CHAPTER THREE: MADHHAB
As a distinct madhhab or denomination within Islam, Shi‘ism has a complex set of beliefs and practices which set it apart from Sunnism. This chapter deals with the Shi‘i teachings as they are understood and practiced by Shi‘is in Indonesia - the religious aspect that determines Shi‘i identity in Indonesia. Understanding this aspect enables one to distinguish the Shi‘is from the Sunnis in terms of basic religious teachings. The chapter commences with an explanation of Indonesian Shi‘i understanding of fundamental concepts such as ahl al-bayt and Shi‘a (syi‘ah, Indonesian), which characterise Shi‘ism as a distinct Islamic denomination. There follows a description of the principal concepts of Indonesian Shi‘is, namely the belief in the imamate and the Mahdi. A further section deals with Ja‘fari jurisprudence and the specific aspects upheld and practiced among Shi‘is in Indonesia. This is then followed by a description of some distinctive aspects of Shi‘i devotion. Finally, I examine the Indonesian Shi‘i interpretation of taqiyya and its implementation.
A. The Madhhab of Ahl al-Bayt
As a stigmatised minority, Shi‘is in Indonesia have utilised and popularised neutral Islamic terms or concepts common to all Muslim groups, even though their interpretation and use of such terms are strikingly different from the wider Sunni interpretation and utilisation. Instead of Shi‘a, the term ahl al-bayt, or more precisely the madhhab of ahl al-bayt, is more commonly used by Shi‘is in Indonesia when describing their brand of Islam. In other words, the Shi‘is claim to be the followers of ahl al-bayt. (Sometimes they call themselves the lovers of ahl al-bayt). The term ahl al-bayt is frequently used to distinguish Shi‘is and Shi‘ism from Sunnis or the Sunni madhhab, also known as ahl al-sunna wa al-jama‘a.
The promotion of the term ahl al-bayt is important in the context of the development of Islam in Indonesia since the term Shi‘a has negative connotations for most Muslims who regard Shi‘a as a Muslim sect that deviates from the orthodox teachings of Islam. “Shi‘ism will become correct if the term is replaced with ahl al-bayt”, says Rakhmat.
Increasing use of the term ahl al-bayt is expected to result in Shi‘i beliefs and practices gaining recognition and for Shi‘ism to become accepted as a correct Islamic madhhab, alongside the Sunni madhhab.
Literally, the term ahl al-bayt means ‘the people of the House’, namely the Household of the Prophet Muhammad. Like their fellow Shi‘is in other parts of the world, the Shi‘is in Indonesia interpret this concept differently to the Sunnis who also include the Prophet’s wives among his ahl al-bayt. For Shi‘is, the concept of ahl al-bayt includes the Prophet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, his cousin and son-in-law ‘Ali and his two grandsons Hasan and Husayn, as mentioned in hadith al-Kisa’ (tradition of the mantle). These figures are also called ahl al-Kisa’ (people of the mantle).
In several Indonesian Shi‘i works we find verses of the Qur’an and hadith which are used to defend the Shi‘i interpretation of ahl al-bayt. The most frequently cited Qur’anic verse is the following: “And Allah only wishes to remove all abomination from you, ye members of the Family, and to make you pure and spotless”.
This is known as the tathir (purification) verse. It is said that before this verse was revealed, the Prophet Muhammad took his two grandsons, Hasan and Husayn, his son-in-law ‘Ali and his daughter Fatima under a striped cloak and stated: “these are members of my ahl al-bayt”. The story goes on to say that Ummu Salama, one of the Prophet’s wives, asked the Prophet if she was included in the ahl al-bayt. He replied that she was not a member of the ahl al-bayt.
Thus, it is clear that unlike the Sunni interpretation, for Shi‘is, the wives of the Prophet Muhammad are not considered to be members of his ahl al-bayt.
A second meaning of ahl al-bayt is the same as the meaning of the term ‘itra, a concept which encompasses all twelve Imams from Imam ‘Ali to Imam Mahdi.
Shi‘is base this interpretation of ahl al-bayt on the hadith in which the Prophet stated that God had given the world two safeguards (al-thaqalayn, literally meaning ‘the two weighty matters’), namely the Qur’an and the Prophet’s ‘itra or ahl a-bayt. Upholding these safeguards would prevent people from going astray.. In the hadith, the two safeguards are inseparable. This interpretation contradicts the famous Sunni hadith which mentions the Qur’an and Sunna.
Shi‘i figures in Indonesia have provided many versions of the hadith of thaqalayn, including:
Verily, I leave you things, if you keep hold of them, you will never go astray after me, one of which is greater than the other: The Book of Allah is like a rope hanging from heaven to earth, and the other is my itra, my Household. These two will never be separated from each other until they encounter me at al-Hawd. Therefore, be careful as to how you behave towards my two legacies.
This is considered to be one of the most strongly established hadith. It is transmitted through various isnads (chains of transmission) and in different versions. Ali Umar Al-Habsyi, a Shi‘i ustadh who teaches at YAPI in Bangil, East Java and grandson-in-law of Husein Al-Habsyi, provides a comprehensive account of the numerous isnads and versions of hadith of thaqalayn, and affirms its validity and authenticity. On rational proof of the obligation to uphold the Qur’an and the Prophet’s ahl al-bayt, Al-Habsyi writes:
The Qur’an and ‘itra are called al-thaqalayn [the two safeguards] because both are the very valuable bequest of the Prophet left by him to his umma. Both are stores of religious knowledge, secrets of God, and sources of information for shari‘a law. Therefore, the Prophet (upon whom be peace) frequently ordered his umma to take knowledge from them, to uphold the guidance bestowed by them, and to make them mirror in the way of life.
Besides the hadith of thaqalayn, there are many other textual evidences that are considered to be commands to follow and love the ahl al-bayt. Another famous one is called the hadith of safina (ark) which reads: “My Household among you is like Noah’s Ark. Whoever embarks on it will be saved and whoever stays behind will drown.”
All Muslims are obliged to follow and love the ahl al-bayt who provide authoritative interpretations of the Qur’an after the death of the Prophet. For Shi‘is, only those who follow the Prophet’s ahl al-bayt are the true adherents of Islam who will gain salvation. Sometimes Shi‘i figures in Indonesia use the term ‘loving devotion to the ahl al-bayt’. This is a strategy implemented with the intention of encouraging the Sunnis in Indonesia to more readily accept the Shi‘i presence. But the meaning remains the same, that one should adhere to the teachings of ahl al-bayt.
Like their brothers in other parts of the world, the Shi‘is in Indonesia uses the term Shi‘a in an entirely positive sense. They hold the view that the group called Shi‘a has existed since the days of the Prophet Muhammad, referring to the hadith in which the Prophet said: “O ‘Ali, you and your Shi‘a will gain victory”.
On occasions such as at the revelation of the Qur’anic verse which means “those who have faith and do righteous deeds – they are the best of creatures”,
the Prophet Muhammad is said to have stated that ‘the best of creatures’ in this case are ‘Ali and his Shi‘a who will be victorious on the day of judgement.
In early Islamic history, prominent companions of the Prophet such as Salman, Abu Dhar, Miqdad, and Ammar are known as ‘Ali’s Shi‘a. These four companions are also called al-Arkan al-Arba‘a (the Four Pillars).
Following the death of the Prophet Muhammad, this minority group emerged, in particular in response to the historic event in the Saqifa (hall) of Bani Sa‘ida in Medina. That is, the election of Abu Bakr as the Caliph and successor to the Prophet Muhammad without involving any members of his ahl al-bayt, who were occupied with the burial rites for the Prophet’s body. After being informed about the election of Abu Bakr, ‘Ali and his followers protested, since they recognised the Prophet’s bequest for ‘Ali to succeed him as leader of the umma. The events at Saqifa are considered to be the source of the schism within the Muslim umma
or the first of the great temptations destroying Islamic unity.
Rakhmat quotes several historical accounts providing ‘Umar’s response to ‘Abdullah bin ‘Abbas’ opposition: “By God, I know that ‘Ali is the most appropriate of all to become the Caliph but because of three reasons we sideline him. First, he is too young; second, he is tied with the descendants of ‘Abd al-Muttalib [‘Ali’s and the Prophet’s grandfather]; and third, people dislike prophethood and caliphate united in a single family”.
In Islamic history, the followers of ‘Ali - the Shi‘is - considered the election which declared Abu Bakr to be the first caliph succeeding the Prophet to be the usurpation of ‘Ali’s right to the caliphate and contrary to Islamic teachings. This becomes the religious and political background of the establishment of Shi‘ism as a distinct madhhab.
By affirming that their adherence to the ahl al-bayt or the Imams succeeding the Prophet Muhammad, the Shi‘is in Indonesia reject the Sunni accusation that the origin of Shi‘ism is the product of Abdullah bin Saba’.
They consider Abdullah bin Saba’ to be a fictitious character, and point to sources which declare the existence of this figure to be invalid. Another argument goes even further, suggesting that the Shi‘is reject the notion of Abdullah bin Saba’ as the founder of Shi‘ism and even curse him. Logic alone would suggest that it is inconceivable that cursers of a figure are his followers. Adherents of a certain religion or sect naturally praise and side with their founder.
The Shi‘i intellectual M. Hashem writes: “The accusation towards the Shi‘is as adherents of Abdullah bin Saba’ is not at all supported by history of human experience and is impossibly accepted by logical reason.”
The Shi‘is in Indonesia argue that they maintain the true teachings of Islam as taught and practiced by the Prophet Muhammad and his ahl al-bayt. In Shi‘i publications, da‘wa activities and gatherings, they emphasise the important role of the Shi‘is in the maintenance of continuity, purity and eternity of the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad. For instance, in the commemoration of ‘ashura, carried out in some cities in Indonesia, they chant slogans about the struggle of Imam Husayn against the corruption of Islamic teachings by Yazid - the second caliph of the Umayyad dynasty -, by the Umayyad regime as a whole and even by several companions of the Prophet Muhammad. It is believed that when the Prophet lay dying and ordered his writing materials to be brought to him, he intended to write an exhortation confirming ‘Ali as his successor. However, some of his companions, including ‘Umar, rejected this command. ‘Umar is said to have stated that the Prophet was delirious and that the Qur’an was enough for them. In the Shi‘i understanding, Shi‘ism is the pure interpretation of Islam that was maintained by and transmitted through the Imams. They believe Sunnism to have been corrupted by most of the Prophet Muhammad’s companions since his death.
