CHAPTER TWO: LEADERS
Currently there is no single person that is recognised as a leader by all of the Shi‘i groups in Indonesia. This lack of a central figure originates, in part, in the formation and development of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia as described in the previous chapter. Indonesian Shi‘i leaders can be classified into two groups: ustadh and intellectual. This classification corresponds with the divide between ‘ulama’ and intellectual in the Muslim world in general and in the history of Indonesian Islam in particular. The first group, namely the ustadh or ‘ulama’, (also known by various popular terms including kyai in Central and East Java, ajengan in West Java, tengku in Aceh, and tuan guru in some parts of Sumatra, Kalimantan and Lombok), are, on the whole, products of traditional Islamic educational institutions. The ‘intellectual’ group on the other hand graduated from secular universities. The position of both groups has been discussed by scholars such as Steenbrink
. The divide between the two, and more specifically attempts to bridge the gap between them in terms of knowledge and leadership, has been of great concern to Indonesian Muslim intellectuals. In this chapter I will examine the general characteristics of both groups. This is followed by a look at the roles of Husein Al-Habsyi and Husein Shahab as ustadh and that of Jalaluddin Rakhmat as the most prominent Shi‘i intellectual. The portrait focuses on apparent determinants of leadership namely educational background, profession, leadership experience, and scholarship.
A. Ustadh and Intellectual
Traditionally the term ustadh (ustadz in Indonesian) means religious teacher. It commonly denotes those who teach religious knowledge in traditional institutions of Islamic learning (pesantren), formal Islamic schools (madrasa) or at religious gatherings (pengajian). For Indonesian Muslims, and within the leadership structure of pesantren, the term ustadh usually refers to teachers who are yet to achieve the higher position of ‘ulama’ (namely become men of religious learning and prestige
) or kyai (the leader of pesantren). The position of ustadh remains firmly below that of kyai in this hierarchy. Among the Shi‘is in Indonesia, however, the term ustadh denotes both leaders of Shi‘i institutions and religious teachers. In fact, the term has been increasingly used to refer to ‘ulama’ and leaders of certain groups of Muslim society in Indonesia. A case in point is Husein Al-Habsyi, a Shi‘i ustadh who has achieved the status of ulama.
It is quite possible that the growing tendency to use the term ustadh is due to the considerable influence of Arab descendants on the religious, educational and cultural aspects of the Shi‘i community. This tendency can also be seen in the so-called ‘scripturalist’ segment of the Indonesian Muslim community which is experiencing an increasing ‘Arabisation’. In communications, scripturalists prefer to use the term ustadh in its original Arabic form, meaning ‘ulama’ rather than the local term kyai. This can be disadvantageous from the perspective of international Shi‘i intellectual tradition, as the term indicates that the education of Indonesian Shi‘i leaders and scholars is not to the same standard of other qualified scholars. The term ustadh suggests that the teacher has not achieved the position of mujtahid (independent legist) or marja‘ al-taqlid (source of emulation). So in the field of jurisprudence, the ustadh in Indonesia become muqallid (followers) of certain marja‘ al-taqlid in Iran or Iraq. Nevertheless, the ustadh enjoys a prestigious status in the Shi‘i community in the country.
Shi‘i ustadh have two general characteristics of note. First, their education usually takes place at institutions of Islamic learning where various branches of Islamic knowledge are taught. This means that the person is considered to have gained a basic level of Islamic knowledge. Several Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia studied at pesantren and then went on to pursue their studies at institutions of Islamic learning in the Middle East, namely at hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum. A small number of Shi‘i ustadh - the most prominent of all - pursued their learning at other tertiary institutions in Indonesia or abroad. On the whole this is because their education in Qum only reached the muqaddamat (introductory) level. A number of ustadh entered the State Islamic University in Jakarta. Among them were Umar Shahab, Abdurrahman Bima, Muhsin Labib, and Khalid Al-Walid who pursued doctorates at this university. We should emphasise that generally the Shi‘i ustadh specialise in Islamic studies in the classical meaning of the term. This is evident from their involvement in the field of Islamic da‘wa and education, which requires a broad understanding of Islam in order to gain or maintain the recognition of their prestigious position in the community. In a nutshell, further education in the field of religious knowledge contributes to establishing and increasing the prominent position of the Shi‘i ustadh in the community. It should be noted however, that the field of specialisation chosen by this group is different from that taken by the Shi‘i intellectual in Indonesia.
Second, the ustadh devote themselves to the field of da‘wa and educational activities at institutions of Islamic learning. Many established and led their own institution. Some affiliated themselves to several Islamic institutions. Their main profession is religious teacher or spiritual guide for the jama‘a of the Islamic institutions. Only the heads of such institutions receive a regular salary, while the ustadh are paid for da‘wa activities. Most of them rely on endowments or payments from the institutions and their jama‘a for their living. The ustadh are well-respected and they enjoy close relations with the jama‘a who follow their instruction and guidance.
Like the ustadh, the intellectual has a respected position within the community. In every day life, the intellectual is also given the title ‘ustadh’ as a sign of honour. “The intellectuals are the aggregate of persons in any society who employ in their communication and expression, with relatively higher frequency than most other members of their society, symbols of general scope and abstract reference, concerning man, society, nature and cosmos”.
This concept of the intellectual corresponds with the characteristics of Shi‘i leaders.
Shi‘i intellectuals can be distinguished from the ustadh in a number of ways: First, their educational backgrounds differ. On the whole, intellectuals are graduates of ‘secular’ universities who were trained in various fields of secular sciences. Some prominent intellectuals graduated from renowned universities in Indonesia and in other countries. Jalaluddin Rakhmat completed his tertiary education in Communications at the Padjadjaran University and got his Masters in Science, (also in Communications), at Iowa State University in the US. He then enrolled at the Australian National University to study political science; however he never finished his course. Haidar Bagir completed his industrial technology degree at Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) and his Masters in Philosophy at Harvard University. He is currently writing his PhD thesis on philosophy at UI. Hadi Swastio completed his PhD at a university in the UK. Dimitri Mahayana completed an engineering degree at ITB, a Masters at Waseda University in Japan, and then returned to ITB for a PhD in electrical engineering. These intellectuals never received religious education or learned about Shi‘ism at any formal Islamic institutions in Indonesia or abroad. On the whole, they studied and converted to Shi‘i Islam while students or on graduation from university, where they were active in religious circles and attended lectures at campus mosques or in other Islamic institutions. In other words, their religious knowledge was gained through non-formal education and training carried out in mosques or Islamic da‘wa institutions. In addition, they gained Islamic knowledge through books and periodicals. As a consequence, they are considered less qualified than the ustadh in terms of traditional Islamic knowledge.
Second, the Shi‘i intellectuals generally earn their livings in fields independent of the Shi‘i community; they lecture at universities and educational institutions and/or are engaged with social, cultural and business institutions. For instance, Jalaluddin Rakhmat is a professor of Communications at Universitas Pajajaran (UNPAD) and head of the Muthahhari Foundation, Haidar Bagir is director of the Mizan Publishing House and affiliated with several social and educational institutions, Dimitri Mahayana is a lecturer at ITB, and Hadi Swastio is a lecturer at the College of Telecommunication Science. All these institutions are located in Bandung, West Java. As lecturers or businessmen, the intellectuals, with certain exceptions, never play the role of religious teacher, preacher, or guide in the Shi‘i community; they neither lead nor deliver sermons at Shi‘i rituals. For these reasons, their connection with the jama‘a is not as close as the connection between the ustadh and jama‘a. Instead, they build their important and respected position in the community through their strong commitment and contributions - material assistance, strategic insights, and critical thoughts – to establishing the Shi‘i community.
We find a small number of intellectuals within the Shi‘i community who also take part in religious instruction and guidance. A case in point is Jalaluddin Rakhmat. While generally known as an influential Shi‘i intellectual in Indonesia, his activities as both an academic and a religious figure mean that he is actually positioned more as an intellectual-ustadh figure.
B. Husein Al-Habsyi (1921-1994)
Husein Al-Habsyi
was the most widely recognised leader to play a great role in the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. During his life, his leadership was recognised by all Shi‘i groups within the community. Following his death in 1994, this position has, so far, not been filled by any current Indonesian Shi‘i ustadh or intellectuals.
Husein Al-Habsyi, or al-Ustadh al-Habib al-Shaykh Husayn bin Abi Bakr al-Habshi as his student Muhsin Husein
wrote in an article published in Al-Isyraq, (a magazine that belonged to Husein Al-Habsyi’s Islamic educational institution), became one of the most famous Indonesian Shi‘i ‘ulama’ after the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1978-1979. This name should not be confused with Husein bin Ali Al-Habsyi, the current President of Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood) of Indonesia. Born in Surabaya, 21 April 1921, Husein Al-Habsyi is the second son of an Sayyid Arab family. Very little is known about his parents’ life. It is said that his father passed away when he was six years old, and so Husein Al-Habsyi went to live with his maternal uncle, Muhammad bin Salim Baraja, a prominent ‘alim, and the then President of the Hadramawt school in Surabaya. He had also been an editor of the twice-monthly magazine al-Iqbal in the same city. Baraja had strong links with the aforementioned Shi‘i figure Abu Bakr bin Shahab.
