turatea in particular), at the start of the 17th century. This Muslim propagator was a son of Sayyid Muhammad Wahid of Aceh and Syarifah Halisyah. He left Aceh for Banjarmasin where by the end of the 16th century he was delivering teachings heavily tinged with the Shi‘ism. Al-Aidid then travelled to Goa in India, where he met with opposition from the ruler, so he moved back to Indonesia, to Cikoang, where he converted the still pagan nobility and population. His arrival is still commemorated every year on the occasion of the mawlid festival.
Al-Baqir, Al-Attas, and Ibrahim
have tried to trace the early historical development of the Sayyids that lasted from the 9th to the 13th centuries. They point to the leading historical figure, Ahmad al-Muhajir, (the 8th generation from Ali), and his grandson Alawi bin Ubaidillah who after performing the hajj in 930 left Basrah for Yemen. The Sayyids in Southeast Asia mainly came from Yemen. Protracted debates still exist between scholars who believe these Sayyid figures were Sunni and those who believe they were Shi‘i who practiced taqiyya (dissimulation of religious faith).
Azra has strongly criticised those who propound the great influence of Shi‘ism in Indonesia prior to the Iranian revolution of 1979. He rejects the existence of the Shi‘i sultanate in Aceh, along with the idea of political struggles between the Shi‘i and Sunni sultanates in Aceh. In his view, the principal weakness of the above writers, particularly Jamil, Hasjmi and Parlindungan,
is their uncritical and unverified use of local sources and their comparison with other contemporary sources, specifically with regard to the historical development of Islam in the world during the period in question. Azra argues that there is no indication of political and ideological conflicts between Sunnis and Shi‘is in the historical evidence of Islam in the Middle East before the 16th century. He suggests that descriptions of conflicts are likely to be based on Sunni-Shi‘i conflicts in a later period, which are projected to the past and additional support being sought in local sources. While Azra’s criticism on the existence of political conflict can be historically justified, I believe there is ample indication that the minority Shi‘is were present in the past Indonesia.
Azra also rejects views that the celebration of ‘ashura and tabut are clearly influenced by Shi‘i traditions saying they are devoid of Shi‘i theological and political ideology.
Furthermore he points to a significant Persian influence on Malay-Indonesian Muslim literature. A great number of early Malay-Indonesian Muslim literatures comprise translations or adaptations of Persian texts. Even, Taj al-Salatin, one of the earliest historical works in Malay is a translation of a lost Persian original that may have been brought to the archipelago from India. Similarly, another important Malay history entitled Sejarah Melayu includes a great number of Persian verses and contains terminology foreign to Malay-Indonesian. However, Arabic influences in Malay-Indonesian literature should not be neglected. Azra admits that the relatively high degree of Persian influence upon Malay-Indonesian literature has led to lengthy debates among scholars as to whether Shi‘i doctrines were also found among Muslims in the archipelago.
In this debate, however, Azra takes a negative stance arguing that Persian is not always identifiable with Shi‘ism, suggesting that “Shi‘i religious thought has hardly ever spread in the archipelago, let alone has strong influence.”
Based on a variety of written sources, examining the influence of Shi‘ism in the field of politics, literature, and religion, Azra concludes, “It is clear that certain Islamic practices in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago which are associated by some people as Shi’ite, are essentially just similarities, empty from the theological framework and political ideology of Shi‘ism.”
According to Azra, Shi‘ism as a school of religious and political thought, only attracted followers in Indonesia after the Iranian revolution and through translations of Iranian scholars and thinkers such as Ali Shari‘ati, Muthahhari, and Khomeini.
Interest in studying Shi‘ism in Indonesia has increased recently. In addition to the above debates concerning the arrival and the influence of Shi‘ism in Indonesia in the historical context, two studies on the contemporary development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia have appeared. First is a preliminary study on Shi‘ism and politics in Indonesia conducted by a research team at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences led by Abdurrahman Zainuddin. It is published under the title Syi‘ah dan Politik di Indonesia (Shi‘ism and Politics in Indonesia).
Zainuddin et al. attempt to explore the impact of contemporary Shi‘i thought on the political life of Mus lims in Indonesia. They commence by briefly introducing Shi‘ism and its development up to the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979 and noting the contemporary Shi‘i concept of wilayat al-faqih (guardianship of the jurist). This is followed by a comparison of the political thought of Ayatollah Khomeini (the then leader of Iranian revolution) and Ali Shari‘ati (a famous intellectual considered to be. an ideologue of the Iranian revolution) that derives from the unique nature of Shi‘i political thought which unites religion and politics. While Khomeini maintains that during the occultation of the twelfth Imam, the jurists (sg. faqih) are entitled to rule the Muslim community, Shari‘ati criticising the ‘ulama’ proposes that what he calls “ the reformed intellectuals” should play a major role in government. The book then attempts to explore the impact of the revolution on the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. The book tries to explain the implications of this development on the political life of Indonesian Muslims, and appeals for dialogue between the two Muslim groups in order to prevent conflict. It also includes Azra’s critical article and interview notes with Indonesian Shi‘i intellectual Jalaluddin Rakhmat, which were previously published in Ulumul Qur’an. Many criticisms have been directed towards this book, such as those by Nurmansyah
who questions the significance of the comparison between the political thought of Khomeini and Shari‘ati and accuses Azra of ignorance of Shi‘i history. In my opinion, one of the most noticeable weaknesses of the book is its failure to examine the identity and reality of the Shi‘is in Indonesia.