In addition, Indonesian Shi‘i figures such as Jalaluddin Rakhmat identify Shi‘ism with the madhhab of love; based on a love paradigm, with Imam ‘Ali as its founder. Rakhmat calls Shi‘ism madhhab alawi, a term attributed to Imam ‘Ali; he calls Sunnism madhhab umari, a term attributed to the Caliph ‘Umar. Followers of the Madhhab alawi believe that all traditions of the Prophet Muhammad, with regard to doctrine, worship and social interactions, must be followed without exception. According to this madhhab, all traditions of the Prophet Muhammad are textual proofs since the Prophet is totally immune from major and minor sins and mistakes. His life was led in accordance with the will of God. All stories and interpretations contrary to this principle are rejected in Shi‘i Islam. Among the Qur’anic verses that are often cited in support of this interpretation are: “Nor does he [the Prophet Muhammad] say (aught) of (his own) desire. It is no less than inspiration sent down to him.”
According to Jalaluddin Rakhmat, madhhab umari, by contrast, follows the traditions of the Prophet only in relation to doctrine and worship, and not in the worldly aspects. The madhhab umari argues that on several occasions the Prophet made mistakes. Sometimes the Prophet was corrected by his companions and then God sent His injunctions to affirm the opinions of his companions.
Based on this fundamental difference, Rakhmat provides three characteristics of madhhab alawi: first, since it accepts all traditions of the Prophet Muhammad this madhhab does not recognise the separation of religion from worldly matters. Second, as shown by the attitude and actions of Imam ‘Ali, madhhab alawi emphasises the unity of Muslims. Third, it is the madhhab of love. This characteristic can be found in the sayings, attitude and actions of the Imams which stress the significance of the Sufi concept of mahabba (love). Love is also included in supplications.
“Supplications in madhhab alawi are filled with love to God. Only in madhhab alawi does love to God reach its culmination”.
Thus, besides being the authentic tradition of Islam, Shi‘ism is considered to emphasise the teaching of love. Related to this attribute, Shi‘is in Indonesia consider Shi‘ism to be the madhhab of ukhuwwa Islamiyya because of its great concern for the importance of Islamic fraternity. Imam ‘Ali is believed to have promoted Islamic fraternity and acted in accordance with this principle. In the Shi‘i interpretation, the biography of ‘Ali provides a full picture of the implementation of the Islamic fraternity in particular and the love paradigm in general.
Shi‘is generally consider themselves to be ‘the chosen’, in contrast to the Sunni majority. According to Enayat,
the ethos of refusing to recognise that the majority opinion is necessarily true has become one of the most important distinguishing features of Shi‘ism, in addition to differences in doctrine and jurisprudence. The Indonesian statement, ‘alhamdilillah kita sudah Syi‘ah’ meaning ‘Praise be to God, we are already Shi‘i’ is an expression of their high religious status. While they acknowledge that the Sunnis are Muslim, the Shi‘is regard themselves as the true believers. This view is partly derived from the aforementioned statements by the Prophet Muhammad that command the faithful to follow his ahl al-bayt, and also his statement that ‘Ali and his followers will be victorious on the day of judgement and will enter paradise. Another argument frequently used by the Shi‘i community is that the number of people who uphold the truth is usually small, while the majority of people follow popular teachings that have been propagated by means of political force. This last reason corresponds with the minority position of the Shi‘i in the world and in Indonesia.
In short, among the Shi‘is in Indonesia terms such as madhhab of ahl al-bayt, madhhab alawi, and Shi‘ism have been used in an entirely positive sense to denote their brand of Islam (madhhab). Regardless of the terms used, Shi‘is believe that they adhere to the true teachings of Islam taught by the Prophet Muhammad and transmitted through the Imams. As a distinct madhhab, Shi‘ism is built upon the fundamentals of religion (usul al-din) and the branches of religion (furu‘ al-din) which contain specific elements which differ to Sunnism.
B. Imamate
Like followers of Shi‘ism in Iran and other places in the world, Shi‘is in Indonesia believe in the five fundamental elements of religion (usul al-din). They do not recognise the concept rukun iman (six pillars of faith) that is common among the Sunnis in Indonesia
and which can be found in most Indonesian Sunni theological works. The basic tenets of Shi‘ism include tawhid (the unity of God), ‘adl (the justice of God), nubuwwa (prophethood), imama (the imamate), and ma‘ad (the resurrection). Shi‘is in Indonesia agree with the Sunnis on the three tenets, namely the unity of God, prophethood, and the resurrection. Shi‘is share a belief in the justice of God with the Mu‘tazilis, a rationalist theological stream in Muslim history.
From a Shi‘i perspective, belief in the unity of God, prophethood, and resurrection may be called the fundamentals of religion, while imamate and justice are the fundamentals of the madhhab. To become Muslim, one must believe in the fundamentals of religion, while to become a Shi‘i one must complement this with a belief in imamate and justice.
Like the Sunnis, Shi‘is believe in the oneness of God and his perfect and good attributes. Tawhid, (belief in Divine Unity), is the core of Islamic teachings and for Shi‘is it is the basis of their world view.
They also uphold the ideas that all the prophets were appointed by God and that Muhammad is the Seal of the prophets and the Chief of all prophets. Shi‘is believe that the Prophet Muhammad is infallible. They share with Sunnis a belief in the Day of Judgement; a day when each person will be brought to life again for punishment or reward. Unlike the Sunnis, however, Shi‘is place great emphasis on one of God’s attributes, ‘adl (justice). Justice is believed to be an intrinsic quality, divine in nature and essential in Shi‘ism. God cannot act in an unjust manner because His nature is just. This tenet maintains the consistency of ‘aql (reason) with Islam because ‘aql can judge the justness and unjustness of an act; thus it receives great emphasis in Shi‘i Islam.
Shi‘is in Indonesia believe that the Qur’an possessed by Muslims today contains all of God’s words as revealed through the Prophet Muhammad and that it is the miracle of God granted to the Prophet. It is believed that God protected the originality of the Qur’an so that there would be no additions or subtractions made to it.
They also believe in hadith as a principal source of Islamic teachings, second only to the Qur’an. Included in the Shi‘i interpretation of hadith are sayings of the Imams. Thus, hadith is defined as all the sayings and conducts of the fourteen infallibles (the Prophet Muhammad, his daughter Fatima, and twelve Imams) even though the sayings of the Imams are not considered to be independent of the sayings, conducts and agreements of the Prophet.
This is a consequence of the fundamental Shi‘i belief in imamate.
The imamate is the essence of religion, without which one’s belief is never complete. Imamate is the fundamental tenet that distinguishes the Shi‘i from the Sunni and, therefore, it is unsurprising that this tenet has received greater emphasis in Shi‘ism. In other words, the imamate is the principal doctrine that divides the Muslim umma into Sunni and Shi‘i. Unlike the Sunnis, the Shi‘is regard imamate as a religious matter and Muslims are obliged to establish it. In addition, they believe that the Prophet Muhammad appointed the Imams as his successors:
“Imam or leader is the title given to a person who takes the lead in a community in a particular social movement or political ideology or scientific or religious form of thought.”
In Shi‘ism, the title Imam designates a religious, spiritual and political leader who performs the same duties as the prophet. Unlike the Prophet, however, the Imam does not receive divine injunctions. Similar to prophethood, imamate is based on divine appointment. In this respect, imamate can be seen as a continuation of prophethood. As the Prophet himself was appointed by God, the Imam must be chosen by God through His Messenger. “Thus, the Prophet is God’s messenger, the Imam is the Prophet’s messenger.”
For Shi‘is the existence of the Imam is a necessary condition of human existence. This is based on logic regarding human existence. Human society is in need of constant guidance. The position of a leader or ruler is very significant for the continuation of a society. Without a leader, individual rights and duties cannot be realised and consequently, order will vanish from society. Thus, every man requires a leader or Imam. From the theological perspective, the philosophy of the creation of man by God is based on the goal of perfection. To achieve this goal, human beings need God’s guidance through his Prophet, but prophethood was ended with the death of Prophet Muhammad. For this reason, Muslims need the Imam to be the guide and authority in matters such as the religious commandments and to provide commentary and interpretation of the Qur’an. In short, humans need the Imam, as the successor to the Prophet, because only with the guidance of the Imam can perfection be achieved.
In Shi‘ism reason dictates that every Muslim not only needs the Imam but is obliged to recognise the Imam as well. The Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals in Indonesia also provide several texts that designate this obligation for people to recognise and obey the Imam. The most popular hadith on this matter is: “Those who die without knowing the Imam of his time, it is as if he dies in jahiliyya [the time of ignorance before the designation of the Prophet Muhammad].”
Interpreting the Qur’anic verses and hadith, they claim that all worship and obedience to God is useless without recognition of the Imam.
Even though someone might believe in the unity of God, His Prophet, resurrection, divine justice and observe Islamic teachings, “he remains in jahiliyya as long as he does not recognise the Imam of the time.”
Shi‘is in Indonesia believe that the Imam must be the best of all men in order that he may guide people. The Imam is the perfect man. There are at least two qualities to being an Imam: First, to be the most pious man, totally surrendering his life to the will of God. Second, the Imam must be the most knowledgeable man. Only with these qualities can the Imam guide people on how to achieve perfection.
Thus, in the Shi‘i faith, like the Prophet, the Imam must be immune from mistakes and sins. Inerrancy (isma) is the power that prevents someone from committing sins and making mistakes.