In short, Husein Al-Habsyi was brought up in a religious environment.
Husein Al-Habsyi began his formal education in a well-known Islamic school named Madrasa Al-Khairiyya, one of the oldest and most famous Islamic schools in Surabaya, East Java, co-founded by the Shi‘i ‘alim Muhammad al-Muhdar. We are told that, at the age of 10 Husein Al-Habsyi was an active participant in religious gatherings, which provided him with instruction in several branches of Islamic knowledge including fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), ‘aqida (Islamic doctrine), and akhlaq (ethics). At the age of twelve he was said to have been capable of reading such Arabic books as al-Ghazali’s Ihya ‘Ulum al-Din (the Revival of Religious Sciences), one of the most famous ethics and Sufi texts used in Islamic learning in Indonesia.
However, there is no complete information about who his teachers were during this period of Islamic education in Surabaya. Reports from his sons and students suggest that, besides his maternal uncle, Husein Al-Habsyi has been influenced by other ‘ulama’ of Hadrami descendants, including Muhammad Baabud, Abdulqadir Bilfaqih, and Abubakar Asseggaf of Gresik.
He also studied with the Moroccan religious scholars Muhammad Muntasir al-Kattani and the Palestinian teacher Muhammad Raba‘a Hasuna at the Al-Khairiyya school, which also hired some religious teachers from Hadramaut, Yemen.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s Islamic knowledge was also garnered from institutions abroad. Together with his brother Ali Al-Habsyi, Husein Al-Habsyi went to pursue his Islamic learning in Johor, Malaysia. One influential teacher there was Habib Alwi bin Tahir al-Haddad, the then mufti of the Johor Sultanate (1939-1961).
In Johor, Husein Al-Habsyi also taught at Al-Attas school for a long period of time. His students came from various regions in Malaysia, and some of them were said to have become prominent ‘ulama’. It is also reported that he visited Hadramaut for Islamic education before he moved to Saudi Arabia where he stayed for about two years. Husein Al-Habsyi then spent a further year in Najaf, Iraq pursuing his Islamic studies with eminent ‘ulama’ including Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim (d.1970).
He returned to Malaysia and married his uncle’s daughter, Fatima bint Abdurrahman Al-Habsyi, with whom he had several children. After living in Malaysia for several years, Husein Al-Habsyi took his family back to his hometown of Surabaya, where he engaged in Islamic missionary and educational activities.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s cultural capital, namely valuable information and educational qualifications,
enabled him to establish his position as an important religious scholar and teacher within the Muslim community. With the Islamic knowledge he had acquired in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Middle East, he could become an important ustadh at Islamic schools. Moreover, his teaching profession had commenced at an early age, while he was still a student. When he was just 15 years old, he spent two years (1936-1938) teaching at his alma mater, the Al-Khairiyya school.
There is also a period in Husein Al-Habsyi’s life in which he was politically active. In his thirties, he joined Masyumi (Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims), the largest Muslim party during the Old Order era,(1945-1965). Through this membership, he became acquainted not only with influential Masyumi leaders such as Mohammad Natsir (d. 1993), Kasman Singadimedjo, and Sjafruddin Prawiranegara (d. 1989) but also with other political leaders in Indonesia. Husein Al-Habsyi was selected to be a member of Konstituante (the Constituent Assembly) in the eighth Masyumi conference in Bandung from 22 to 29 December 1956. Within the Constituent Assembly he was appointed head of the Human Rights Commission.
Like the majority of Masyumi leaders, Husein Al-Habsyi was known to have had a very negative attitude towards the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party). This is indicated by the fact that in 1954 Husein Al-Habsyi participated in the establishment of Front Anti Komunis (Anti-Communist Front),
which was meant to prevent the spread of the communist movement in the Old Order period.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s involvement in the political arena did not last long. There were several reasons for this, the most important being that Masyumi was banned by the then President Sukarno in August 1960 as a result of the party’s opposition to Sukarno and his guided democracy. Masyumi has also become involved with the PRRI (the Revolutionary Government of Indonesian Republic).
Disillusioned with the political development after the break up of the Masyumi, Husein Al-Habsyi ceased from all political activities until his death, devoting himself instead to the field of Islamic education and da‘wa. For Husein Al-Habsyi, the development of Islam simply could not be achieved through the political practice; he believed it could only succeed through education. Al-Habsyi’s sea-change is particularly significant in the context of Indonesia’s New Order era, (beginning in 1966), a period which implemented the de-politicisation of Islam. We should bear in mind however that Husein Al-Habsyi’s political experiences clearly had an impact on his later position as a Shi‘i ustadh; he gained important social capital by maintaining good connections with retired political leaders such as Natsir.
Husein Al-Habsyi returned to his position as an ustadh at Al-Khairiyya school in Surabaya, where he engaged in instructing students and developing the Islamic school. His career progressed not only because of his commitment to Islamic education but also due to his comprehensive religious knowledge, managerial capabilities and his social connections. As a result he was entrusted to become head of a branch of Al-Khairiyya located in Bondowoso, East Java.
He led this Islamic school for several years. During this period, Husein Al-Habsyi’s worldview was said to have been strongly influenced by the ideology of Ikhwan al-Muslimin of Egypt, an organisation founded by Hassan al-Banna (d. 1949). The banning of Masyumi and the de-politicisation of Islam under the Suharto regime caused many Masyumi leaders to turn to the ideology of Ikhwan al-Muslimin.
Husein Al-Habsyi became a follower of the so-called fundamentalist movement and established links with its prominent leaders and other high-ranking ‘ulama’ in the Middle East such as Yusuf Qaradawi (b.1926) and Muhammad Ghazali. He travelled to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Kuwait, Libya, Iraq and Iran to meet with these figures and to collect donations, (from individuals and Islamic organisations), for the development of Islamic education in Al-Khairiyya and the Muslim community at large.
Husein Al-Habsyi attempted to implement the ideology of Ikhwan al-Muslimin and his negative attitude towards secularism and Western worldviews in the educational system of Al-Khairiyya. However, the strict discipline and rules that had to be obeyed by the students and teachers at the Islamic school resulted in the majority of the staff rejecting this fundamentalist approach. Consequently a conflict ensued between Husein Al-Habsyi and the madrasa teachers as well as the Sayyid ‘ulama’ in Bondowoso. He was forced to leave Al-Khairiyya and Bondowoso for Bangil, but many of the qualified students, sympathetic to his ideas, followed him.
In 1976, Husein Al-Habsyi founded his Islamic educational institution called YAPI (Yayasan Pesantren Islam, Foundation of Islamic Pesantren) in Bangil. This pesantren has become an important centre of Islamic learning for the Shi‘is in Indonesia. As a learned man with a comprehensive understanding of various branches of Islamic knowledge Husein Al-Habsyi himself formulated the educational programme of the institution. The YAPI principles and approaches to Islamic education followed the Ikhwan al-Muslimin model, which combined strict discipline and rules with a strong anti-western attitude. Husein Al-Habsyi considered this to be the best model for achieving his Islamic educational ideals. He believed that an Islamic institution of learning should be free from all western worldviews and secularism. As the leader of the institution responsible for its development and progress Husein Al-Habsyi not only managed the institution but he also carried out instruction in several fields of Islamic knowledge, particularly Arabic, tafsir (Qur’an exegesis), and usul al-fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence). In addition, Al-Habsyi was also proactive in the formation of cadres. He believed this to be an essential part of the framework for establishing and reviving religious and missionary zeal among students so that they would engage in the struggle for Islam and the Muslim umma.
Over the course of time, YAPI and its leader have become increasingly recognised by ‘ulama’ not only in Indonesia but also in the Middle East.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s struggle in the field of religious education was relatively successful. Under his leadership, this pesantren has become the most famous Shi‘i educational institution in Indonesia. This is evident from the fact that a number of YAPI alumni were able to pursue their education in countries such as Iran, India, Pakistan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Qatar.
This is due to their high standards in Arabic and in the fields of Islamic knowledge as well as the links established with ‘ulama’ in these countries by Husein Al-Habsyi. As mentioned in the previous chapter, Husein Al-Habsyi was responsible for selecting students to study in Qum, Iran, and until his death on the 14th of January 1994, he was the most important confidant of Iranian leaders and ‘ulama’ with respect to the development of Shi‘i education and da‘wa in Indonesia. A large number of YAPI alumni, after studying in Iran, went on to become ustadh in several Islamic institutions and to engage in da‘wa in various parts of Indonesia (some are even at YAPI itself).
