CHAPTER FOUR: DA‘WA
As a missionary religion, Islam, and more specifically the Shi‘i branch of Islam, obliges its adherents, without exception, to undertake missionary activities. These activities are subsumed under the original Arabic concept of ‘da‘wa’, which literally means ‘a call’ or ‘an invitation’. In Indonesia, as in other countries, da‘wa has become a complex term, encompassing both the specific idea of tabligh (preaching), and the broader idea of “the propagation of Islam not only by preaching and publications, but also by deeds and activities in all areas of social life... [or] a comprehensive Islamization of society”.
Throughout this chapter, both meanings of the term are employed. Da‘wa is a very significant means of struggle by Shi‘is in Indonesia for the purpose of gaining recognition. This chapter focuses on how Shi‘is in Indonesia carry out da‘wa by means of institutional agents. In a broad sense, the institution of Shi‘ism can be seen as a da‘wa institution, because of its engagement in da‘wa activities. This chapter provides a brief description of the general developments of the Shi‘i institution, followed by an examination of the ideals of the institution. I will then describe the basic elements of the Shi‘i institution. Analysis of these various aspects is significant for understanding the nature of the Shi‘i institution as an agent of da‘wa. Furthermore, I will describe the various kinds of da‘wa activities undertaken by Shi‘is. This also includes details of da‘wa trainings that have been conducted.
A. General Developments of the Da‘wa Institution
In the decade following the Iranian Revolution of 1978-1979, da‘wa activities undertaken by Shi‘is in Indonesia were generally carried out on an individual basis, with one exception: The role played by the famous educational institution YAPI, founded in Bangil in 1976. For this reason it can be said that missionary activities in this period were not institutionalised, in fact they were often conducted ‘underground’. This was partly because of the absence of a known institutional centre for Shi‘ism. (The government and religious authorities in Indonesia had been unable to identify the existence of this Muslim minority group in the country until the establishment of Shi‘i institutions).
Since the late 1980s, leading Shi‘i figures in Indonesia have started to establish Shi‘i foundations called yayasan. The yayasan is a legally recognised institution based on relatively loose conditions; a number of people form the executive board of the foundation, a certain amount of money is designated as basic capital, and an address has to be mentioned. Renowned Shi‘i foundations in Java, (in chronological order of establishment), include: Al-Hujjah (founded in 1987) in Jember East Java, Muthahhari (1988) in Bandung, Al-Hadi (1989) in Pekalongan Central Java, Al-Jawad (1991) in Bandung, Al-Muntazar (1992) in Jakarta, Al-Kazim (1994) in Cerebon West Java, IPABI (1993) in Bogor, RausyanFikr (1995) in Yogyakarta, Fatimah (1997) in Jakarta, and the Islamic Cultural Centre (ICC) of Al-Huda (2000) in Jakarta. In addition, there have been a number of Shi‘i foundations located in cities and towns in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi and other islands.
Since the late 1980s, Indonesian Islam has witnessed the proliferation of Shi‘i institutions. Recent estimates suggest that there are more than 80 Shi‘i foundations scattered across the country, mainly centred in cities and towns. Although the exact number is unknown, reliable sources show that there has been a significant development in both the quantity and quality of Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia. In 2001, 36 Shi‘i foundations and 43 majlis ta‘lim
(which “could be translated as a council or a meeting place for education”) were affiliated to the Yayasan Rausyanfikr of Yogyakarta.
Similarly, some years ago the ICC of Al-Huda in Jakarta published a list of 79 Shi‘i foundations
. With a few exceptions, all the organisations on the list are inventoried as ‘yayasan’ (which means foundation). (In 2004, when I was concluding the research, the number of yayasan must be even greater as I have come across a number not included on the ICC list). A small number of these foundations develop into larger multi-functional institutions, carrying out various roles in the community (religious, educational, cultural), but most of them remain small foundations known only to a limited number of people. Sometimes the development of these institutions fluctuates, while some even stop operating. For these reasons it is difficult to provide an accurate figure for the number of the Shi‘i foundations in Indonesia.