Husein Al-Habsyi explains three aspects of inerrancy: First, inerrancy is the climax of piety because a pious man who always behaves according to the Will of God can protect himself from committing any sins and mistakes. The power of inerrancy can protect him not only from committing sins and mistakes but also from the desire to commit sins and mistakes. Second, inerrancy is a product of knowledge. Knowledge by nature has the power to protect man from being thrown into transgressions and sins and also from being controlled by passions. Third, inerrancy is a consequence of the perfection gained through ma‘rifa (gnosis) about God being the source of perfection, allowing one to be open for the power of truth and love. Al-Habsyi believed that piety itself may produce a mystical knowledge that can uncover the supernatural aspects of man and creatures:
Such absolute perfection when it is gained by an ‘arif [Sufi] will flame in his soul the spirit of yearning and loving encouraging him towards the point in which he does not need anything except God alone. He will seek nothing except obedience to all His commands and prohibitions. He becomes abhorrent of what is contrary to His commands and pleasure and what is bad in His view. At that moment, truly a man (with the perfection he has gained) becomes protected from transgressions, so with it he does not prioritise things other than only God’s pleasure.
The Prophet and Imams have the quality of inerrancy. This quality can guarantee the validity, truthfulness and the perfection of Islamic teachings. Shi‘is argue that if the Prophet and Imams were not infallible, people would doubt their mission and guidance.
This quality means that Imams must be followed and obeyed; obedience is an absolute obligation. Besides reason, many verses of the Qur’an and hadith are cited in support of Shi‘i views on the inerrancy of Imams. The previously mentioned verse of the Qur’an about the purity of ahl al-bayt is understood to designate the infallibility of Imams. As is the hadith of thaqalayn, commanding people to follow the Qur’an and the Prophet’s ahl al-bayt. Shi‘is argue that the Qur’an is protected from all kinds of distortions and mistakes and that there is no question about the Prophet who received and propagated the Holy Book. If the Qur’an is protected, the ahl al-bayt, namely the Imams, are also protected. As the hadith above states, neither will ever be separated until the Day of Judgement.
Shi‘is then, believe that it is inconceivable for people to choose the Imam, quite simply because they do not have the authority to do so. Only God has the authority to appoint the Imam through the Prophet,
because only He knows who the most pious and knowledgeable among mankind is. Based on His justice, God pronounces to mankind about the Imams that he appoints.
The Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals in Indonesia refer to textual proofs of the appointment of Imams by God. For example, one verse of the Qur’an tells how Abraham was appointed as an Imam and how he asked God to choose Imams from his descendants.
In addition, they consider there to be many scriptural texts that, along with the obedience to God and His Prophet, command Muslims to obey Imams. The Qur’an reads: “O ye who believe! Obey Allah, and obey the Messenger, and those charged with authority among you.”
In the Shi‘i interpretation, the term uli al-amr (ulil amri, Indonesian) namely “those charged with authority” refers to the Imams.
Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals also point to the appointment of ‘Ali as the Imam to succeed the Prophet Muhammad, which they say is specifically stated in the Qur’an and hadith. One of the Qur’anic verses reads: “Your (real) friends are (no less than) Allah, His Messenger, and the (Fellowship of) believers – those who establish regular prayers and regular charity, and they bow down humbly (in worship).”
In their interpretation, the revelation of this verse was aimed at ‘Ali bin Abi Talib. One source for this interpretation is that Abu Dhar, a companion of the Prophet, narrated that when he performed the noontime Prayer in the mosque with the Prophet, a person in need entered the mosque and asking for help, but no one gave him anything. ‘Ali, who was in the position of genuflection, pointed his finger to the person who then took his ring and left. God praised ‘Ali’s conduct and revealed the verse.
The verse is well-known as the verse of wilaya (spiritual investiture). The term wali is identical to the term Imam, namely the holder of authority and leadership. They cite both Sunni and Shi‘i sources to confirm this interpretation. Ali Umar Al-Habsyi even claims: “books of Sunni Qur’an exegesis and hadith are sufficient to prove the truthfulness of the event.”
It is also pointed out that historically the Prophet appointed ‘Ali as his successor on many occasions, from the early days of his prophethood until his death. This is also congruent with the Shi‘i comprehension that the Prophet had great concern for leadership. In each of his military expeditions, the Prophet appointed a leader and each time he left the city he appointed a representative. Thus, Shi‘is claim that it is inconceivable that the Prophet passed away without appointing his successor. His successor would certainly be the most qualified person, with the capability to lead and guide the Muslim community, namely ‘Ali bin Abi Talib.
Many hadith affirm the Prophet’s appointment of ‘Ali. One of them suggests that the Prophet appointed ‘Ali at the launch of the Tabuk expedition. He said to ‘Ali: “Are you not satisfied that your position besides me is the same as the position of Aaron besides Moses except that there will not be another prophet after me?”
However, the most famous scriptural text is known as the hadith of Ghadir Khumm and is said to have been transmitted through numerous isnads and in different versions. One version, transmitted by Ahmad from Bara’ bin Azib, reads as follows:
We were in the company of the Messenger of God (upon him be peace) on a journey, then we stopped at Ghadir Khumm. Then, we were ordered to gather and the place under two big trees was cleaned, then he performed noontime Prayer and afterwards he raised ‘Ali’s hand while saying: “Haven’t you recognised that I indeed have the rightful authority on the faithful more than they themselves do?” They answered: “Yes”. He went on to say: “Don’t you recognise that I indeed have the rightful authority more than each of the faithful himself does?” They replied: “Yes.” Then he said: “Whoever (take) me as his mawla (master), ‘Ali will be his mawla (master). Oh God, love whoever takes him master and hinder whoever hinders him.” Bara’ said: “Afterwards, ‘Umar met him and said, ‘Congratulations, Oh son of Abi Talib, you have become the master of all the faithful.’
The Prophet is believed not only to have appointed ‘Ali as the Imam to succeed him but also to have mentioned the number and names of all the Imams after him. The number is twelve and they all hail from the Quraysh and from the Household of the Prophet Muhammad. This is mentioned in both Sunni and Shi‘i traditions, including the most authoritative Sunni hadith collections, al-Sahih of Bukhari and al-Sahih of Muslim. The Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals in Indonesia use both Sunni and Shi‘i hadith collections to cite the number of Imams after the Prophet. They quote a hadith in al-Sahih of Bukhari, transmitted by Jabir bin Samurah who said that he had listened to the Prophet’s saying that there would be twelve amirs (leaders), all of whom would be of the Quraysh. There is also a hadith, in al-Sahih of Muslim, which states that the affairs of the believers will run well as long as twelve caliphs lead them.
Thus, they believe in twelve Imams and they are usually called twelver Imamiyya Shi‘is.
For the Shi‘is in Indonesia, there are sound hadith designating that the Prophet publicly announced the names of the twelve Imams and each of them declared his successor. The twelve Imams begin with ‘Ali as the first Imam, followed by his two sons - Hasan and Husayn -, followed by the descendants of Husayn until the twelfth Imam Muhammad al-Mahdi, the Awaited, who went into occultation. The twelve Imams are: ‘Ali bin Abi Talib al-Murtada (d. 40/661), Hasan bin ‘Ali al-Zaki (d. 49/669), Husayn bin ‘Ali Sayyid al-Shuhada (d. 61/680), ‘Ali bin Husayn Zayn al-‘Abidin (d. 95/715), Muhammad bin ‘Ali al-Baqir (d. 115/734), Ja‘far bin Muhammad al-Sadiq (d. 148/766), Musa bin Ja‘far al-Kazim (d. 183/800), ‘Ali bin Musa al-Rida (d. 203/819), Muhammad bin ‘Ali al-Jawad (d. 220/836), ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Hadi (d. 254/869), Hasan bin ‘Ali al-‘Askari (d. 260/875), and Muhammad bin Hasan al-Mahdi.
Today Shi‘is recognise Muhammad al-Mahdi as their last and twelfth Imam, to be obeyed by believers. He is the Awaited (al-Muntazar) Imam - his appearance is awaited to establish justice in the world.
The belief in imamate is a distinguishing feature of Shi‘ism. Besides the distinctive Shi‘i interpretation of hadith, the belief in imamate contributes to their distinctive interpretation of jurisprudence. In a nutshell, whole aspects of the Shi‘i madhhab can be said to be a consequence of their belief in imamate. The complexity of the Shi‘i madhhab is apparent in the notion of Imam Mahdi, explained below.
C. The Mahdi
Shi‘is in Indonesia acknowledge that the belief in Imam Mahdi is a complicated matter. This belief in the appearance of Imam Mahdi is shared by all Muslim, both Sunni and Shi‘i. Even Judaism and Christianity uphold a belief in the coming Messiah, the saviour of the world. The concept of Mahdism is recognised in all world religions. In fact, in Indonesia a similar concept - Ratu Adil (Just King) – promotes the idea of the coming of a figure who will bring justice and prosperity. However, it should be noted that Sunnism and Shi‘ism have different interpretations of the belief in Imam Mahdi. A stark difference concerns the birth of Imam Mahdi. While Sunnis believe that he is not yet born, Shi‘is maintain that he is already born, is still alive but that he went into occultation. Moreover, Shi‘is devote more attention to the belief in Imam Mahdi than Sunnis, since it forms part of their belief system of imamate.
The main tenets concerning Imam Mahdi are in respect of his existence and his attributes, namely that he is the son of the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-‘Askari, that he is the last Imam chosen by God, that he is infallible and that he has complete knowledge of the Qur’an and hadith.
Abu Ammar writes: “If in these matters you are still in doubt... you cannot be considered as Shi‘i yet.”
For Shi‘is in Indonesia, Imam Mahdi’s name is synonymous with the name of the Prophet Muhammad. His name is mentioned in a hadith that states: “Judgement day will not happen until the time of a man from my Household whose name is the same as mine.”