Husein Al-Habsyi was a popular preacher. He regularly delivered religious lectures and sermons in mosques in Bangil, Surabaya, Gresik, Jember and other towns. He was an excellent orator, capable of captivating his audiences with his comprehension of Islamic knowledge, broad insights into Western thoughts and the latest developments in the Muslim world, and his ability to use modern mass communication techniques in his religious lectures.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s commitment extended to undertaking da‘wa activities and creating Islamic educational institutions in Indonesia’s remote outer islands, including West Irian, East Timor, and Maluku, where Islam is less prevalent.
In these areas his main aims were to carry out preaching activities in mosques and places of prayer and to make contacts with teachers to discuss the social and religious problems faced by the Muslim community in the regions. In some of these areas he set up pesantren, which at first were branches of YAPI but later became independent Islamic institutions. A number of YAPI alumni were sent to teach at these institutions. One such institution is Nurul Tsaqalain located in Hila, Central Maluku, and founded in 1989.
When exactly Husein Al-Habsyi converted to Shi‘ism remains unclear. His students and children suggest that Husein Al-Habsyi became a Shi‘i after the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1978-1979, but there is a possibility that he acquainted himself with Shi‘i doctrines before the Iranian revolution. The co-founder of Al-Khairiyya,Muhammad al-Muhdar (d.1926), was Shi‘i and is known to have taught Shi‘i doctrines in Indonesia. Therefore, it is quite possible that certain aspects of Shi‘ism spread among teachers and students of the madrasa, including Husein Al-Habsyi. Husein Al-Habsyi also learned with the Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim, a prominent Shi‘i scholar and marja‘ al-taqlid in Najaf, Iraq. In addition, the Al-Khairiyya school was frequently visited by Middle Eastern ‘ulama’ discussing certain Islamic teachings, including Shi‘i doctrines, with the teachers and students of the madrasa. It is also recorded that Husein al-Habsyi was engaged in discussions about certain Shi‘i teachings with a Shi‘i scholar from Iraq who came to visit Al-Khairiyya in the early 1960s.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s students, however, suggest that his primary interest was in understanding the nature of Iran’s Islamic revolution. According to Muhsin Husein, it was Khomeini’s victory over the powerful Shah, and not Shi‘i doctrines, that first attracted Husein Al-Habsyi.
His interest in the victory sparked his curiosity and a desire for a deeper understanding of the ideology behind the revolution, which was strongly rooted in the doctrine of imamate, a fundamental tenet of Shi‘ism adhered to by the majority of Iran’s population.
According to Muhsin Husein, Husein Al-Habsyi went to great lengths to obtain Shi‘i books in order to enhance his understanding of the teachings of Shi‘ism. His efforts included making contact with the Iranian embassy in Jakarta and with ‘ulama’ in Iran. The Iranian embassy in Jakarta distributed books and its magazine, Yaumul Quds, for free to Islamic foundations and individuals who requested them. Through these printed materials and his personal communications with Shi‘i figures in Iran, Husein Al-Habsyi’s knowledge of Shi‘i teachings and on the development of Shi‘ism in the world was becoming extensive. In addition, he was frequently invited to participate in meetings with the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ in Iran. Husein Al-Habsyi was pushed ever more towards Shi‘ism by the hostile attitude and conduct of some Sunni leaders in Indonesia. The Sunni view was that Shi‘is were unbelievers. In this regard, Husein Al-Habsyi attempted to defend Shi‘i teachings and the followers of this madhhab by emphasising that Shi‘ism is a true madhhab and that its adherents are also Muslim. In fact, as Shi’is are allowed to do in a hostile environment, Al-Habsyi declared himself to be a Sunni.
Since the early 1980s Husein Al-Habsyi was known for openly praising the Iranian revolution. He paid great respect to its leader, Imam Khomeini, in his da‘wa activities in the mosques of East Javan cities such as Surabaya, Malang, and Bangil, all with the aim of reviving Islamic spirit and religiosity within the Muslim community. By doing so, Husein Al-Habsyi in turn gained the respect of the majority of Muslims in the region, and in particular the Muslim youth who regarded him as an ideal ‘alim and Muslim leader. However, he also experienced hostile reactions from anti-Shi‘i groups after he was acknowledged as a Shi‘i ustadh.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s position as an influential ustadh can be determined from his intellectual achievements which began at an early age. Besides teaching and leading Islamic schools, he wrote Islamic books and translated books into Indonesian. He was engaged in polemics with one of the most prominent reformist leaders in Indonesia, Ahmad Hasan of the reformist Islamic organisation Persis (1887-1958),
who in April 1956 wrote a book entitled Risalah al-Madhhab (Treatise on the Madhhab) which suggests that adherence to a school of law like Shafi‘i jurisprudence is forbidden. Ahmad Hasan also wrote Halalkah bermadzhab? (Is following a school of Islamic jurisprudence lawful?) In response to the two books, Husein Al-Habsyi wrote a critical treatise, Lahirnya Madzhab yang Mengharamkan Madzhab (the Birth of a School of Jurisprudence which Forbids Schools of Jurisprudence). This text strongly rejects the notion that following a certain school of jurisprudence is unlawful. The polemics continued with the publication of Ahmad Hasan’s refutation to Husein Al-Habsyi’s criticisms in Pembela Islam in January 1957. In April of that year, Husein Al-Habsyi wrote yet another critical book, Haramkah Orang Bermadzhab II (Is it unlawful for People to Follow a School of Jurisprudence II), in which he affirms that following a particular school is strongly determined by the Qur’an and Sunna and the opinions of ‘ulama’. In this long-running and, at times, heated debate, both writers accused the other of having insufficient knowledge of Islam and both omitted views that did not support their arguments.
Both authors agreed to a public debate on the issue in the hope of achieving a final pronouncement on whether it is lawful to follow a certain madhhab in Islam. But the debate never took place. Ahmad Hasan’s supporters accused Husein Al-Habsyi of avoiding participating in the debate. Al-Habsyi claimed that Mohammad Natsir, another Persis leader and a close associate of Husein Al-Habsyi from his Masyumi days, had advised him not to engage in the debate as it would provoke religious conflict and disunity in the Muslim community.
This claim is supported by O. Hashem, a close associate of Husein Al-Habsyi’s.
Husein Al-Habsyi was not a ustadh who tends to remain quiet. In 1979-1980, he once again engaged in polemics with the same reformist groups, this time regarding the mawlid literature and the concept Nur Muhammad (the Light of Muhammad)
published in Al-Muslimun, the magazine of Persis in Bangil. It should be noted that there have been controversies among Muslim scholars concerning the nature of this concept at regular intervals. It is a term central to Sufi and Shi‘i speculations that generally transcend the notion of the Prophet Muhammad as a human being. “The historical Muhammad was thus metamorphosed into a transcendent light, like the sun, around which everything created revolves.”
Suherman Rosjidi wrote an article criticising the concept Nur Muhammad which he saw as awkward and contrary to Islam, reason, and history. Rosjidi also points out that the concept is adopted from Christianity and Hinduism. In reaction to this, Husein Al-Habsyi wrote an article in Al-Muslimun. He maintained that the concept Nur Muhammad is strongly based in hadith.
The polemics continued. Another reformist writer, Imron A. Manan, refuted Husein Al-Habsyi’s view, claiming that the concept nur Muhammad is not mentioned in the Qur’an and that the hadith on it are not sound.
Once more Husein Al-Habsyi responded in the same magazine stating that Nur Muhammad is mentioned in the Qur’anic verse 5:15 and many hadith and is confirmed by the views of a number of ‘ulama’. He also asked Manan to justify his claim that the hadith are weak.
Manan wrote another criticism directed towards Husein Al-Habsyi’s article
and also to a book written by Abdullah Abdun.
Al-Muslimun also published an article by Abu Hasyim critical of Manan.
Finally, in the same edition the editorial board of magazine decided the debate should be brought to a head and published conclusions and final notes favouring the Persis/Manan view of nur Muhammad, upholding the notion that the concept is based on unsound hadith that are contrary to the Qur’an.
Husein Al-Habsyi’s intellectual activities are then marked by the publication of a number of books with Shi‘i characteristics. His 34-page book on the Qur’an exegesis of Surah Abasa: 1-10 became one of the most controversial books on Sunni-Shi‘i relations in Indonesia. Published in 1991 under the title Benarkah Nabi Bermuka Masam? Tafsir Surah Abasa (‘Did the Prophet Frown and Turn Away? Commentary on Surah ‘Abasa’), the central idea of this book is that the Prophet Muhammad, (who is the most perfect human being and immune from major and minor sins), did not frown and turn away from the blind Abdullah bin Ummi Maktum who, asked the Prophet for religious instruction while the latter was in conversation with the Quraysh elite. Husein Al-Habsyi maintains that the one at the meeting who did frown and turn away was Al-Walid bin al-Mughira, a tyrannical infidel from Mecca. This view is in striking contrast to the Qur’an commentary books widely read and distributed in Indonesia. It also opposes the views of the majority of Sunni ‘ulama’ in the country who believe that the Prophet himself frowned and turned away. For these reasons, the controversy surrounding the book is unsurprising.