Given the relatively small number of the Shi‘is in Indonesia, the number of Shi‘i institutions is relatively large. The existence and geographical distribution of these institutions reveal the scattered geographical distribution of Shi‘i adherents throughout the country. It also illustrates their dynamics in various social, cultural, educational and religious activities. Since the establishment of yayasan is an integrated part of the missionary process, these Shi‘i institutions can be said to reflect the great missionary zeal among Shi‘is in Indonesia. They are also evidence of a transformation from individual agent to institutional agent in the field of da‘wa activity among Shi‘is in Indonesia. From a historical perspective, the establishment of such large numbers of institutions marks a further development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia, which is more institutionalised than ever before.
With regard to the establishment and development of the Shi‘i institution in Indonesia, several points can be revealed: First, there has been a tendency among Shi‘i ustadh (religious teachers) and intellectuals, (with a few notable exceptions
), to establish foundations as a means of disseminating Shi‘i teachings. Almost all of Indonesia’s Shi‘i religious teachers and intellectuals have been or are currently connected to one or more Shi‘i foundations. The strong motivation to establish Shi‘i foundations is enhanced by the fact that there are relatively simple rules for establishing a foundation in Indonesia: Organisations are required to provide three people, statutes and a certain amount of capital which must be formally recognised by a notary. Since office premises or a building is not required, it is very common for residential properties to be used as a centre for foundations. The proliferation of Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia is due to at least two interconnected motivations among their founders. First, most Shi‘i religious teachers and intellectuals earn a living in the private sector and they need an institutional platform for their religious aspirations. Since their religious madhhab – Shi‘ism – is different from the madhhab upheld by the majority of Muslims in the country, there is little possibility for them to join existing religious institutions. Theoretically, their involvement in this field is a way of accumulating economic and symbolic capital, both are interconnected. Thus, the second motivation deals with the accumulation of social capital, that is, social relations or networks:
By means of these institutions, Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals can create more formal communications with other international Shi‘i institutions or organisations. Consequently, through their foundations, Shi‘is in Indonesia can more easily obtain free Shi‘i scholarly works - books and periodicals - printed by international institutions or associations in Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and other countries. Such scholarly works have contributed to the development of Shi‘i Islam in Indonesia.
Second, with a few exceptions, Shi‘i foundations are located in urban areas throughout the country from Sumatra to West Irian. This closely relates to the growth of the Shi‘i group in Indonesia as an urban phenomenon. (Shi‘i Islam has developed more among the urban than the rural population, with the majority of Shi‘is living in cities or towns). This is also in congruence with the fact that most university graduates and Qum alumni who become Shi‘i intellectuals, activists or ustadh tend to live in cities or towns. Generally, they establish the centre of the foundation close to, or even in, the founder’s own home. This satisfies the demands of the Shi‘i community in the city or town in terms of religious instruction and guidance in the teachings of Shi‘ism and also provides a base for propagating these ideas to the Muslim community at large. (This also originates from the philosophical basis of the missionary activities of Shi‘i foundations which include both internal and external orientations). There is a clear pattern in terms of the greater the number of Shi‘is living in a particular city or area, the greater the number of Shi‘i foundations which are established there. Thus, Jakarta, home to Indonesia’s largest Shi‘i community, has the largest number of foundations. In 1995, the journal Ulumul Qur’an, mentions 25 Shi‘i institutions having been established in Jakarta.
This is not to say that there are no Shi‘i institutions in rural areas. It should be noted, for instance, that the Al-Hakim Foundation, a famous Shi‘i institution established by the late Zainal Abidin Al-Muhdar (d. 2003), attracts people from the rural areas and villages close to its centre in Pringsewu, Lampung. However, the establishment of Shi‘i institutions remains a largely urban phenomenon.
The third important point regarding the establishment of Shi‘i institutions for da‘wa is that the growing number of Shi‘i foundations in Indonesia corresponds to the increasing number of Qum alumni returning to the country. While the establishment of a foundation is not a phenomenon exclusive to ustadh or Qum alumni, it is evident that a large number of the Qum alumni have begun their own Shi‘i foundation. To name a few, Fathoni Hadi established the Al-Hujjah Foundation in Jember in 1987, Ahmad Baragbah established Al-Hadi in 1989, Abdullah Assegaf founded the Al-Wahdah Foundation in Solo in 1994 and Rusdi al-Aydrus established the Ath-Thohir Foundation in Surabaya in 2000. Furthermore, the majority of Qum alumni become leaders or ustadh at existing Shi‘i foundations. Among them are Zahir Yahya at the Al-Kautsar Foundation in Malang (East Java), Husein Al-Kaf at the Al-Jawad Foundation in Bandung, Abdullah Assegaf at IPABI in Bogor, Muhammad Syuaib at the Al-Mujtaba Foundation in Purwakarta (West Java) and Herman Al-Munthahar at the Amirul Mukminin Foundation in Pontianak (West Kalimantan). It seems that missionary zeal has motivated these Qum alumni to establish Shi‘i institutions in order that da‘wa activities may be institutionalised and organised.