Under the famous title al-Mahdi (the rightly Guided), he is mentioned in many hadith as the twelfth Imam. He is also mentioned using the titles Sahib al-Zaman (the Lord of the Age) and Imam al-Zaman (the Imam of this Time). These titles refer to the interpretation that Imam Mahdi is the Imam of the present period, whom all Muslim believers must believe in. This also follows the obligation for believers to have an Imam. His other titles are al-Khalaf al-Hujja (‘the Substitute of God’s Proof’), al-Qa’im (‘the One who will arise’), al-Muntazar (the Awaited), and al-Tali (‘the Future’).
According to Shi‘is, Imam Mahdi was born in Samarra, Iraq, in 256/871. His father, the eleventh Imam, Hasan al-‘Askari, took care of him until his martyrdom in 260/875. Imam Mahdi succeeded his father after his death, being appointed as Imam around the age of five. This is one of the complicated issues in the belief in Imam Mahdi. For Shi‘is, his appointment is a miracle granted by God. Jalaluddin Rakhmat cites Muhammad Bagir Sadr’s view that even though Imam Mahdi was only five years old, the then political regime attempted to isolate him from his followers and kill him. “This is evidence that the Imam was very powerful and bright so that he should be taken into consideration.”
Then, by Divine Command, Imam Mahdi went into occultation (ghayba, Arabic; gaib, Indonesian). The Indonesian term gaib is understood by Shi‘is to mean “the absence of Imam Mahdi among mankind.”
Shi‘is believe in two parts to the occultation: The first is minor occultation (ghayba sughra) and the second great occultation (ghayba kubra). During the minor occultation the Imam still made contact with people through his special deputies. (During this occultation, which lasted from 260/875 until 329/942, the Imam is believed to have chosen special deputies through whom he could communicate and provide guidance to the community of believers). There were four deputies known as Nawwab al-Imam (deputies of Imam) or al-Sufara al-Arba‘a (Four Ambassadors): The first was ‘Uthman bin Sa‘id al-‘Umari. The second, after ‘Uthman’s death, was his son, Muhammad bin ‘Uthman al-‘Umari. On his death Husayn bin Ruh Nawbakhti was then appointed and finally, ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Sammari became the deputy after the death of Husayn bin Ruh Nawbakhti. In Shi‘i belief, the minor occultation ended with the death of ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Sammari in 942. This was then followed by the great occultation which ‘begins and continues as long as God wills’.
The above-mentioned hadith on Imam Mahdi is used to support the Shi‘i argument for the unknown length of this great occultation. But another popular hadith, from the Sunni collection of Abu Daud, tells of the long life of Imam Mahdi and his reappearance to fulfil justice in the world: “If there were to remain in the life of the world but one day, God would prolong it until He sends a man from my Household, his name will be the same as mine, he will fill the earth with justice as it was filled with tyranny.”
Reason is also used by Indonesian Shi‘i leaders to support their belief and interpretation in the occultation of Imam Mahdi and his longevity. Gaib (absence) does not mean non-existence and this becomes a reason for Imam Mahdi’s existence. Gaib may become absolute or relative. The absence of Imam Mahdi is relative in the sense that he is not absent for exceptional persons,
namely those who are trustworthy. Shi‘is argue that God hides Imam Mahdi from his enemies, that try to execute him even though his followers long for his appearance. They hide him in order to protect him, because he is the last Imam and Imam for a long period of time and the imamate that must exist in all periods continues uninterrupted.
The long lifetime of Imam Mahdi is considered to be consistent with ideas of Divine injunction and reason. Shi‘is in Indonesia consider this as another miracle granted by God to Imam Mahdi. They also utilise the Qur’anic verses which assert stories of longevity in the past. As mentioned in the Qur’an, the Prophet Noah was 950 years old
and ‘the People of the Cape’ slept for 309 years.
The Qur’an also states
that God rejects the claim that Jesus died on the cross. It is believed that the Prophet Jesus is still alive and he will appear after the appearance of Imam Mahdi to ensure justice in the world. Shi‘is argue that it is impossible to reconcile a belief in the validity of these Qur’anic verses and the existence of longevity, with a rejection of the belief in the long lifetime of Imam Mahdi.
To question this matter is to question God as All-Powerful. Abu Ammar writes:
...Long life is a matter that is very possible to occur and even has occurred. And the matter is not a problem for God, the Almighty. Allah creates all [creatures], certainly He can also look after them. Therefore, whoever doubts this power, he should introspect his faith again and see its distance, how far or near it is from materialist people....
Another reason is also given, related to the duty of Imam Mahdi to ensure justice and prosperity in the world. Imam Mahdi was created to live long. This means that he lives in several different ages, witnessing and experiencing various lives and civilisations. With such a wealth of knowledge and experience, Imam Mahdi can fulfil his duty of solving all the problems of this complex world.
As mentioned above, Shi‘is believe that Jesus is alive, but hidden, and that he too will reappear after Imam Mahdi. Shi‘is in Indonesia believe that he will perform prayer under the leadership of Imam Mahdi. This means that Jesus also recognises the imamate of Imam Mahdi. Several hadith are used to support their argument, including one which reads: “How do you react when Jesus reappears and his Imam is among you?”
Closely related to the occultation of Imam Mahdi is the emergence of those who claim to be Imam Mahdi. Shi‘i leaders in Indonesia warn their followers about these false Mahdis. One of the latest cases in Jakarta is Lia Aminuddin, the founder of the Salamullah sect, who declared herself to be Imam Mahdi. This claim is rejected outright by Shi‘is in Indonesia because Imam Mahdi must be a man, must have the same name as the Prophet and must be of his descendants.
In the history of Muslim society, there have been many others who alleged to be the Mahdi. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the founder of the Ahmadiyya sect in Pakistan, is considered one such false Mahdi. For the Shi‘is, aside from the identity of Imam Mahdi, other criteria such as his infallibility, his perfect knowledge of the Qur’an and hadith and his fulfilment of justice in the world are used to judge the claims of these false Mahdis.
Another problem related to the occultation of Imam Mahdi is the emergence of a number of Shi‘is in Indonesia who claim to have met the Imam or to have been able to communicate with him. This has become a great concern for Shi‘i leaders. In the history of Shi‘ism, there have been many stories about those who claimed to have met Imam Mahdi. Shi‘i figures in Indonesia believe all such claims to be invalid. Khalid Al-Walid, a Shi‘i ustadh and Qum alumnus, affirms: “those who claimed to have been able to communicate with Imam Mahdi (upon him be peace) are in general liars.”
He bases this understanding on what is said to be a letter from Imam Mahdi commanding people to be careful of this matter. A part of the letter reads: “Among my Shi‘a emerged persons who claim to be able to witness me. Be careful, those who claim to be able to witness me before the emergence of al-Sufyani, they indeed are liars.” Khalid Al-Walid concludes that matters emerging as a consequence of the occultation of Imam Mahdi, including claims to have met the Imam Mahdi, are considered as test of faith for Shi‘is.
The letter indicates one of the signs of the return of Imam Mahdi, namely the appearance of al-Sufyani who will be assassinated by the Mahdi.
The Shi‘is consider there to be a number of signs indicating the imminent appearance of Imam Mahdi. Most of the signs are based on both Sunni and Shi‘i hadith. The main sign may be subsumed in the sentence: “the entire world is overwhelmed by tyranny, injustice, disorder, and slaying. The most popular mark proceeding to the appearance of Imam Mahdi is the appearance of the one-eyed Dajjal (the Devil, anti-Christ)”. Imam Mahdi is believed to be the figure that will kill the Dajjal, part of his duty to ensure justice in the world.
For Shi‘is in Indonesia, waiting for the appearance of Imam Mahdi is very important. This means belief not only in the existence and imamate of Imam Mahdi but also in his monitoring of all human actions.
In waiting, people are obliged to obey all God’s commands and protect themselves from all He has prohibited. This is called taqwa (piety). Then, people have to be convinced that Imam Mahdi sees all their actions, because it said in the Qur’an
that God, His messenger and the faithful see all people’s behaviours.
In waiting for the Mahdi, they plead to be included under his leadership and guidance, and for God to hasten his reappearance. “Let us pray in order that we are united with our Imam, the Lord of the Age, al-Mahdi. We hope we are part of the followers of Imam Mahdi and finally will be assembled by God in the Hereafter together with him and his ascendant the Messenger of God”, said Rakhmat.
On the longing for the appearance of Imam Mahdi, Jaffar Al-Jufri writes: “Our Imam, the Mahdi, is the one we very much await in the situation of this kind of age, even there is no figure that we trust except him.”
Waiting for the return of Imam Mahdi is considered to be a kind of obedience (‘ibadat) to God, and is understood as a positive philosophical value, rather than a fatalism that makes people surrender to their disposition. If waiting for the return of Imam Mahdi is considered to contribute to a fatalistic attitude, then this kind of waiting is deviating and destructive.
Pious deeds are required in order to establish a better future life. For Shi‘is, Mahdism, along with martyrdom, becomes a philosophical basis for the establishment of the future Muslim umma. Anguish experienced during this obedience to God is, in reality, aimed at forging an idealistic world view to be witnessed by Imam Mahdi.
The return of Imam Mahdi is seen as a series of struggles between good and evil. “And the Mahdi is the symbol of victory for the pious and the believers.”
Shi‘is in Indonesia support their argument with a scriptural text that God has promised this victory.
The return of Imam Mahdi is understood as a realisation of God’s promise and His gift to the oppressed who will gain authority and leadership in the world.
In a nutshell, the recognition of the existence of Imam Mahdi and the belief in his return are essential to the Shi‘i madhhab. Because Imam Mahdi is considered the only true Imam of this day, this belief has a great impact on the entire Shi‘i madhhab, including on Shi‘i jurisprudence, and in particular those aspects that require the presence of the Imam.
D. Ja‘fari Jurisprudence
In addition to usul al-din (fundamentals of the religion) which must be believed by every Shi‘i, there is the concept furu‘ al-din (branches of the religion) which becomes a code of conduct for all Shi‘is. This parallels the Sunni concept of rukun Islam (the pillar of Islam).