There have been intellectual reactions to Husein Al-Habsyi’s book, including an article by Ibnu Mursyid in Al-Muslimun (January 1992), and a book written by Ja‘far Umar Thalib,
the former leader of Lasykar Jihad. In response to these critical essays, Husein Al-Habsyi wrote another scholarly work reaffirming his point of view on the perfection of the Prophet Muhammad. That he was free from bad moral conduct, and this meant he could not have frowned and turned away from his follower Abdullah bin Ummi Maktum when he requested instruction. The work, entitled Nabi SAWW
Bermuka Manis tidak Bermuka Masam (‘The Prophet [may God grant him and his household peace and salvation] Smiled, Did not Frown’), was published in 1992.
Further, Husein Al-Habsyi provided us with the ideas of ukhuwwa Islamiyya (Islamic fraternity) between the Sunni and the Shi‘i in his well-known book entitled Sunnah-Syi‘ah dalam Ukhuwah Islamiyah: Menjawab ‘Dua Wajah Saling Menentang’ Karya Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi (The Sunni-Shi‘i within Islamic Brotherhood: Responding to ‘Two Opposing Faces’ of the Work of Abu al-Hasan Ali Nadwi)
. Husein Al-Habsyi criticised Ali Nadwi’s for distorting the Shi‘i teachings, but his book is also directed to those who have made the same mistakes. In this respect, Husein Al-Habsyi has shown some of the weaknesses in the writings of Sunni ‘ulama’ and intellectuals about Shi‘ism. He states that the works do not reflect an appropriate and deep comprehension of Shi‘ism and even suggests that they contain serious misunderstandings of the subject. As a consequence, their criticisms do not deal accurately with matters that are actually agreed upon by the majority of Shi‘i ‘ulama’. A second weakness in the writings of Sunni ‘ulama’ and intellectuals about Shi‘ism is that in their use of sources they cite only the parts upon which they agree. The third weakness is the use of their own interpretations without referring to the existing interpretations of Shi‘i mujtahid (independent legist). Provocatively, Husein Al-Habsyi concludes that the Sunni interpretations of Shi‘i teachings are mainly based on their passion and hate.
Husein Al-Habsyi appeals to Sunni ‘ulama’ to stop distorting the Shi‘i teachings, and stop slandering and judging the Shi‘is as a group which deviates from the true teachings of Islam. In his writings, Al-Habsyi advises Sunni ‘ulama’ and intellectuals to carry out workshops or conferences in which both Sunni and Shi‘i ‘ulama’ participate so that there may be debates to address various polemical matters.
There can be no doubt that the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ will always be prepared to participate in all of such meetings to prove and present proof of the validity of their madhhab so which can satisfy and be satisfied by their Sunni fellows with the basic aims that the Muslim umma can be united and the relationship between them become closely and strongly tied. Certainly, we very much expect the realisation of these approaches and demand the unification of fronts instead of breaking up the united fronts.
Husein Al-Habsyi argues that if these conditions are realised both the Sunnis and the Shi‘is can live in harmony, tolerance and mutual cooperation. Furthermore, that the minority group has nothing to fear from the majority Sunnis who will always protect them, not oppress them.
Another published work of Husein Al-Habsyi, Sunnah Syi‘ah dalam Dialog (Sunni Shi‘i in Dialogue, 1991), originates from a recorded dialogue he had with students of Universitas Gajah Mada (UGM) and Indonesian Islamic University (UII). In this book, he explains a number of the arguments surrounding Shi‘ism that are widely spread among the Sunnis. Arguments such as the accusation that Shi‘is are infidels and cursers of the Prophet’s companions, also the validity of hadith of Ghadir Khum on the appointment of ‘Ali bin Abi Talib as the Imam succeeding the Prophet.
As with his other works, Husein Al-Habsyi practiced taqiyya. Not only did he declare himself to be a Sunni but he also cited Sunni sources in support of the validity of Shi‘i teachings. This, he states, was done in order that “attacks directed to the Imamiyya Shi‘ism can be terminated because there are no differences in terms of principal matters between the two madhhabs.”
In this work, Husein Al-Habsyi also appeals for an end to cursing one another and he devotes great attention to the social, economic, and cultural problems that are faced by Muslims.
Another aspect of Husein Al-Habsyi’s intellectual activities can be seen in his translations. This includes a translation of Pendekatan Sunnah Syi‘ah (the Shi‘i-Sunni Approach) and the Barnabas Gospel
published by YAPI (Yayasan Penyiaran Islam) in Surabaya. Husein Al-Habsyi has also provided us with an authoritative Arabic-Indonesian dictionary entitled Kamus al-Kautsar Lengkap, first published in 1977 by YAPI of Bangil. This 564-page dictionary has been reprinted several times, including twice by Thinker’s Library in Selangor, Malaysia.
These works
confirm Husein Al-Habsyi’s position as a prominent Shi‘i ustadh. In them we find the religious thoughts which he promoted to his followers. The works also indicate his leading role in the propagation of Shi‘i teachings in Indonesia. Arguably though, his greatest contribution to the Shi‘i community in Indonesia has been YAPI, an organisation which has become synonymous with the name Husein Al-Habsyi. He has dedicated his knowledge, material, and time to this pesantren. But Husein Al-Habsyi’s influence has spread beyond YAPI. In the 1980s when the Shi‘i community in Indonesia began to develop Husein Al-Habsyi was in his sixties. He wore a turban as a symbol of a man of religious learning. His habitus
exerted great influence on the Muslim community. He had accumulated economic, social and cultural capital which could be transformed into symbolic capital, that is, the recognition of his position as a renowned ustadh and leader of pesantren and Shi‘i community in Indonesia.
C. Husein Shahab
Today,Husein Shahab is one of the most prominent Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia. Born in Palembang, South Sumatra, on 27 December 1961, as his name suggests, Husein is also a Sayyid. Both his primary and secondary education was completed in his hometown. He finished ‘aliyyah (religious senior high school) at Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, a well-known Islamic educational institution run by Arab descendants in Palembang. During this period, Husein Shahab had a close relationship with the head of the pesantren and his teacher, Sayyid Ahmad Al-Habsyi, who also established links with other Sayyid ‘ulama’,including Husein Al-Habsyi.
Husein Shahab furthered his learning in the hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum, Iran. Husein Shahab’s choice of Qum to further his religious education was influenced by his good relations with Ahmad Al-Habsyi, (who maintained links with ‘ulama’ in Iran), and also information from his brother Umar Shahab, who was also studying in Iran, about the learning system and atmosphere in Qum. Husein Shahab left for Qum in September 1979,
his motivations more educational than sectarian. He saw his overseas education first and foremost as a prestigious opportunity, something many students could only dream of. The fact that Qum is a centre for the study of Shi‘ism was secondary. During his time at Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, Husein Shahab had studied books written by Shi‘i ‘ulama’, such as al-Tabarsi’s Makarim al-Akhlaq
(Perfection of Morality), but it was his learning in Qum which converted Husein to Shi‘ism.
Husein Shahab was enrolled at the Islamic educational institution, Dar al-Tabligh al-Islami, renowned for its non-Persian students. For about two years Husein Shahab followed the modern system of learning offered by the institution. As previously noted, Dar al-Tabligh was dissolved by the Islamic government of Iran. The leader of Dar al-Tabligh, the Grand Ayatollah Shari‘atmadari, was formally demoted from the rank of marja‘ al-taqlid in April 1982.
Husein Shahab himself had a bad experience during the raiding of the Islamic school by the military. Consequently his education in Qum ceased and in 1982 he returned to his hometown, Palembang.
After a year in Palembang, Husein Shahab departed once more for Qum This time he headed for the Madrasa Hujjatiyya,another institution offering educational programmes for foreign students, but while he was registered at the dormitory of the institution he did not follow its formal learning programmes. Instead Husein Shahab decided to participate in the learning circles (halaqat) that were conducted by ‘ulama’ in Qum. In this educational and spiritual city, a variety of religious subjects are offered via these learning circles, but fiqh has dominated the educational system of hawza ‘ilmiyya. Husein Shahab started out attending the circles on fiqh but then changed his orientation to Islamic philosophy and other intellectual sciences. His participation in the study circles enabled him to study under the guidance of renowned ‘ulama’ and scholars in Qum. Among his fiqh teachers were Ayatollah Hasan Zawakhiri and Ayatollah Shaykh Muhammad al-Nuri. He studied Qur’an exegesis under Ayatollah Javadi Amuli (b. 1930),
doctrine under Ayatollah Sayyid Adil al-Alawi and Islamic history under Ayatollah Sayyid Ja‘far Murtada al-‘Amili (b. 1945).
Husein Shahab completed his study in Qum in 1986.