A fourth point of interest is that the Shi‘i foundations were all established by, or belong to, groups of people with friendship or kinship ties. In this regard, these institutions rarely belong to a single person. The Al-Jawad Foundation, for example, was established in 1991 by a group of activists who graduated from universities in Bandung, including Ahmad Jubaili, Wawan Tribudi Hermawan, Rivaldi and Yusuf Bachtiar.
The same is true of the founders of the Muthahhari Foundation three years earlier. In contrast, the founders of the Fatimah Foundation are all members of the al-Muhdar family living in Jakarta. Members of the al-Muhdar clan were known as Shi‘i adherents in Indonesia long before the Iranian Revolution of 1978-1979. The executive board of their foundation consists of Muhammad Andy Assegaf, Akma Syarif, and Imah Az-Zahra, all children of Abu Bakar Assegaf and his wife Fatimah Syundus al-Muhdar.
Ahmad Muhajir al-Muhdar and Alwi Husein al-Muhdar serve as important religious teachers and advisers to the foundation. Tazkiya Sejati, also listed among the Shi‘i foundations, was founded in 1997 by the family of Indonesia’s ex-Vice President Sudharmono in cooperation with Jalaluddin Rakhmat. Due to the practice of various aspects of Sufism, this institution was seen as instrumental in attracting a number of Jakarta’s urban upper-middle class to Shi‘ism.
Compared with the above-mentioned institutions, the establishment of the ICC of Al-Huda was unique in the sense that it involved the collaboration of several prominent figures in Indonesia with Iran. This can be seen in the make up of its board, which includes Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Haidar Bagir, and Umar Shahab as the founding council and the Iranian Muhsen Hakimollah as the director. The ICC is the largest Shi‘i foundation in Indonesia, and it employs about 30 staff, some of whom are Qum alumni, to organise its activities. The foundation is highly dependent on its Iranian director not only in terms of authority and responsibility but also for financial resources. Since its establishment, this Islamic centre has functioned as a coordinating body with regard to organising the celebration of Islamic festivals. It also plays an important mediation role among the Shi‘i institutions in the country and in relations between Iran and the Shi‘i community in Indonesia, a function which used to be fulfilled by the Iranian Embassy in Jakarta.
This description leads us to the fifth point regarding Shi‘i institutions: Aside from the coordinating function of the ICC of Al-Huda, some institutions are closely connected and co-operate with each other in the field of da‘wa while tensions exist been other institutions. Both situations are due to the influential relationships between certain ustadh and intellectuals. A pertinent example is that the cooperation between several Shi‘i ustadh and institutions in West Java has contributed to establishing the regional Shi‘i association called KIBLAT (Komunitas Ahlul Bait Jawa Barat, The Ahl al-Bayt Community of West Java). This umbrella organisation encompasses several Shi‘i foundations in the province including Al-Jawad of Bandung, Al-Kautsar of Bandung, IPABI of Bogor, Al-Kazhim of Cirebon, Al-Mujtaba of Purwakarta and As-Syifa of Garut. However, this regional Shi‘i association also excludes the Muthahhari Foundation, which is known to have tensions with Al-Jawad and its associates. Cooperation, competition and tension have characterised the relationship between ustadh, intellectuals, and institutions in Indonesia.
Finally, the existence of Shi‘i institutions are very important for the Shi‘i community as a whole, particularly in terms of their functions. Firstly, because the existing mosques cannot be used as a place to perform Shi‘i rituals and ceremonies, the foundations have provided alternative institutions and spaces for religious expression. Secondly, aside from this religious function, the institutions are also vehicles for Shi‘i teachings and places to hold meetings in which they can discuss a variety of problems, including the problems of the Shi‘i community or of Muslims in general. Religious instruction and guidance, as well as educational programmes, can be provided in or through the institution. This is its educational function. Thirdly, the institutions are platforms for spreading the teachings of Shi‘ism to the Shi‘i community at large. A variety of da‘wa programmes are carried out in or through the institution. In addition, through the publication of periodicals and books, the institution extends this role, beyond da‘wa, into the cultural field. In this regard, the Shi‘i foundation has become an institutional agent in the reproduction and dissemination of the Shi‘i tradition in Indonesia. In a nutshell, the institution is multi-functional within the Shi‘i community in Indonesia.