Basically, usul al-din is included in the realm of Islamic doctrine (‘aqida), while furu‘ al-din is included in Islamic jurisprudence (shari‘a). There are seven pillars of furu‘ al-din: Prayer, fasting in the month of Ramadan, zakat (alms), khums (the one-fifth tax), the hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), jihad (the struggle in the way of God) and amr ma‘ruf nahy munkar (enjoining to do good and exhortation to desist from evil). These seven pillars are called ‘ibadat (acts of worship) and lead to rewards by God. All Shi‘is in Indonesia consider these acts of worship to be obligatory. Another part of the jurisprudence deals with social transactions (mu‘amalat) such as marriage.
Shi‘is in Indonesia consider themselves to be followers of Ja‘fari jurisprudence. This distinguishes them from the majority of Muslims in the country who are adherents of Shafi‘i jurisprudence. Indonesia’s Shi‘i leaders frequently affirm that, in general, Ja‘fari is very close to Shafi‘i, stating that the difference between Ja‘fari jurisprudence, Shafi‘i and the other three Sunni schools of jurisprudence is smaller than the difference between the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence themselves.
In other words, there are parallels, in almost all aspects of jurisprudence, between the Ja‘fari and the four Sunni schools of Islamic jurisprudence.
Although the term Ja‘fari jurisprudence originates from the name of the sixth Imam, Ja‘far al-Sadiq (d. 148/765), it differs in meaning from the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence which contain sets of jurisprudential opinions or the products of ijtihad of the founders. Umar Shahab writes:
The term [Ja‘fari] does not totally represent a set of opinions or the product of ijtihad of Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq. Because in the Shi‘i view, Imam Ja‘far al-Sadiq, like other eleven Imams, namely (in a series from the first Imam until the last) ‘Ali bin Abi Talib, Hasan bin ‘Ali, Husayn bin ‘Ali, ‘Ali Zain al-‘Abidin, Muhammad al-Baqir, Ja‘far al-Sadiq, Musa al-Kazim, ‘Ali al-Rida, Muhammad al-Jawad, ‘Ali al-Hadi, Hasan al-‘Askari, and Muhammad al-Mahdi, was not a mujtahid, but an Imam who had authority in establishing or producing law, tashri‘ al-hukm.
Commonly considered to be a major point of difference between the Ja‘fari jurisprudence and the Sunni schools of jurisprudence is the fact that in Shi‘ism the gate of ijtihad is not closed, whilst in Sunnism it has been closed since the 9th century. Ijtihad is a scholarly inquiry to formulate legal opinions from the principal sources of Islam, namely the Qur’an and hadith.
Although the gate of ijtihad is open to anyone, the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ oblige the laymen to imitate a top mujtahid known as marja‘ or marja‘ al-taqlid (‘source of emulation’) who has achieved the authority to serve as a reference for the laymen.
The act of emulating the fatwa of mujtahid is called taqlid. The layman who follows the marja‘ is called muqallid. Thus, in Ja‘fari jurisprudence, Muslims are usually classified as being either mujtahid or muqallid. A mujtahid worthy of emulation must fulfil certain requirements: he must be male and still alive; his product of ijtihad must be authorised; he must be just, pious, ascetic, tenacious and free from committing sins. A marja‘ al-taqlid usually publishes his result of ijtihad on subjects ranging from acts of worship to political matters. This is commonly called risala ‘amaliyya (‘tract on practice’), and it becomes religious code for his muqallid.
The relationship between marja‘ and muqallid is called marja‘iyya. Rakhmat explains:
In Ja‘fari jurisprudence, we may only perform religious practices by following a living marja‘, a living man of Islamic learning. The man of Islamic learning publishes his jurisprudence book. Then, we read his fatwa because in the Ja‘fari jurisprudence it is obliged to imitate [taqlid]. So a laymen must look for his man of Islamic learning whom he must follow. Then, he performs religious practices according to the fatwa of the imitated man of Islamic learning. Thus, the Ja‘fari jurisprudence is outdated [...] because it still maintains taqlid, or the Ja‘fari jurisprudence has been progressive, that is, it only relies on someone who has the authority, has specialisation in his field.
Besides this reasoning, there are many textual evidences cited in support of the obligation of taqlid for laity. These texts are usually the same as those used to designate the obligation of obedience to the Imams. Another common scriptural text is: “If ye realise this not, ask of those who possess the message.”
An Indonesian Shi‘i writer affirms: “It is very clear that this verse designates the obligation of taqlid for the laity that have not achieved the position of mujtahid.”
Although the term ulu al-amri and ahl al-dhikr (those who possess the message’) in these two Qur’anic texts principally refer to the Imams, the Shi‘i view is that during the great occultation, they designate the ‘ulama’ who have thorough knowledge of the Qur’an and hadith, namely wali faqih or marja‘ al-taqlid.
It is believed that, during this occultation, Imam Mahdi instructed the faithful to follow ‘ulama’ or jurists who are devoted to the field of religion and obedient to all God’s commands.
Furthermore, there is a well-known hadith which states: “The ‘ulama’ are the heirs of the prophets”, justifying the compulsion of taqlid for laity. Thus, each Shi‘i is obliged to fulfil his religious obligation by practicing either taqlid or ijtihad in accordance with his position as muqallid or mujtahid.
All Shi‘is in Indonesia are muqallids. Most of them take the Grand Ayatollah ‘Ali Khamene’i to be their marja‘, the present wali faqih in Iran.
A few follow the Grand Ayatollah ‘Ali Sistani from Iraq,
and others emulate the Grand Ayatollah Bahjat Fumani from Iran.
A very small number follow the liberal Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah from Lebanon.
Efforts have been made, particularly among the Shi‘i ustadh of the Qum alumni, to encourage their followers to imitate ‘Ali Khamene’i. This is seen as advantageous because it combines marja‘iyya and wilaya (sovereignty) in one person. The Shi‘i writer, Maulana, praises God because, in Khamene’i, Muslims today are blessed with a person who is both wali faqih and marja‘ and whose position is a‘lam (most knowledgeable). Moreover, he states that it is obligatory and customary to follow Khamene’i because of his competence and superiority in knowledge.
Ahmad Baragbah points out:
In Indonesia in particular, we actually do not have any sufficient reason to refer to other maraji‘ than ‘Ali Khamene’i. This is just exactly our strength and pride because the exemplary figure is complete.... Thus, to me, it is very odd if there are still persons who question whether there are others more a‘lam than ‘Ali Khamene’i. What are the reasons? The ‘ulama’ who have obvious commitment in the struggle for Islam and in the interest and benefit of society assert that to choose ‘Ali Khamene’i as marja‘ is the most beneficial.... In the meantime, we need the legal opinion on actual matters. And this means that we need a marja‘ who masters new development and society. Others say that we need law regarding international matters. Therefore, it seems that nobody more reasonable and proper than the Grand Ayatollah ‘Ali Khamene’i.
Regardless of the different choice of marja‘, there is no difference of opinion among mujtahid in terms of the basic obligatory ritual practices. In other words, generally the outcome of ijtihad differ only in terms of the details of ritual practices. The main items of ‘ibadat (prayers, fasting, zakat and the hajj) do not differ from the ‘ibadat as understood and observed by the Sunni majority in Indonesia. The following description deals with several aspects of ‘ibadat and mu‘amalat that are understood and performed by the Shi‘is in Indonesia, and in particular those aspects which differ from Sunni jurisprudence.
In terms of obligatory prayer, Shi‘is in Indonesia share a belief with the Sunnis that there are five kinds of Prayers, consisting of 17 raka‘at (units of Prayer), which must be observed every day: Dawn (Subh), Noon (Zuhr), Afternoon (‘Asr), Evening (Maghrib), and Night (‘Isha’). Like Sunnis, Shi‘is consider this obligatory Prayer to be a very important aspect of ‘ibadat, and it is not to be abandoned under any circumstances. For the Shi‘is, however, it is permissible to run together the Noon, Afternoon, Evening and Night Prayers. This means that Shi‘is may perform obligatory Prayers on three separate occasions in a day. The goal of consolidating Prayers is to lessen the burden for Muslims
, so that the obligatory Prayers are never missed. The combining of Prayers is seen as more appropriate in the more complex life of modern society. In addition, the observance of daily Prayers by Shi‘is in Indonesia tends to be individual rather than congregational. This also corresponds to the fact that they do not place emphasis on the importance of performing the Friday Prayer. Although, like the daily Prayers, the Friday Prayer is obligatory, the significance of observing it is diminished with the occultation of the twelfth Imam. The Shi‘i interpretation allows for a choice between observing either the Friday Prayer or the ordinary Noon Prayer, specifically during this occultation of Imam Mahdi, who is the true leader of the Friday Prayer. There are numerous recommended Prayers, (besides obligatory Prayers), so that the number of Prayers in a day totals 51 raka‘at. Shi‘is consider this to be the true teaching of the Prophet.
The main recitations constituting Prayer are similar between Sunnism and Shi‘ism, but there are differences in terms of recommended utterances and movements in Prayer. The most marked difference is the position of straight hands during the standing phase of Prayer. While Shafi‘i jurisprudence recommends standing with folded arms, this is forbidden in the Indonesian Shi‘i madhhab. It is said to invalidate the Prayer, except during the practice of taqiyya. Another distinctive Shi‘i feature is that during the prostration, Shi‘is place their forehead on earth or paper, but never on carpet. They believe that prostration must be upon things which grow out of the earth such as wood, leaves or stone. Their preference is for a block of baked mud, taken from the earth of Karbala, known as turba. In their view, “the earth of Imam Husayn (upon him be peace) (the earth of Karbala) is sublime earth. Therefore, prostration on the earth of Karbala is more excellent than prostration on common earth.”