Husein Shahab’s field of specialisation is Islamic thought. In 1994 he pursued a Masters programme in this field at the International Institute for Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC) in Kuala Lumpur, a tertiary educational institution founded and led by Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas. Here he developed his academic interests by conducting research and following lectures delivered by contemporary Muslim thinkers including the renowned liberal Iranian intellectual Abdul Karim Soroush.
However, he did not complete the programme because he was forced to leave Malaysia. The Malaysian government forbids the existence of Shi‘ism in its country as it is seen as contrary to the Sunnism practiced by the majority of the population.
I was informed that during his time in Malaysia, the police pursued Husein Shahab because of his Shi‘i beliefs, even though he was not actively promoting Shi‘ism. In spite of his untimely departure from Malaysia, many Shi‘is in Indonesia believe Husein Shahab actually graduated from ISTAC.
Husein Shahab’s career as ustadh started about five years after his study in Qum. On his return from Malaysia, (where he had been for three years), he went to Bandung to join Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s Muthahari Foundation. Between 1991 and 1994, Husein Shahab became an important ustadh at the foundation.
It should be noted that it is during this period that Rakhmat and his family spent a year in Qum, leaving Husein Shahab to carry out some of Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s duties, including leading religious rituals, delivering sermons and lecturing for various da‘wa and educational programmes. His writings and preaching transcripts from this period were distributed through Al-Tanwir, a da‘wa periodical of the Muthahari Foundation. Since this time, the popularity of Husein Shahab as a Qum alumnus and ustadh has been widely acknowledged by Shi‘is in Indonesia.
Since 1999, Husein Shahab has chosen to live in Jakarta where the largest numbers of Shi‘is reside. With the cultural capital he gained through his religious education in Qum and Kuala Lumpur, Husein Shahab began to establish his career by involving himself in a number of da‘wa and educational activities in the capital. He became a popular preacher also attracting leaders of Islamic institutions. Consequently, he became a lecturer at several Islamic institutions, both Sunni and Shi‘i, including Paramadina, Madina Ilmu College for Islamic Studies, the IIMaN centre for positive Sufism, Taqwa Nanjar Foundation, and Al-Batul. In addition, he involved himself with the religious programmes of several national television and radio stations. Husein Shahab is both a popular and a prominent ustadh in Indonesia, ever-present in leading national Shi‘i activities. He teaches and preaches in more than
Islamic institutions. With such extensive da‘wa activities, Husein Shahab is one of the ustadh who lives very comfortably in Jakarta.
In relation to his position as ustadh and a leader of Shi‘i community, Husein Shahab also participates in the establishment of Shi‘i institutions. He is a co-founder of the Islamic Cultural Centre of Al-Huda, (ICC). The activities of this Iranian-sponsored institution include publishing, teaching and preaching. However, Husein Shahab’s involvement with organising ICC programmes lasted only a year as in 2001 he resigned his post as a result of misunderstandings concerning the organisation of a workshop rejecting IJABI, an Indonesian national organisation founded by Jajaluddin Rakhmat (on 8th June 2001).
After this episode he established the Fitrah Foundation in collaboration with Othman Omar Shihab. This foundation has become a teaching centre of Sufism in Jakarta. Husein Shahab also participated in the establishment of Forum Al-Husainy in 2004. This forum for ustadh and intellectuals living in Jakarta is a new association, active in da‘wa activities in Jakarta, including a monthly collective dhikr and da‘i training programme.
With regard to intellectual achievements, Husein Shahab has produced several scholarly works. Most deal with his great interest in Sufism and Islamic philosophy. However, his first book, published in 1988, was Jilbab (Women’s Veil), dealing with what the Qur’an and Traditions of the Prophet Muhammad say about the women’s headdress. This work is based on two books, both with the same title - Hijab - written by Abu al-A‘la Maududi and by Murtada Mutahhari. Husein Shahab’s book attempts to provide new perspectives on the existing controversies surrounding the wearing of jilbab in the New Order era. Husein Shahab analyses textual evidence, from verses of the Qur’an and hadith, as well as using rational arguments to support the obligation for women to wear a jilbab. His other book is a practical manual on observing the pilgrimage to Mecca, a pillar of obligatory Islamic ritual. Its title is Cara Memperoleh Haji Mabrur: Tuntunan Ahli Bayt Nabi (‘Methods of Achieving Beneficent Pilgrimage: Guidance of the Prophet’s Family’) published in 1995. The book is based on the teachings and guidance of the Prophet and his ahl al-bayt.
Husein Shahab’s work on Sufism includes the two volumes of Dialog-dialog Sufi (Sufi Dialogues, published in 1994, 1995), which in general contain interesting stories narrating questions raised by disciples and answers given by Sufi teachers. His latest book, published in 2002, is Seni Menata Hati: Terapi Sufistik (‘Arts of Arranging Heart: Sufi Therapy’). This book attempts to provide a Sufi model to ‘diagnose’ and ‘cure’ bad moral characteristics, (known as ‘heart illnesses’), like miserliness, arrogance, and spitefulness which destroy human nature and obedience to God. By following the Sufi model, one can reach the spiritual stage achieved by Sufi and wali (‘Friend of God’) in the context of becoming insan kamil (perfect man).
Husein Shahab’s writings on Sufism, Islamic philosophy and other aspects of Islamic knowledge are also published in such periodicals as the Mutahhari Foundation’s Al-Tanwir, Al-Jawad Foundation’s Al-Jawad and Al-Huda belonging to the ICC of Al-Huda. One of the texts focuses on the life of Fatima, the Prophet Muhammad’s daughter, who Shahab considers to be a role model for female Sufis. According to Shahab’s analysis of the mystical life of Fatima, she was able to communicate with angels. These communications, compiled by her husband, Imam Ali, are known as Mushaf Fatima
Further articles on Sufism and other aspects of Islamic knowledge by Husein Shahab can be found in published anthologies like Kuliah Tasawuf (Lecture on Sufism) and Belajar Mudah ‘Ulmum Al-Qur’an (‘Easy Learning of Sciences of the Qur’an’, 2002).
Husein Shahab’s scholarship also includes the translation of several books into Indonesian from Arabic and Persian. He translated both the fatwas of Ayatollah Abu al-Qasim Khoei (d. 1992) and Ali Akbar Sadeqi’s work Pesan Nabi Terakhir (The Prophet’s Last Message) into Indonesian. But his most popular translation is of Muhammad al-Tijani al-Samawi’s Thumma Ihtadaytu (Then I Was Guided), first published in 1991 in Malay. Like the Arabic original and English versions which are widely distributed in the Muslim world, the Indonesian version, Akhirnya Kutemukan Kebenaran (Finally I Find the Truth), published in 1993, is widely read in Indonesia. It is interesting to note that this book is one of the forbidden books listed in the fatwa of Johor State, Malaysia, issued on 19 November 2002.
Husein Shahab’s intellectual attainments are unquestionable. He is a prototype of a successful da‘i (missionary or evangelist). He successfully transforms the cultural and social capital that he has accumulated into the economic capital essential for maintaining his living as ustadh. Although he is affiliated to many institutions of da‘wa and learning, there is no single institution powerful enough to establish him as the most prominent leader of the Shi‘i community, replacing the late Husein Al-Habsyi. This distinguishes his position from that of Husein Al-Habsyi which was strongly supported by his pesantren.
D. Jalaluddin Rakhmat
The most prominent intellectual within the Shi‘i community is Jalaluddin Rakhmat, known as Kang Jalal.
His followers frequently write his full name as K.H. Jalaluddin Rakhmat. This indicates the recognition, or is possibly an attempt to legitimise Rakhmat’s religious knowledge and leadership, placing him on a par with other religious leaders who are granted the honorific title kyai. In Indonesia, most people recognise the prestigious title kyai as referring to a man of religious learning, with legitimate authority in the field of religion. Born on 29 August 1949 in Bojongsalam, Rancaekek, a district of Bandung in West Java, Jalaluddin Rakhmat comes from a religious family. His father was a man of religious learning as well as a village chief and a Masyumi activist who then joined the Darul Islam, forcing him to move to Sumatra for several years. Jalaluddin Rakhmat attended public school and alongside he studied religious knowledge with a traditionalist religious teacher named Ajengan Shidik. In particular he learned nahw (Arabic syntax) and sarf (Arabic morphology), known within the pesantren tradition as ilmu alat (‘instrumental knowledge’). Jalaluddin Rakhmat acknowledges that this understanding of Arabic was instrumental in accessing the vast Arabic literature which shaped his religious thought and his thorough knowledge of Shi‘ism. This made Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s position distinctive compared with other Indonesian Muslim intellectuals who graduated from secular universities. This type of cultural capital contributes to his present position as the renowned Shi‘i leader.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat received his formal education at ‘secular’ schools and universities. After completing his Junior High School (SMP Muslimin III) and Senior High School (SMA II) in Bandung, Jalaluddin Rakhmat was enrolled at the Faculty of Communications Science at UNPAD. In addition, he entered Teacher Training for Junior High School (PGSLP) in the English department and used his diploma to teach at several secondary schools in the city to support himself. His academic career in the field of Communications commences with his appointment as a lecturer at his alma mater. His career continued to develop when in 1980, he won a Fulbright scholarship to further study in Communications at Iowa State University, USA. He finished his Masters in 1982 with a thesis entitled A Model for the Study of Mass Media Effects on Political Leaders. Some years later, he enrolled in a PhD programme at UNPAD but he did not finish it. Finally, in 1994 Jalaluddin Rakhmat took Political Science as his PhD major at the Australian National University, but as yet his study is not completed. As with Husein Shahab, he is wrongly perceived to have completed his PhD, a mistake which is beneficial for his position within the Shi‘i community.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat has lectured on Communications since the beginning of his academic career. By and large, his lectures attracted great attention from students. His students report that they eagerly looked forward to Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s lectures because of his convincing rhetoric and his expertise in the field.