The general development of the Shi‘i foundations described above, reveals that their existence is strongly entrenched in the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. The religious life of the Shi‘i community is heavily dependent on the existence and functions of these institutions. However, the above description does not identify such institutions to be Shi‘i in nature. Below we attempt to examine this matter.
B. The Ideals of the Shi‘i Institution
To have a comprehensive understanding of the nature and identity of the Shi‘i institution, it is worth examining the written ideals that form the philosophical basis of the institution and its programme even, though the these ideals may not always be put into practice. With the exception of IPABI (Ikatan Pemuda Ahlul Bait Indonesia, Indonesian League of Ahlul Bait Youth), the names of these foundations never include terms or phrases which explicitly indicate that they are Shi‘i. Nevertheless, look more closely and the names often reveal the Shi‘i connections. For example, institutions such as Al-Jawad, Al-Muntazar, Al-Mahdi, Al-Mujtaba, Al-Hadi and Al-Kazim are all named after Shi‘i Imams. In addition, some foundations take their names from prominent Shi‘i learned men such as Mulla Sadra or Mutahhari, while others use terms closely associated with the Shi‘i tradition such as the Babul Ilmi Foundation (‘gate of knowledge’), referring to the phrase used by Ali bin Abi Talib, the first Imam. However, names such as Islamic Cultural Centre of Al-Huda in Jakarta or LSII (Lembaga Studi and Informasi Islam, Institute for Islamic Studies and Information) of Makassar give no clue to the Shi‘i characteristics of the institutions. In this respect, the Muthahhari Foundation is one of the only Shi‘i institutions that provides us with a rationale for using a specific name:
Given the fact that a Mutahhari is an Iranian Shi‘i learned-man, it is follows that many people identify the foundation as Shi‘i. In its brochure, the founders of the institution explain that the name chosen has philosophical meanings related to the organisations own goals as well as the historical reality that Muslim society is facing a variety of problems, including the lack of qualified learned men. They describe the establishment of the foundation,
as an attempt to address the most fundamental problem faced by Muslims, that is, the lack of an ‘ulama’ figure that can meet the required qualifications to lead and unite the various segments of Muslim society. The founders of the Muthahhari Foundation institution see this problem as having originated from a dichotomy in the comprehension of religious and secular sciences in the Muslim world, including Indonesia. On the one hand, there exist traditional ‘ulama’ that are qualified in the fields of Islamic knowledge but lack sufficient knowledge on contemporary information. Their approach to problem solving becomes irrelevant. On the other hand, there are Muslim scholars who have strong Islamic spirit and comprehend contemporary information yet are ‘ignorant’ of Islamic knowledge. Their problem solving tends to be superficial. A desire to bridge this divide formed the rationale behind the establishment of the Muthahhari Foundation.
Ayatollah Murtada Mutahhari was a reformist Shi‘i learned man and professor at Tehran University, who after the victory of the Iranian revolution became a member of the Revolutionary Council and was assassinated on 2 May 1979. The founders of the Muthahhari Foundation saw the Ayatollah as a 20th century intellectual-‘ulama’ who can become a model for all Islamic scholars, as he fulfils three requisite qualifications: His qualification in the fields of traditional Islamic knowledge, a comprehension of secular sciences and a concern for and activities in the social field.
With these qualifications, his Islamic thoughts, written in more than 50 books comprising almost all aspects relevant to the needs of Muslims - human existence (individual), society, nature, and history -, are considered strategic for the establishment of an Islamic civilisation and Islamic worldview. Further, in the eyes of the founders of the Muthahhari Foundation, he was an open and moderate scholar who promoted a freedom in thought and belief free from sectarianism. Finally, this learned man is praised for his exemplary moral conduct.
In short, Rakhmat writes: “From Muthahhari we learned three things: the meeting of traditional Islamic knowledge with modern sciences, openness, as well as combination between intellectualism and activism”.
In this way, the complex meanings symbolised by the name ‘Muthahhari’ also characterise the various roles of the institution and its programmes and activities.