Another minor difference is in relation to ablution (wudu’) as a requirement for the validity of Prayers. The Shi‘is wipe the upper part of their feed instead of washing them. Furthermore, in the call to Prayer (adhan) they include the phrase ‘come to the best of actions’, which they consider to be part of the original adhan, omitted on the command of the Caliph ‘Umar. Another phrase added to the Shi‘i adhan is ‘I bear witness that ‘Ali is the Wali Allah’ (‘friend of God’). This recommended phrase is uttered after the phrase ‘I bear witness that Muhammad is the Messenger of God.’
A specific kind of ‘ibadat observed by Indonesian Shi‘is is khums, the one-fifth tax, based on a Qur’anic text.
It is considered an individual obligation, because in any material benefits gained by a person there are rights of others as prescribed by God.
They pay khums as an annual tax of one-fifth of their wealth at the end of every year. Like zakat (alms), khums is paid to their own marja‘ al-taqlid through his deputies in Indonesia. For example, Jalaluddin Rakhmat and Ahmad Baragbah are representatives of ‘Ali Khamene’i. Among the duties of these representatives is the collection and distribution of the zakat and khums. The khums is distributed for Islamic da‘wa and to orphans, the needy and the Sayyid travellers, (who, according to Ja‘fari law, are not allowed to receive zakat). It is pertinent to note that khums serves a very important function in the development of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia.
In terms of social transactions, mut‘a (temporary marriage) is a specific practice of marriage in Shi‘ism and something which has become a very controversial matter in Sunni-Shi‘i relations. Sunnis forbid this kind of marriage, considering it to be prostitution. For Shi‘is in Indonesia, this type of marriage is considered permissible as it was practiced during the Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime. They argue that it was Caliph ‘Umar who prohibited this marriage. Scriptural text is cited in support of the legitimacy of mut‘a. The Qur’anic verse that most Shi‘is in Indonesia memorise in this regard is: “Seeing that ye derive benefit from them, give them their dowers (at least) as prescribed.”
In addition to this, rational proofs are also provided. For Shi‘is, the goal of marriage is to permit sexual relations in accordance with God’s commands:
Actually, marriage is no more than the fulfilment of biological need of a person that, if seen from the side of living creature (organism), which emerges at a certain age and Islam as a religion that is created by the Creator of mankind understands very much that condition and for it Islam establishes pretty clear and simple regulations, one of which is mut‘a. This is established merely in order for man to get married and desist from fornication because the biological need has existed since the creation of mankind, it is a characteristic along with another characteristic, namely the reluctance to carry a heavy burden.
The legitimacy of mut‘a is also demonstrated by the significance of its teaching. It is seen as the preservation of the vital interests of people because, while fornication is strongly forbidden in Islam, in certain circumstances permanent marriage does not satisfy the sexual desires of men and a permanent marriage cannot be undertaken by certain segments of society. Mut‘a then becomes an alternative. Jalaluddin Rakhmat provides five significances, namely to protect religion (hifz al-din), mind (hifz al-‘aql), wealth (hifz al-mal), soul (hifz al-nafs) and progeny (hifz al-nasl). He argues that mut‘a serves as an alternative way for numerous people, such as students, who for various reason cannot engage in permanent marriage. Mut‘a allows them to obey all the commands of Islam and remain free from fornication. According to Rakhmat, children are protected, because a woman married by way of mut‘a is a legitimate wife. Mut‘a also protects mankind from mental and physical illness. On the significance of mut‘a in guarding wealth, Rakhmat points out that mut‘a ensures that widows will receive material assistance from rich men, who in return can fulfil their sexual desire.
This significance is reasonable because marriage for economic motivation is permissible in Shi‘i Islam.
Although the procedure of this marriage is simple, Shi‘is in Indonesia consider that a marriage contract performed between a man and woman, with a certain amount of dowry, is valid even if there is no witness and wali (‘man responsible for woman’s marriage’),
two things which are required in Sunnism. Due to its permissibility and its simplicity, a number of Shi‘is in Indonesia practice this type of marriage alongside their permanent marriage. But the practice is secret because Mut‘a is not legally recognised by the government and religious authorities in Indonesia. A few Shi‘is criticise those who frequently practice this kind of marriage for following their sensual impulse while ignoring the significance of morality. They argue that although mut‘a is legitimate, there is no obligation to perform it. It seen as on a par with divorce, which is also legitimate, but is certainly not obligatory. The legitimising of mut‘a is an attempt to preserve the originality of the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad.
Food is another distinctive aspect of Ja‘fari jurisprudence practiced by Shi‘is in Indonesia. Even though, in general, Shi‘is and Sunnis share similar views on the lawfulness of extra food, there are certain foods that are forbidden in Shi‘ism. The first instance is that Shi‘is do not eat fish without scales. This is because, in Ja‘fari jurisprudence, only sea animals with scales are lawful. Secondly, Shi‘is in Indonesia do not eat food that have been touched by non-believers. This is because in Ja‘fari jurisprudence non-believers, khawarij (seceders from ‘Ali’s following) and nawasib (those who hate the Prophet’s ahl al-bayt) are considered to be impure (najis), and every thing impure is considered unlawful. Jalaluddin Rakhmat explained that he, like many Shi‘is, has experienced difficulties living in non-Muslim countries, in respect of food prepared in accordance to Ja‘fari jurisprudence:
At the time I was in Germany. I did not want to eat the cooking that has been touched by hands of disbelievers. At first, I chose fruits. When I saw the fruits taken by hands without gloves, I looked for bread. I thought that bread is made in factories. And in an edge of the station in Frankfurt I saw a disbeliever making bread. His hands – without gloves – moulded loafs of bread that will be baked. That day I felt hunger.
The aspects of Ja‘fari jurisprudence described above clearly indicate features of Shi‘i religious life which are different from the Sunni’s. By and large, Shi‘is in Indonesia practice these aspects of jurisprudence at home or in their own institutions, but most of them still hide such practices from the public. With the teaching of taqiyya, this is permissible.
E. Aspects of Shi‘i Piety
In addition to aspects of jurisprudence mentioned above, there are other aspects of devotion that constitute a distinguishing feature of Shi‘i religious life. Piety is considered to be more than just the formal legal aspect of religion. In this regard, aspects of Shi‘i devotion are very similar to aspects of devotion in Sufism and this makes Shi‘ism very close to Sufism. The aspects include daily, weekly and yearly preferred rituals. The daily ritual consists of numerous optional prayers, including those conducted before and after five kinds of obligatory prayers. There are other recommended devotional acts succeeding the obligatory prayers, including reciting certain chapters of the Qur’an, uttering dhikr (remembrance of God), and do‘a (supplication). This activity is commonly called ta‘qib of prayer and is considered to be a way of achieving the perfection of obligatory prayer.
Besides prayer, do‘a (supplication) is strongly recommended in Shi‘ism and is a feature of religious life in the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. The number of supplications in Shi‘i prayer are far greater than those in Sunni prayer, partly because there are specific prayers attributed to each of the fourteen infallibles. By reciting prayers the great beauty of Arabic is also emphasised in the Shi‘i community. Included among numerous Shi‘i prayers is salawat (invocation) to the Prophet Muhammad and his ahl al-bayt. This is more frequently uttered among Shi‘is in Indonesia than among Sunnis. In all Shi‘i gatherings, the salawat is reverberated. The most common formula is: “O God, bless Muhammad and the family of Muhammad”. Besides being commended in some scriptural texts, the recitation of salawat is considered to be an expression of love for the Prophet Muhammad. It is believed that the intensive recitation of salawat contributes to becoming closer to the Prophet in the hereafter. It is also believed that the Prophet listens to salawat being recited and that he is even present among those who recite salawat, because the Prophet’s soul is considered to be alive.
Another kind of Shi‘i prayer is known as the kumayl prayer, and it is commonly performed on Thursday nights after the Night Prayer. Nearly all Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia organise this weekly prayer activity. It is usually performed in congregation, led by an ustadh who also delivers a sermon. This gathering is commonly called majlis kumayl (the gathering of kumayl), and it lasts for several hours. This prayer is considered to be one of the best supplications of the first Imam ‘Ali bin Abi Talib. The prayer is called kumayl because it is believed to have been transmitted by Imam ‘Ali’s faithful companion, Kumayl bin Ziyad.
The importance of this prayer in Shi‘ism is indicated by the belief that Imam ‘Ali told Kumayl bin Ziyad to recite it at least once in his lifetime. It contains praise to God and supplication for forgiveness, lamentations, remorse and admission of sins. Its message is so deep and intense that all those who recite it can hardly remain dry-eyed. During the recitation, all participants of the kumayl gathering shed tears and cry collectively.
In addition, there is a prayer called tawassul, which is also well-known among traditionalist Sunnis in Indonesia. “The tawassul prayer is the prayer supplicated to the Almighty God by uttering names of purified persons on the side of God or persons having high position on the side of God as intermediaries.”
It is a prayer to God through intermediaries. A textual proof that is usually cited in support of practicing tawassul is: “O ye who believe! Do your duty to Allah, seek the means of approach unto him, and strive with might and main in His cause: That ye may proper.”
In addition to this verse, many hadith are cited in support of the validity of the teaching and practice of tawassul as upheld by the Prophet’s companions. Rakhmat writes:
We perform tawassul to him [the Prophet] and to all pious servants of God by imitating the example of the Prophet (may God bless him and grant him salvation).
Unlike the Sunni version of tawassul, the tawassul prayer in Shi‘ism is mainly directed to the names of the fourteen infallibles: the Prophet, his daughter Fatima, and the twelve Imams. For Shi‘is in Indonesia, making these fourteen infallibles intermediaries in supplication to God is reasonable because no other people are superior to them in terms of piety, knowledge and in the struggle for the establishment of Islam.
The tawassul prayer can be performed either on Tuesdays, or as a part of other kinds of Shi‘i prayers. In the kumayl gathering, the tawassul prayer is usually uttered before the reciting of the kumayl prayer. In the tawassul prayer, each name of the infallibles is uttered, from the Prophet Muhammad to the twelfth Imam. Usually, by the time the name of Husayn is uttered, crying and sobbing will have begun in the gathering.