But in 1992 he was dismissed from the UNPAD following tensions with what Rakhmat describes as a ‘campus bureaucrat’.
In the course of his academic career, he has written a number of textbooks on his technical specialisation. The books are considered to have become important references for students of the field. They include Retorika Modern (Modern Rhetoric, 1982), Metode Penelitian Komunikasi (Methods of Communications Research, 1985), and Psikologi Komunikasi (Psychology of Communications, 1985). With his lectures and textbooks circulating among students and scholars, Jalaluddin Rakhmat is widely recognised as an expert in the field of communications. It is unsurprising therefore that in 2001, after an absence of almost 10 years, Jalaluddin Rakhmat was asked to return to UNPAD as a lecturer and was then inaugurated as professor of Communications at the university.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s life history is infused with da‘wa. This important aspect distinguishes Jalaluddin Rakhmat from most Shi‘i intellectuals in Indonesia. Long before his conversion to Shi‘ism, Jalaluddin Rakhmat was affiliated to the reformist organisations Persis and Muhammadiyah. These two Muslim groups strongly opposed traditional Islamic beliefs and practices. During his studies at secondary school, Jalaluddin Rakhmat joined the youth branch of Persis in Bandung. Later, in 1970, he joined the Muhammadiyah training camp Darul Arqam, held with the sole purpose of establishing Muhammadiyah preacher cadres. Consequently, Jalaluddin Rakhmat became a fanatical cadre of Muhammadiyah which, along with Majlis Tarjih Muhammadiyah (its fatwa institution), actively carried out da’wa activities in diverse areas of West Java. Jalaluddin Rakhmat heavily promoted the reformist ideology of Muhammadiyah in his da’wa activities. In particular the notion of, ‘anti-TBC’ (Tahayul, Bid‘ah, Churafat or superstition, innovation, and myth) provoked strong negative reactions from proponents of traditionalist Islam in the region. But Jalaluddin Rakhmat always considered himself to be successful in carrying out his duties as a Muhammadiyah preacher. In the 1970s, Rakhmat’s achievements in this reformist organisation led to him being appointed an executive member of the Council of Education, Instruction, and Culture at the Bandung branch of Muhammadiyah and also of the Council of Preaching at the West Java provincial branch of Muhammadiyah.
It should be noted that after becoming a Shi‘i, Jalaluddin Rakhmat used his da‘wa activities to promote religious teachings and practices against specifically traditional ideas such as the importance of ziyara (visitation of graves), tawassul (uttering certain names of Muslim saints or Imams in supplications), and tabarruk (‘taking blessing’), all of which are incompatible with the reformist stance.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s devotion to da‘wa activities is clear to see in the fact that he maintained these activities during his period of study in America. Together with Imaduddin Abdulrahim and others, Jalaluddin Rakhmat established pengajian circles at the Dar al-Arqam mosque in Ames, Iowa. One of his missionary activities was to deliver religious sermons at Friday Prayers. These sermons were then complied and published in the book Khutbah-khutbah di Amerika (Sermons in America, 1988). Rakhmat shared a close relationship with Imaduddin Abdulrahim, co-founder of the Salman Mosque at ITB. Abdulrahim encouraged him to become an active religious lecturer at the mosque upon his return from America. Large numbers attended Rakhmat’s religious lectures at the Salman Mosque. On one occasion, Imaduddin Abdulrahim was informed that the influence of Rakhmat on Salman activists was so great that the congregation had become divided into two factions: the followers of Jalaluddin Rakhmat and the followers of the Nurcholish Madjid.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s expertise in Communications is frequently cited as having contributed to his considerable successes, preaching and writing in the field of Islamic da‘wa. Indeed, Jalaluddin Rakhmat is a very popular preacher and his reputation means his religious lectures attract large audiences. His notoriety as a popular Muslim preacher and intellectual spread rapidly, not only in Bandung but throughout the country.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat told us that his lectures at the Salman Mosque often turned into interactive discussions with Salman activists. Following his ban from the Salman Mosque, these lectures took place first in Rakhmat’s own home and eventually in the nearby Al-Munawwarah mosque in Bandung. To this day he continues to deliver regular sermons at this mosque. He writes:
Purportedly, the pengajian [religious gathering] caused unrest. I was declared persona non grata from the Salman Mosque. Based on the request of jama‘a, I moved the Sunday’s dawn lecture to my small house. The participants were crowded in the narrow room. Some overflowed into outside [the room]. Soon after Al-Muawwarah Mosque was established, they moved again to the mosque. At this time, the room was wider. The members of jama‘a increased; most were university students.
With an educational background in Communications and experience as a preacher, Jalaluddin Rakhmat attempts not only to implement concepts from the field of science in his da‘wa activities, but also to formulate these activities from a Communications perspective. His ideas regarding communication and Islamic da‘wa, two closely interrelated fields, can be found in essays included in two of his volumes: Islam Alternatif (Alternative Islam, 1986) and Catatan Kang Jalal (Kang Jalal’s Notes, 1997). Rakhmat defines da‘wa as “a communication activity aimed to realise Islamic teachings in the individual and social life.”
According to Rakhmat, all the components of communication can be found in da‘wa including da‘i (missionary or evangelist), message, media, object, and effect. A da‘i, as an agent of da‘wa, can be a Muslim individual or group, while the object of da‘wa includes Muslims and non-Muslims. While Rakhmat views the media for both communication and da‘wa to be the same, the message of da‘wa is different from that of communication. Da‘wa should include three elements: amr ma‘ruf nahi munkar (enjoining good and prohibiting evil), aspects of Islamic shari‘a, and the empowerment of man from tyranny and injustice. Jalaluddin Rakhmat also emphasises that da‘wa must have an impact on individuals and social structures in the form of progressive change in the domain of knowledge, attitude and behaviour.
Whether all aspects of Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s ideas on communication and da‘wa have been realised in his practice of da‘wa remains questionable.
One may wonder how Jalaluddin Rakhmat converted to Shi‘i Islam. We should remember that he was part of a group of Muslim intellectuals who were fascinated by the victory of the Iranian revolution and its ideology. Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Amien Rais, Dawam Rahardjo and other intellectuals were attracted to the works of revolutionary ideologues such as Ali Shari‘ari. These works were considered to be alternative ideological worldviews. But Jalaluddin Rakhmat also admits that he began to engage in intensive self-study of Shi‘i Islam in 1984, the year which appears to be a turning point in his religious, intellectual, and spiritual quest. Even though we cannot ascertain the exact time of Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s conversion to Shi‘ism, it is safe to surmise that it would occur after this period of intensive study of Shi‘i literature, discussion, and reflection. A brief account of Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s interest in Shi‘ism goes like this: In 1984, Jalaluddin Rakhmat together with Haidar Bagir and Endang Saefuddin Anshary attended an Islamic conference in Colombo during which they became acquainted with Shi‘i ‘ulama’. Jalaluddin Rakhmat himself admits that the intellectual and religious performance of the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ at the conference impressed him very much. What impressed him even more was that the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ gave him a number of Shi‘i books. It is worth noting in this regard that before they left for Colombo, the late Mohammad Natsir, (the then DDII chairman, who devoted himself to da’wa activities in Indonesia), had warned Rakhmat and his peers not to accept books given out by Shi‘i ‘ulama’.
Prior to the conference in Colombo, Jalaluddin Rakhmat had not been open to learning about Shi‘ism, despite regular access to Shi‘i books. Upon his return from Sri Lanka however, he began enthusiastically reading the Shi‘i books. Jalaluddin Rakhmat says that it was a Shi‘i book that really triggered his doubts about the validity and reliability of Abu Huraira as a communicator of the Prophetic Traditions, perhaps surprising when you consider that a large number of hadith that he upheld and practiced are narrated by Abu Huraira. From this time, Rakhat continued studying the teachings of Shi‘ism, (particularly through Arabic books), and found his religious truth in this branch of Islam.