Another study by Syamsuri Ali focuses on the intellectual discourse and social relations among the Indonesian alumni of hawza ‘ilmiyya (‘college of learning’) of Qum, Iran, and how this relates to the transmission of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
In this pioneering research, Ali provides us with important information on the educational institutions and figures that send students to Qum, biographies of Qum alumni, their intellectual discourses on aspects of Shi‘ism, and their role in establishing Shi‘i institutions and local associations in Indonesia. However, Ali’s work comes with a caveat: The scope of his account of Qum alumni is limited, particularly in terms of actors and regions discussed. The same is admitted by Jalaluddin Rakhmat who is a co-promoter of the thesis as well as the most prominent Shi‘i intellectual in Indonesia.
Ali’s research focus excludes the important role of ustadh and intellectuals of non-Qum alumni. As a result, the true nature of Shi‘ism in Indonesia is not revealed in Ali’s account. Despite this caveat, Ali’s study has made an important contribution to the study of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
Although there have been a considerable number of studies relevant to Shi‘ism in Indonesia, as yet the nature of the Shi‘i denomination in the country -its leading figures, beliefs and practices, institutions, organisation as well as the reactions from the majority community – is still to be fully revealed. This study will deal with these aspects in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of Shi‘ism, within the context of the Sunni majority in the country, as well as the complex nature of Indonesian religion and society.
Theoretical Framework
In analysing the Shi‘is in Indonesia as a minority Muslim group amidst the overwhelming Sunni majority, this study employs the theory of stigma
proposed by sociologist Goffman.
I follow Stewart’s steps in his study of the Twelver Shi‘i response to Sunni legal theory. Stewart maintains the applicability of this theory to Shi‘is, “who have lived as a stigmatised minority dominated by a potentially hostile majority in most areas of the Muslim world and during most periods of Muslim history.”
According to Goffman’s theory, stigmatised groups tend to adopt strategies that fit into a social system dominated by the majority. While Sunnism has become a norm in the Muslim world, Shi‘ism is considered ‘abnormal’ and Shi‘is have to implement strategies in order to gain recognition from the Sunni majority.
Methodology
This study is based on fieldwork and library research. Two periods of fieldwork (both lasting eight months) were conducted in several cities and towns in Indonesia, mainly Jakarta and Bandung. Each period lasted eight months: first, from June 2002 until January 2003, second, from October 2003 until May 2004. I interviewed Shi‘i figures and adherents, observed and participated in a number of religious activities at Shi‘i institutions, visited their libraries, engaged in dialogue with them, and collected Shi‘i and anti-Shi‘i books, periodicals, pamphlets, cassettes, VCD’s, and others. I also gathered information from the websites of organisations and institutions. My relationship with the Shi‘is was such that I was welcome to participate in their activities and have conversations with them in a way that allowed me to collect as ‘natural’ data as possible. To facilitate my interaction with members of I took a three-month Persian course at the Islamic Cultural Centre of Jakarta (January-March 2004). To collect data on Sunni responses, I visited the office of DDII (Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia, Indonesian Islamic Missionary Council), the office of LPPI (Lembaga Pengkajian dan Penelitian Islam, Institute of Islamic Studies and Research) in Jakarta, centres of Persis (Persatuan Islam) in Bandung and Bangil, the library of MUI (Majlis Ulama Indonesia, Council of Indonesian ‘Ulama’) in the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta, of the Office of Research and Development and Training, Department of Religious Affairs, (Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Departemen Agama) in Jakarta, and of UIN Syarif Hidayatullah in Ciputat, Banten, and UIN Sunan Gunung Djati in Bandung.
The Structure of the Study
This study is presented in nine chapters, in addition to introduction. Chapter one describes major elements and factors in the formation of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. This is followed, in chapter two, by a description of the type of leaders in the Shi‘i community and portraits of Husein al-Habsyi, Husein Shahab and Jalaluddin Rakhmat. Chapter three examines the characteristics of Shi‘ism as a madhhab as it is understood and practiced by the Indonesian Shi‘is themselves. This includes outlining the concept of ahl al-bayt, the doctrine of imamate and the Mahdi, the Ja‘fari jurisprudence, aspects of Shi‘i piety and the teaching and practice of taqiyya (dissimulation of faith).
Chapters four, five and six deal with the Shi‘i efforts to spread their teachings to Indonesian society and to gain recognition for Shi‘ism as a valid interpretation of Islam. They examine institutions founded by the Shi‘is and include analysis of the fields of da‘wa, education, and publications. In the chapter on da‘wa I shall describe characteristics of Shi‘i institutions and the ways da‘wa has been conducted. This includes their stated ideals, types of da‘wa activity, and da‘wa training. The chapter on education presents different portraits of educational institutions organised by leading Shi‘i figures. Another important means of disseminating Shi‘ism is publication and this is dealt with in chapter six with a look at Shi‘i publishers, their products - Indonesian translations, works by Indonesian Shi‘i figures and periodicals – and the impact of such publications.
Chapter seven scrutinises IJABI, (Ikatan Jamaah Ahlul Bait Indonesia, the Indonesian Council of Ahlulbait Associations), the mass organisation established by the Shi‘is as a means of gaining legal recognition from state authorities. An historical account of its establishment, its ideological foundation, its development, and negative reactions to the organisation are presented in this chapter.
The study of Shi‘ism in Indonesia will never be well-understood unless a description of the varied responses of the Sunni majority to the Shi‘is is covered. Chapter eight includes analysis of the general attitude of large Sunni organisations (both traditionalist and reformist) to Shi‘ism, and the responses of the Council of Indonesian ‘Ulama’ and the Department of Religious Affairs. It also presents a description of ways in which anti-Shi‘i groups propagate the fight against Shi‘ism. This is followed by an examination of the moderate attitudes of influential Muslim intellectuals which have paved the way for the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. Chapter nine provides a conclusion for this study.
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Author: Zulkifli