A practice closely related to tawassul is tabarruk, which literally means the taking of blessing. It relates to the taking of the blessing from the Prophet Muhammad, the Imams and all other pious servants of God. This practice is considered to have a strong basis in Qur’anic texts and hadith. One of the Qur’anic verses tells how the Prophet Joseph asked his brothers to cast his shirt over his father’s face. His father was the Prophet Jacob who had blind eyes, when the shirt was removed, Jacob’s could see.
In addition, many kinds of tabarruk are considered to have been practiced by the Prophet’s companions, including tabarruk using water, using the Prophet’s hair, his dress or the sand of his tomb. In tabarruk using water, for instance, the Prophet’s companions are said to have competed to get the remains of the water used by the Prophet for ablution.
Tabarruk is believed to give benefits both in this world and in the hereafter. Jalaluddin Rakhmat writes: “The blessing of the Prophet (May God bless him and grant him salvation) guides us to gain prosperity in the world and in the hereafter. It can cure physical and psychical illnesses and save us in the hereafter.”
Tabarruk is also considered to be a way of expressing loving devotion to the Prophet Muhammad, the Imams, and other pious people. With respect to tabarruk, Shi‘is in Indonesia attempted to make contact with Shi‘i ‘ulama’ from Iran and other. When Ayatollah Ali Taskhiri finished his religious lecture at the ICC of Al-Huda in Jakarta on 20 February 2004, nearly all those gathered tried to shake hands with him. In addition, I was informed that when Jalaluddin Rakhmat visits the Shi‘i group in Makassar, South Sulawesi, his sandals and toothbrush are usually taken by members of the group as a way of taking his blessing.
In addition to these practices, there are a great number of commemorations conducted by Shi‘is in Indonesia. These include commemorations related to important events such as the births and deaths of the fourteen infallibles. In this regard, Shi‘is share with Sunnis the annual celebration of mawlid (the Prophet’s birthday)
. It is a widely observed celebration as it is also a national holiday. For Shi‘is in Indonesia, mawlid is another way to express their love and devotion to the Prophet. Accordingly, the celebration or commemoration of the births and deaths of other infallibles are also considered to be a way of expressing devotion to them.
The most significant is the commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn. Husayn bin ‘Ali, the third Imam, was murdered in Karbala, on 10 Muharram 61 (10 October 680). The commemoration, known as ‘ashura, is held on every tenth of Muharram. It is held in every city and town in Indonesia with a large population of Shi‘is. Since reformasi, the commemoration is publicly celebrated.
‘Ashura is also celebrated among certain Sunni groups throughout Indonesia. However, its pattern differs to the ‘ashura of the Shi‘is. The most noticeable difference in Sunni ‘ashura is the cooking and offering of bubur sura (sura porridge),
(alongside fasting which is recommended in Sunni Islam). Shi‘is do not practice the cooking of bubur sura, nor do they fast. For Sunnis, the Prophet Muhammad teaches that ‘ashura fasting is thanksgiving for the victory of several prophets of God.
For Shi‘is, ‘ashura fasting is considered as bid‘a (religious innovation) and forbidden in Islam. They argue that fasting is a product of false Islamic teachings by the Umayyad regime. When the Shi‘is commemorated the martyrdom of Husayn as a day of mourning and a symbol of their struggle against tyrants, the Umayyad regime is said to have turned it into a day of thanksgiving, (and they are said to have produced hadith to justify this change). In the eyes of Indonesian Shi‘is, the Sunni version of ‘ashura fasting is the product of Umayyad regime.
Generally, ‘ashura rituals in Indonesia consist of four main activities: Religious lectures, ma’tam (chest-beating), the recitation of maqtal (story of the massacre of Husayn and his following) and the recitation of the ziyara (visitation) prayer. As it is a mourning commemoration, participants usually wear black cloth. Another attribute is belief in the firm principle and rightful position of Husayn in his struggle for Islam. ‘Ashura banners are carried, frequently saying: “Indeed Husayn is the light of guidance and the ark of victory.” Lectures are held, dealing with the struggle of Imam Husayn and its relevance to contemporary conditions of Muslim society. One of the purposes is to encourage the spirit of martyrdom, as modelled by Imam Husayn. Ma’tam is chest-beating in accompaniment to a mournful hymn, performed by participants under the direction of an ustadh. This is an expression of the sense of sorrow, injustice and readiness to sacrifice. However, this practice is notably absent in the ‘ashura gatherings held by Jalaluddin Rakhmat and his colleagues. The recitation of maqtal by an ustadh is the climax of grief, shedding of tears and crying. It is the presentation of classical narratives about the brutal massacre, by thousands of soldiers of the Umayyad regime, of Imam Husayn, his family and loyal supporters, (numbering about 70 people including women and children). The main themes of maqtal include the brutality and inhumanity of the tyrants, in particular the Caliph Yazid and his soldiers, versus the courage and adherence to the rightful principles and martyrdom of Imam Husayn and his following. The recitation of maqtal in a sad tone and full emotion can produce a very real collective shedding of tears and crying. The last part of the commemoration is the recitation of the ziyara prayer, led by an ustadh and followed by participants.
Another commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn, widely practiced by Shi‘is in Indonesia, is called arba‘in, namely the 40th day of his martyrdom. It is held on the 20th of Safar (the second month of Muslim calendar), 40 days after the conclusion of the ‘ashura ritual. Unlike ‘ashura, which is also celebrated by certain Sunni groups, arba‘in is only commemorated by Shi‘is. Its pattern is very similar to the pattern of ‘ashura and includes religious lectures, ma‘tam, the recitation of maqtal and the recitation of ziyara. Both rituals clearly have similar aims.
‘Ashura and arba‘in are two of the most important Shi‘i commemorations held in Indonesia. This is because Shi‘is consider the martyrdom of Imam Husayn to be the most significant tragedy not only of the Muslim umma but also of mankind at large. The tragedy also indicates the firm adherence to principle and strong loyalty to leaders.
As a tragedy, ‘ashura is a witness to us about the climax of human tyranny and cruelty of a regime, which have no comparison in history. A grandson whom the Prophet frequently called his son, his beloved, and young master of paradise, was murdered cruelly under the heat of the barren plain of Karbala. The martyrdom of Imam Husayn and the loyalty of his followers are symbols of the existence of golden sons in those days, who strongly opposed a tyrannical regime.
The tragic events of Karbala are seen to contain a great noble dimension, namely the struggle to gain real consciousness of the meaning of life. “Struggle for liberating mankind from oppression is the real life even though the body is already buried.”
In addition, Imam Husayn’s sacrifice is considered to be greater than the Prophet Abraham’s sacrifice, in that Abraham was commanded to slaughter his own son whilst Husayn sacrificed his own life in his struggle.
Husayn’s sacrifice aimed to establish the truth of Islam and justice as taught by the Prophet Muhammad. To follow Husayn’s example of sacrifice for truth and justice is one of the lessons acquired from the commemoration of his martyrdom.
The appeal for sacrifice is usually emphasised during this commemoration and is illustrated by the famous Shi‘i slogan: “Every day is ‘ashura and every place is Karbala,”. This slogan is used to encourage the followers of Shi‘ism to contextualise the struggle of Husayn in Indonesia. Jalaluddin Rakhmat stated: “Arise, O followers of Husayn, contribute your body and soul to transform the whole archipelago into Karbala and every day into ‘ashura.”
Similarly, at the end of another maqtal, he stated:
We leave Karbala and return to our present place. They have shed their blood to establish truth and justice. The grandsons of the Messenger of God (upon whom be peace), the infallibles, have sacrificed their life to establish the ‘Muhammadist’ Islam, [or] Islam Muhammadi. Let us resolve to continue their struggles: to establish truth and justice. Let us resolve to vow oath of allegiance to the Messenger of God (upon whom be peace) and his pure Household, to establish Islamic teachings established on the basis of the Book of God and the Sunna of His Messenger transmitted by his infallible Household. Let us take pure tenacity to continue this pure struggle until the last day.
Thus, the martyrdom of Husayn is considered to be the heaviest sacrifice in human history, and its commemoration becomes a means of maintaining the spirit of jihad, (the struggle in the path of God), which is included as an act of worship within the Shi‘i tradition. In addition, there is another interesting element to ‘ashura, that is the establishment and preservation of emotion. Their loving of Husayn and empathy with his sorrow inevitably leads Shi‘is to shed tears and cry. Crying itself has become an important feature of Shi‘i devotion. It characterises nearly all Shi‘is rituals in Indonesia. Crying rituals have even become publicised. For example, national television has shown a programme of prayer, in the month of Ramadan, in which participants and their leader - a prominent Shi‘i ustadh - cry collectively. For these adherents, crying is something strongly encouraged by the Prophet. “The Messenger of God (May God bless him and his family and grant him salvation) instructed us to make crying customary and to fill our religiosity with lamentations.”
The above rituals and commemorations are just some of the aspects of piety observed by Shi‘is in Indonesia. In fact, the religious life of the Shi‘is in Indonesia is filled with a great many rituals and commemorations in addition to the aforementioned aspects of Ja‘fari jurisprudence. Nearly all these rituals and commemorations are a means of expressing of their loving devotion to the fourteen infallibles. These, along with the practice of taqiyya, are unique features of the Indonesian Shi‘i madhhab.
F. Taqiyya
Taqiyya (or reservatio mentalis, in Latin), which literally means “to shield or to guard oneself,”
is one of the most misunderstood teachings of Shi‘ism. In general, taqiyya is understood to be a “strategy in the dissimulation of faith before enemies to prevent from the occurrence of danger.”
The practice of taqiyya is important in Shi‘ism and has become a distinguishing feature of the Shi‘is in Indonesia. Most of Shi‘is practice taqiyya, but they reject the widespread perception that it is unique to Shi‘ism. They argue that the practice of taqiyya (or having a precautionary attitude) is common among all adherents of religion or madhhabs in Islam, particularly when they are under the oppression of an authoritarian regime or group.