It is highly likely however that Jalaluddin Rakhmat would have been exposed to the works of Shari‘ati and al-Musawi’s Dialog Sunnah Syi‘ah before 1984. (Both these works were available in Indonesian from 1983). Haidar Bagir is even of the opinion that Jalaluddin Rakhmat began to study Shi‘i works when he was in America.
Whatever the exact timings, Jalaluddin Rakhmat admits that after 1984 he came into contact with many people wanting to become Shi‘is, a factor which contributed to his prominence as a leading Shi‘i figure in Indonesia.
Aside from his intensive self-study of Shi‘i works, Jalaluddin Rakhmat was involved in discussions with Shi‘i ‘ulama’ such as Husein Al-Habsyi of Bangil. Rakhmat even calls Husein Al-Habsyi his teacher. He also established links with Shi‘i ‘ulama’ in Iran and other parts of the world. To gain thorough knowledge of Shi‘ism, Jalaluddin Rakhmat spent a year in Qum (1992-1993). Initially, he intended to pursue a PhD in Theology at Tehran University, but the process of enrolment was so complex that he later changed his plans.
In Qum, Jalaluddin Rakhmat established connections with prominent ayatollahs and attended religious lectures and study circles (halaqat) held in the hawza ‘ilmiyya. This also provided his children with an opportunity to gain educational and religious experience in the shrine city of Qum. Some of them were enrolled at madrasa in Qum; his first son, Miftah Fauzi Rakhmat, is currently an important Shi‘i ustadh at the Muttahhari Foundation in Bandung. Even though Jalaluddin Rakhmat is not included in the list of Qum alumni, the links he established with Qum ayatollahs and the Islamic knowledge he gained through attending lectures and study circles enhanced his religious authority and leadership among the Shi‘is in Indonesia.
In addition to these educational and da‘wa experiences, scholarship in religious sciences is also seen as an important aspect of religious authority and leadership. In this regard, Jalaluddin Rakhmat provided us with numerous works in the form of books, essays, translations, or introductory notes to other people’s works on various aspects of Islamic scholarship. Collections of his essays on religious issues written in the 1980s are published in two of his most well-known books: Islam Alternatif: Ceramah-Ceramah di Kampus (Alternative Islam: Campus Lecturers, 1986) and Islam Aktual: Refleksi Sosial Seorang Cendekiawan Muslim (Actual Islam: Social Reflection of a Muslim Intellectual, 1991). The former consists of essays presented in seminar and lectures at university campuses. The book includes ideas of Islam as a mercy for all creatures (rahmatan li al-‘alamin), Islam and liberation of mustad‘afin (the oppressed), Islam and the establishment of society, Islam and science, and it concludes with a call for readers to follow Shi‘i Islam as an alternative. Islam Aktual: Refleksi Sosial Seorang Cendekiawan Muslim contains shorter essays that were originally published in national publications such as Tempo, Panji Masyarakat, Kompas, Pikiran Rakyat and Jawa Pos. The essays reflect on various topics such as Islamic fraternity, communication and mass media, politics, intellectual reform, family, leadership, poverty and social problems, and martyrdom. Notwithstanding its promising sub-title ‘reflection of a Muslim intellectual’, Jalaluddin Rakhmat himself acknowledges that, in general, the essays are not based on deep thinking, something he sees as in keeping with the character of mass media.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat also wrote books on more specialised disciplines of Islamic knowledge. He has produced two books on tafsir (Qur’an exegesis): Tafsir Bil Ma’tsur (Qur’an Commentary by Narrated Sources, 1994) and Tafsir Sufi Al-Fatihah (Mystical Commentary of the First Chapter of the Qur’an, 1999). “In this area”, writes Feener, “Rakhmat adopts the method of interpreting verses primarily in terms of other related ones from the Qur’an itself with material from the Sunnah used as a further means of clarification.”
This is usually called tafsir bi al-ma’thur, (the title of Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s first book), or the tafsir al-Qur’an bi al-Qur’an, which literally means interpreting certain Qur’anic verses using other Qur’anic verses, and refers to the method developed by the renowned Shi‘i scholar ‘Allama Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i (1903-1981). In his second Qur’an commentary book, Rakhmat claims: “For the first time in Indonesian, I will include many hadith from the Prophet’s ahl al-bayt (upon whom be peace).”
Many of Rakhmat’s books are about Sufism. Besides the above-mentioned Sufi tafsir book, others include Membuka Tirai Kegaiban: Renungan-Renungan Sufistik (‘Revealing Mystical Veil: Sufi Reflections’, 1994), Reformasi Sufistik (Sufi Reform, 1998), and Meraih Cinta Ilahi: Pencerahan Sufistik (‘Achieving Divine Love: Sufi Enlightenment’, 1999). All these books are derived from collections of his preaching, in particular the regular Sunday religious gathering at the Munawwarah Mosque, and also from essays published in the media. Jalaluddin Rakhmat clearly recognises the shortcomings in his own works as, more often than not, he offers his excuses in the introductions to their publication. For instance, despite its promising title, Rakhmat acknowledges that his Membuka Tirai Kegaiban does not provide its readers with the same in-depth analysis of Sufi teachings as can be found in the books of Suhrawardi and al-Ghazali. Nonetheless, he provides innovative interpretations of certain Sufi teachings by comparing Sufism with psychology. In other articles, he suggests that the teachings of Sufism can lead to emotional and spiritual intelligence,
the key to which is the Sufi teaching of patience.
In the field of Islamic history, Jalaluddin Rakhmat wrote Al-Mustafa: Pengantar Studi Kritis Tarikh Nabi SAW (The Chosen: An Introductory Critical Study of History of the Prophet [may God grant him peace and salvation], 2002). The book, which is derived from the transcription of his lectures in the Muthahhari Foundation, contains an introduction to the critical study of the history of the Prophet Muhammad. In this case, critical study clearly means that criticism should be aimed at Sunni sources, particularly those hadith collections narrating occasions or stories that Jalaluddin Rakhmat and other Shi‘is believe to be contrary to the noble character of the Prophet Muhammad, (the prophet being the most perfect man and the best example for mankind). In this way, the spirit of this work is similar to that of Husein Al-Habsyi’s Qur’an exegesis. In his book, Rakhmat provides a call to reconstruct a proper history in accordance with this principle. But in this introductory work, Rakhmat does not actually give readers an historical description of the life of the Prophet Muhammad, save for providing some examples of interpretations, which he believes are worthy of criticism.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat also writes about the validity of certain religious practices which are contrary to the reformist view. In Rindu Rasul: Meraih Cinta Ilahi Melalui Syafa‘at Nabi SAW (‘Longing for the Messenger: Achieving Divine Love through Intercessions of the Prophet [may God grant him peace and salvation]’, 2001), Rakhmat provides us with various ways of showing love and devotion to the Prophet - vehicles with which to approach God - such as reciting salawat (invocation), expecting his shafa‘at (assistances), tawassul (prayer through intermediaries), and tabarruk (‘taking of blessing’). It is interesting to note that Jalaluddin Rakhmat had strongly opposed all these religious practices before his conversion to Shi‘ism. “False intellectual arrogance has distanced me from loving of the Prophet (May God grant him peace and salvation). The modernist ideology penetrating my thought has dried my soul.”
Through Rindu Rasul, he aims to demolish the intellectual ‘arrogance’ of reformist groups which nullifies these practices, and he appeals for reflective religious views. This book is intended to present the validity and necessity of these religious practices in the framework of loving the Prophet. It is also an appeal for maintaining tradition. And in the wider context of Indonesian Islam, through this book, Jalaluddin Rakhmat may have contributed to maintaining Islamic practices upheld by traditionalist Muslim groups in Indonesia.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat also wrote a book on ethics with a provocative and imperative title, Dahulukan Akhlak di atas Fikih (Prioritise Ethics over Jurisprudence, 2002a). The book is intended to solve the long-running problem of Muslim umma, namely factions that emerged following the death of the Prophet Muhammad, by implementing the universal divine message of the Prophet on the necessity of noble ethics: “Indeed, I was designated to perfect noble ethics”. Jalaluddin Rakhmat presents differences of legal opinion among various schools of Islamic law in the course of history as well as analyses the factions and fanatical attitudes of followers of schools that have created religious conflicts within the umma. Jalaluddin Rakhmat suggests that one should renounce his or her own adherence to a certain school of law for the greater good of establishing Islamic fraternity. This scholarly work contains genuine ideas that have received many credits as well as criticisms from both Sunnis and Shi‘is in Indonesia.
Notwithstanding his call to abandon particular schools of law for the sake of Islamic fraternity, Jalaluddin Rakhmat wrote several essays on fiqh (jurisprudence). Based on these essays, Feener included Jalaluddin Rakhmat as one of the new Muslim intellectuals who has contributed to the development of Muslim jurisprudence in 20th century Indonesia.