As legally recognised institutions, Shi‘i foundations possess various stated ideals in terms of goal, vision and mission. By and large, the philosophical bases of the establishment of Shi‘i foundations in Indonesia indicate their missionary nature and orientation. This is reflected in a comparison of the ideals four of the countries largest: The Muthahhari and Al-Jawad foundations in Bandung, and the Fatimah Foundation and ICC of Al-Huda both in Jakarta.
Al-Jawad was established “to practice the teachings of ahl al-bayt in daily life individually and collectively as well as to develop and spread them to the society at large”. The homepage of the website for the Al-Jawad Foundation has the slogan “a deliverer of pure Islamic message” and tells of how it was established to organise various activities directed towards achieving its ideals: First, the construction of qualified skills - intellectual, social, spiritual and professional - among members of the foundation in carrying out da‘wa about the teachings of ahl al-bayt; second, the establishment of media for spreading the teachings of ahl al-bayt to the community at large; and third, the collection of economic sources to support the da‘wa activity. It is clear that these three ideals are concerned with da‘wa activity by members of the institution as well as with the Muslim community at large.
The Fatimah Foundation has goals which essentially resemble those of the Al-Jawad Foundation, but it formulates them in a different way stating: “the goal objective of Fatimah Foundation is to create itself a means for the ummah [Muslim community] to develop the teachings of ahl al-bayt”. The Fatimah Foundation has adopted the slogan “penetrating religious insights” and has the mission to be ‘a servant’ of the followers of the Prophet Muhammad and his ahl al-bayt. It sees its missionary activity as necessary in order that Muslims in Indonesia can accept the Islamic teachings and practice them in daily life. It is interesting to note that the Fatimah Foundation formulates its vision around the idea of five kinds of responsibility: The responsibility to God, to the Prophet Muhammad and his ahl al-bayt, to all followers of Shi‘ism and to all members of the Foundation; the fifth states: “finally, we are responsible to make our foundation an open one for those seeking truth”. All the stated goals, visions and the mission of the Fatimah Foundation clearly show that it was established in order to propagate Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
The ideals of both the Al-Jawad and the Fatimah foundations are narrow in the sense that they aim at spreading the teachings of Shi‘ism to society. The word ‘Shi‘a’ is absent in these ideals for the simple reason that the term has negative connotations in Sunnism and among the Sunni community in Indonesia in particular. Instead, the word ‘ahl al-bayt’ which means the family of the Prophet Muhammad is more commonly used because it is considered to be acceptable among both Sunni and Shi‘i Muslims. Both Al-Jawad and Fatimah emphasise the term “teachings of ahl-al-bayt”. This is in contrast to the formal written ideals of both Muthahhari and ICC of Al-Huda in which the word ‘ahl al-bayt’ is hardly found. In this regard, two important points can be surmised: First, the ideals of the Al-Jawad and the Fatimah foundations are directed towards propagating Shi‘i teachings to society at large, while the written ideals of both Muthahhari and ICC of Al-Huda do not confined solely to the Shi‘i version of Islam. Second, the first two institutions tend to implement a strategy of openness and don’t practice taqiyya, while the other two institutions, as will be shown below, tend to practice taqiyya.
The Muthahhari Foundation, with its slogan “for the enlightenment of Islamic thought” was established to organise various programmes in the field of da‘wa, education and Islamic civilisation, for the Indonesian society at large. As mentioned in its brochure,
its general goals are:
1. To take lessons, for the development of Islamic thought and propagation, from an intellectual-learned man who has the qualifications as a figure required for an attempt to formulate Islamic alternatives in solving contemporary problems.
2. To create a vehicle for the growth of scientific attitudes - the depth of knowledge comprehension, width of insight, moderation, and tolerance.
3. To contribute to an attempt to formulate an Islamic worldview and social planning for a future Islamic civilisation.
4. To participate in the production of intellectual-‘ulama’ and ‘ulama’-intellectuals by means of alternative system of education in the fields of Islamic knowledge and other relevant sciences.
5. To contribute to the establishment of unity as well as Muslim unity and brotherhood (wahdah and ukhuwwah Islamiyah) free from sectarianism.