However, other religious groups refuse to use the term taqiyya.
A number of textual evidences are cited in support of the practice of taqiyya. The most common is the Qur’anic text which reads: “let not the believers take for friends or helpers unbelievers rather than believers; if any do that, in nothing will there be help from Allah; except by way of precaution, that ye may guard yourselves from them. But Allah cautions you (to remember) Himself; for the final goal is Allah.”
It is also argued that the practice of taqiyya occurred during the life of the Prophet Muhammad. The most famous story is the case of ‘Ammar bin Yasir, one of the close companions of the Prophet and ‘Ali bin Abi Talib. The story tells how the infidels of Mecca imprisoned some Muslims and tortured them, forcing them to leave their new religion and return to the former religion of idolatry. Among these Muslims were ‘Ammar bin Yasir and his father and mother. His parents were killed because of their refusal to obey the infidels. In order to escape from torture, ‘Ammar outwardly declared that that he had left Islam and accepted idol worship. After he was freed, he secretly left for Medina. He recounted the story to the Prophet in a state of distress and regret. The Prophet then comforted ‘Ammar by reading a verse of the Qur’an.
This story is considered as the historical background to the revelation of the verse which reads: “Anyone who, after accepting faith in Allah, utters unbelief except under compulsion, his heart remaining firm in faith – but such as open their breast to unbelievers – on them is wrath from Allah, and theirs will be a dreadful penalty.”
Shi‘is in Indonesia also recognise that the practice of taqiyya has its foundations in the history of Muslim society, in which “the Shi‘is have been a minority amidst the global Islamic community and have lived mostly under regimes hostile to their creed.”
The tyranny and cruelty of the Umayyad and Abbasid dynasties forced the Imams and their followers to dissimulate their real faith, in order to save their existence and the continuity of Shi‘ism. Taqiyya is the only strategy to be implemented by the Shi‘is to avoid the tyranny and cruelty of the regimes.
However, taqiyya is implemented by Shi‘is in Indonesia not only because of fear, but also for the purpose of establishing Islamic fraternity (ukhuwwa Islamiyya). Regarding this type of taqiyya, Jalaluddin Rakhmat cited the fatwa of Khomeini: “What is meant by taqiyya mudarat is the taqiyya practised in order to unite the Muslims by attracting the love of opponents and gaining their affection...”
The most popular of Khomeini’s fatwa in this respect is his recommendation that Shi‘is perform prayers together with Sunnis. When he was questioned about the validity of observing prayers with the Sunni congregation, Khomeini responded that it is not only valid but it is even recommended. He said that the reward for observing prayers with the Sunni congregation, (and in accordance with Sunni jurisprudence), is the same as the reward for worship with the Shi‘is and in accordance to Shi‘i jurisprudence. Thus, Khomeini recommended the abandonment of Shi‘i jurisprudence for the sake of Islamic fraternity and this has become a legitimate foundation for the practice of this kind of taqiyya.
Thus, taqiyya may be understood to be a strategy for maintaining the secrecy of the Shi‘i identity for various reasons. However, the term taqiyya has negative connotations and is equated with lying, hypocrisy or cowardice among the Sunni majority in Indonesia. For this reason Jalaluddin Rakhmat proposed: “we can alter it with the term ‘flexible approach and friendship’....”
The best term is probably diplomacy. As a strategy or diplomacy, taqiyya is implemented in acts of worship, in da‘wa, in conversation and dialogue and in writing.
The choice of vocabulary or terms which are commonly acceptable to the Sunni majority characterises the implementation of taqiyya. In certain circumstances, Shi‘is will avoid giving the impression of having emphasised the contrast between Sunnism and Shi‘ism. “I think our concern is not to become a Shi‘i or Sunni. Instead, our concern is Islam,” said Rakhmat on one occasion.
The word Islam is a common term that is accepted by both denominations. On another occasion, in his reply to a question about whether he is a Sunni or Shi‘i, Jalaluddin Rakhmat said that “people call me Susyi,” namely Sunni-Shi‘i.
Similarly, when he was asked whether he was a Shi‘i, Haidar Bagir answered: “I am the same as others, one who longs for unity of the Muslims.”
In short, simple questions about Shi‘i identity are usually responded to with diplomatic answers by Indonesian Shi‘is.
Shi‘is in Indonesia try to suppress or modify information not only about their own identity and belief but also about fellow Shi‘is, institutions and the community at large. For example, with regard to Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Haidar Bagir stated: “I do not dare say that he is a Shi‘i because he is a person who reads, learns and speaks about both Shi‘ism and Sunnism. Jokingly, Pak Jalal once called himself Susyi, meaning Sunni-Shi‘i. He is a Muslim open to various thoughts, from both Sunnism and Shi‘ism.”
Similarly, when questioned about the place where Shi‘is in Indonesia gather, Haidar Bagir replied: “As far as I know there are small institutions. I do not know their precise names.”
This is a deliberate strategy adopted in order to manage their position as a stigmatised minority Muslim group in Indonesia.
With regard to the practice of taqiyya, it is interesting to note that a translation of a personal letter to someone in Iran, (whose name is not disclosed), was published in November 1993 in Aula, a magazine of the East Java branch of NU, under the title “a Letter to Someone in Iran”. The author of the letter, allegedly Husein Al-Habsyi, used the term “my Master” to address the person in Iran. The central purpose of the letter was to respond to the master’s suggestion that the author should abandon the practice of taqiyya and instead declare that he was a Shi‘i. The letter provides several reasons for maintaining the practice of taqiyya:
First, I thank you for your correct suggestion to me, which has become my consideration since a long time, that is, since the victory of Imam [Khomeini] over the Shah. Although I postponed doing so [stop practicing taqiyya] I do not doubt at all the validity of madhhab of ahl al-bayt and this is not because I fear people, or if I leave taqiyya it is not to get praised by people. Not at all. However, I now consider my environment. The Sunni fanaticism in general is still strong.
To approach them, I want to appear like a Sunni. Because if I show my own belief and respond to attacks from their nawasib [anti-Shi‘i] ‘ulama’ they would say: a Shi‘i defends Shi‘ism. I have succeeded in approaching a significant number of their ‘ulama’ so that they understand the virtues of madhhab of ahl al-bayt over the others. I think it as a step forward in our struggle.
Husein Al-Habsyi was known to have practised taqiyya in his da‘wa, dialogue and writing. He always declared that he was a follower of Sunnism. In his dialogue with a group of students from UGM (Gajah Mada University) and UII (Indonesian Islamic University) in Yogyakarta, which was conducted in Solo, Husein Al-Habsyi consistently used the term ‘we, ahl al-Sunna’. When he was asked to explain matters related to Shi‘ism in the first meeting, Husein Al-Habsyi stated: “But what a pity because I am myself not a Shi‘i, so it is more accurate if you ask these questions to those who declare that they are Shi‘i”.
In contrast to the widespread practice of taqiyya, some Shi‘is in Indonesia, particularly those ustadh who are Qum graduates, are more likely to express their religiosity overtly. Taqiyya is infrequent among the students and teachers of Pesantren Al-Hadi in Pekalongan, (a Shi‘i pesantren headed by Ahmad Baragbah). Similarly, the Shi‘is affiliated to Al-Jawad Foundation in Bandung, IPABI in Bogor and the Fatimah Foundation in Jakarta do not practice taqiyya. I observed that when leading the Friday Prayer in the Nurul Falah Mosque, the mosque’s leader, Husein Al-Kaff, performed it in accordance with Ja‘fari jurisprudence, whilst nearly all members of the jama‘a were Sunni and followed Sunni jurisprudence. Husein Al-Kaff points out that it is important for Shi‘is to practice all teachings of Shi‘ism openly, in front of Sunnis, in order that Sunnis acknowledge the real teachings of Shi‘ism, the followers of Shi‘ism and their institutions, as well as their contributions to the country.
However, this does not mean that these people renounce the permissibility of practicing taqiyya. They see that misperceptions among the Sunnis will not vanish unless Shi‘is show the true expressions of their rituals and practices.
Some Shi‘i intellectuals like Jalaluddin Rakhmat, however, are of the opinion that the practice of taqiyya should be inspired by the wish to reach Islamic fraternity and that strict obedience to Shi’i jurisprudence has more often than not created tensions between Sunnis and Shi‘is in Indonesia. Jalaluddin Rakhmat considers the Shi‘i ustadh to have implemented the fiqh paradigm as opposed to his own akhlaq (ethics) paradigm. For him, piety is not based on obedience to a certain school of jurisprudence, but it is determined on the basis of noble character. Regarding taqiyya, Rakhmat writes: “Taqiyya is the observance of jurisprudence practised by the majority people or jurisprudence that is established by the authority, to avoid disputes and fractions. Taqiyya means to leave our school of jurisprudence for the sake of maintaining brotherhood among the Muslims.”
Thus, taqiyya can be seen as a strategic element of the Shi‘i madhhab, with the purpose of defending the existence of the madhhab and its adherents or for maintaining Islamic fraternity. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that the teaching and practice of taqiyya is instrumental in the spread and development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
Apart from tawhid and prophethood, imamate is the most fundamental tenet of the Shi’i madhhab and it colours all of its teachings. There are twelve Imams succeeding the Prophet Muhammad, including the last Imam Mahdi who went into occultation and whose return is awaited. The Shi‘i madhhab includes aspects of religious code that are understood and observed on the basis of Ja‘fari jurisprudence and aspects of piety based on loving devotion to the fourteen infallibles. Integrated in the madhhab is the teaching and practice of taqiyya, which is influential in the very existence and maintenance of the denomination in the context of the Sunni majority in Indonesia. It is this whole complex system of belief and practice that the Shi‘is in Indonesia attempt to propagate by means of da‘wa, publication and education, as described in the following chapters.
0%
Author: Zulkifli