Like Munawir Sjadzali (a moderate Muslim intellectual and Minister of Religious Affairs from 1983 to1993) and Nurcholish Madjid (a moderate Muslim intellectual and founder of the Paramadina Foundation), Jalaluddin Rakhmat maintains the necessity for continuous exercise of ijtihad so that Muslims can adapt to social and cultural changes. Jalaluddin Rakhmat writes: “Ijtihad is difficult but necessary.”
He hastens to add that certain requirements for ijtihad mean that not everyone is authorised to undertake such a difficult task. As follower of Shi‘ism, Jalaluddin Rakhmat upholds the view that in terms of jurisprudence Muslims can be classified as mujtahid and muqallid (‘follower’). In Shi‘i Islam, the laity should follow a specific mujtahid known as marja‘ al-taqlid. This mujtahid has the attributes of faqaha (comprehension of Islamic knowledge) and ‘adala (noble character, firm conviction, sincerity).
Since Jalaluddin Rakhmat is not a mujtahid, his response to issues of Islamic law is likely to promote the existing views of several ‘ulama’, while emphasising the necessity of individual choice and the importance of Islamic fraternity. This can be seen clearly in his book, Jalaluddin Rakhmat Menjawab Soal-soal Islam Kontemporer (Jalaluddin Rakhmat Answers Contemporary Islamic Problems, 1998a), which is derived from his spontaneous responses to questions posed by audiences at his lectures at the Salman and Al-Munawwarah Mosques (between 1980 and 1998). By not presenting his own legal opinion, Jalaluddin Rakhmat clearly positions himself as a muqallid in the field of Islamic law, and his answers generally reflect his adherence to the Ja‘fari school of Islamic jurisprudence.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat Menjawab Soal-soal Islam Kontemporer not only contains aspects of Islamic law, but also includes aspects of doctrine, Qur’an exegesis, ethics, history and psychology. Besides questions of Islamic law, the book also addresses such problems as imamate (the fundamental doctrine of Shi‘ism), family planning and love. In his editorial note, Hernowo points out that the idea of Jalaluddin Rakhmat as a Shi‘i intellectual may be opposed by certain groups. But Jalaluddin Rakhmat is very capable of coping with the various responses directed to him. Hernowo surmises that Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s success in playing the roles of expert in Sufism, Qur’an exegesis, jurisprudence, and philosophy can be attributed to his powers of logic.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s works have contributed significantly to Muslim scholarship and this form of cultural capital is an important determinant of Islamic leadership in the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. Nurcholish Madjid once described Jalaluddin Rakhmat as ‘a complete intellectual’.
This is true. He produces works not only about his technical field of specialisation and Islamic knowledge but also about psychology, education and others. One of his works, Rekayasa Sosial: Reformasi atau Revolusi? (Social Engineering: Reformation or Revolution? 1999a) begins with the explanation of what Rakhmat calls the ‘intellectual cul-de-sac’, namely intellectual fallacies that have to be overcome before social engineering can begin. “It is impossible that there is change to the right direction if fallacies of thinking still trap our mind.”
With introductory notes presented by Dimitri Mahayana, the book offers revolution as an alternative to reformasi, implemented since the fall of Indonesia’s New Order regime in 1998. On revolution, Rakhmat writes:
When the whole nation runs into crisis, all people demand change. The more unbearable the nation is, the more desirable it is that change soon occurs. Revolution emerges as the best strategy. Reformation is considered too slow, while the stomach cannot wait. When corruption has been entrenched in the whole body of the nation, we need total surgical operation, that is, revolution.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat goes on to explain four theories of revolution based on behavioural, psychological, structural, and political schools. Taking from several definitions of revolution, Rakhmat points out its three characteristics: first, multi-dimensional, comprehensive, and fundamental change; secondly, the involvement of a great mass that is mobilised and moves in revolutionary movement; and thirdly, the use of force and coercion. However, he rejects the third characteristic.
Rakhmat also suggests certain circumstances which encourage certain tactics to encourage revolution based on specific theories. For instance, according to the behavioural theory, revolutionary circumstances include: impeding the fulfilment of needs of the majority of people, provoking disappointment and anger of the people when they compare their condition with those supported by the regime.
But Rakhmat notes that revolution can only be explained not predicted.
His ideas on revolution seem to correspond with his appeals for martyrdom, (which he considers to be the peak of wisdom), contained his other works:
Shahid literally means one who witnesses, one who gives evidence. You believe in the truth of Islam and you prove the belief with willingness to die to erect Islam. You know that all kinds of oppression are acts of destroying the words of God, therefore, you prove your knowledge with willingness to sacrifice in fighting oppression. Death witnessing your belief is martyrdom.”
With regard to his leadership, Jalaluddin Rakhmat established the Muthahhari Foundation in Bandung in 1988. Co-founders include Haidar Bagir, Ahmad Tafsir, Agus Effendi, and Ahmad Muhajir. The foundation, which promotes the slogan: ‘enlightenment of Islamic thought’, is engaged in da‘wa, education and publishing. Since 1992, it has organised SMU Plus (Senior High School with attribute Plus),
which has attracted students from various parts of the country. Aside from participating in religious circles, Jalaluddin Rakhmat regularly gives religious lectures at Sunday’s pengajian held at Al-Munawwarah Mosque. As previously mentioned, a number of students who have gone on to become Shi‘i intellectuals studied religious knowledge at these religious lectures and circles. The recorded sermons from this pengajian form the main content of the missionary periodical Al-Tanwir, published by the da‘wa division of the Muthahhari Foundation. The foundation has a publishing wing which has produced a number of books including the works of Jalaluddin Rakhmat and of students of SMU Plus. All these activities have made the institution and its leader famous throughout Indonesia.
In 1997, with financial support from Sudharmono, (ex-Vice President of Indonesia during the New Order era), and his family, Jalaluddin Rakhmat founded Tazkiya Sejati, a centre for Sufi studies and training in Jakarta. Rakhmat was its director until he left the institution in 2003 following a conflict with Sudharmono’s children, Yanti and Tantyo Sudharmono. From 1997 to 2003, Tazkiya Sejati organised more than 20 courses on Sufism, attracting participants from Jakarta’s upper-middle class, including businessmen, executives, and retired functionaries.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s status as a leader is supported by the fact that he pioneered the establishment of Indonesia’s national Shi‘i organisation, IJABI (Ikatan Jamaah Ahlul Bait Indonesia, Indonesian Association of Ahl al-Bayt Congregation) in 2000. Since then, Jalaluddin Rakhmat has become the chairman of the advisory council and the most influential figure in the development of the organisation. In the beginning, Rakhmat and other Shi‘i intellectuals co-operated with Shi‘i ustadh in terms of establishing this organisation, but during the process both groups split. While the Shi‘i intellectuals under the leadership of Jalaluddin Rakhmat are generally associated with IJABI (which claims to be the umbrella organisation for all Shi‘is in Indonesia), the Shi‘i ustadh have rejected it as a social and religious organisation. IJABI has enjoyed a stable position because it is legally recognised by the Indonesian government through the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s educational accomplishments - including expertise in Communications, engagement in da‘wa, educational experience in the hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum –, his connections with Shi‘i ‘ulama’ in Iran and elsewhere, his Islamic scholarship and leadership experience in Islamic institutions are all determinants that have contributed to his position as a leader in the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. Clearly the most dominant factors are his scholarship in both religious and non-religious sciences and his expertise and skills in Communications and da‘wa, attributes recognised by most Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals in Indonesia. Jalaluddin Rakhmat has accumulated considerable cultural capital, however, his social capital is not yet powerful enough to promote him to the position of the top leader of the Shi‘i community. Nonetheless, even with the fact that the Shi‘i ustadh reject IJABI, Rakhmat has considerable status as a national Shi‘i leader.
The portraits of the three Shi‘i leaders, clearly distinguish the divide between the ustadh and the intellectuals in terms of formal educational experience and profession. In terms of scholarship, all three have produced scholarly works in differing quantities. Similarly, they have all established Islamic foundations and, with the exception of Husein Shahab, head them. In terms of formal education and profession, the ustadh - with their thorough religious knowledge and engagement in religious guidance - are more likely to be recognised as leaders by the Shi‘i community at large. That said, education can be formal and non-formal, and the intellectuals gain religious knowledge by means of non-formal education and publishing. Jalaluddin Rakhmat is a distinctive case in that he experienced both non-formal learning to acquire religious knowledge but also engages in da‘wa. In this respect Rakhmat can be seen as an intellectual-ustadh. While his scholarship is the most recognised among the three leaders, he lacks social capital. It is no exaggeration to suggest that he has become the most prominent Shi‘i intellectual in Indonesia, but is yet to be recognised as the top Shi‘i leader by all groups of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. He still lacks support from the majority of Shi‘i ustadh of Arab descendants and Qum alumni. While no single Shi‘i leader is recognised, clearly the foremost of the Shi‘i figures in Indonesia is Jalaluddin Rakhmat.
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Author: Zulkifli