Aimed at implementing a da‘wa programme in its widest sense, ICC of Al-Huda has formulated a more general vision: “to realise Islamic society with spiritual and intellectual enlightenment based on high integrity”. The complete missionary ideals of the foundation are:
1. To reconstruct and promote Islamic values in society’s life
2. To reconstruct Islamic culture full of spiritual values
3. To motivate intellectual enthusiasm based on Islamic values and objectivity
4. To describe and reconstruct Islamic understandings in accordance with the Qur’an and hadith
5. To motivate a love toward Allah, His messenger, the Prophet’s family and all human beings
6. To seed good conduct (akhlaq al-karima) in every aspects of the nation’s and state’s life.”
The stated ideals of both Muthahhari and ICC of Al-Huda share similar concepts such as the promotion of ‘Islamic values’, ‘Islamic civilisation’ or ‘Islamic culture’. Furthermore, even though both use the term Islam in its wider context rather than Shi‘ism in particular, their emphasis is different. For example, ICC of Al-Huda stresses the importance of Islamic brotherhood and unity between Muslim groups. A striking contrast between the two is that, as their names suggest, ICC of Al-Huda is focused more in the cultural field, while Muthahhari concentrates more specifically on education and specifically on the production of intellectual-learned men. Compared with the stated ideals of Al-Jawad and Fatimah, those of Muthahhari and ICC of Al-Huda are much broader, even though all four have missionary characteristics, (albeit different in scope and orientation), and all four share the ultimate missionary goal of realising an Islamic society.
An important point regarding the stated ideals of these four Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia, is their lack of interest in the field of politics. The only slightly political aspect is the sixth point of the missionary ideals of ICC of Al-Huda which emphasises the importance of moral values in aspects of life related to the state and nation. This becomes more interesting because Shi‘ism itself does not distinguish religion from politics. Viewed from their stated ideals, the Shi‘i institutions are concerned only with religion, education and culture, fields which are considered appropriate in the propagation of Shi‘i teachings as well as in the realisation of Islamic society in Indonesia. The written ideals of these da‘wa institutions suggest there will be no involvement in political practice, even though in reality, their leaders and members may individually take part in politics. This illustrates the fact that these stated ideals are just that – ideals – and whether or not they become reality remains to be seen. Besides examining the written formal ideals of Shi‘i foundations, we need to understand their institutional elements.
C. The Institutional Elements
In general, the well-established Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia possess the following elements: a ustadh (religious teacher), jama‘a (members of the foundation), a variety of da’wa activities and a centre for these activities. These basic elements construct the existence and the function of the institution and should be considered as a unified system. The existence of a Shi‘i institution may be recognised on the basis of these four basic elements. In addition, there are also supporting elements that may influence the organisation of da‘wa activity. In every institution there is an executive board and staff or activists that organise the da‘wa activity and manage or assist the development of the Shi‘i institution. Examples of well-established institutions include Al-Jawad in Bandung, IPABI in Bogor, Al-Muntazar, Fatimah, and ICC of Al-Huda all located in Jakarta, in addition to YAPI (Yayasan Pesantren Islam) in Bangil, East Java, Al-Hadi in Pekalongan and the Muthahhari Foundation, whose formal educational programme will be described and analysed in detail in the chapter on education. With their own buildings and facilities such as an office, library, bookstore and others, the physical portrait of these institutions shows the extent of their involvement in various kinds of activities. ICC of Al-Huda is the largest foundation with a luxurious building, facilities and a large number of staff.
The well-established foundations usually have one or more permanent ustadh whose main duty is to provide religious instruction and guidance to the jama‘a. In this regard, the ustadh becomes muballigh (preacher) or da‘i (‘propagandist’, ‘evangelist’) in the broad meaning of the term. As mentioned before, in some cases the ustadh is a co-founder or owner of the institution. In other cases, while not being a co-founder, the ustadh occupies an influential position within the organisational structure of the institution. This concurs with the fact that ustadh have a prestigious status within the Shi‘i community. In this respect, the term ‘pembina’ (adviser) - a position that is usually regarded as being higher than the head of an institution – is sometimes used. The position is comparable to that of the kyai (learned man) within the pesantren tradition. With this high status, like the kyai in the pesantren, the ustadh is an influential element in the development of the institution. In many cases, the ustadh, particularly prominent ones such as Othman Omar Shihab, Umar Shahab, and Husein Shahab, are not affiliated to a specific institution but are hired by a range institutions throughout the country. As mentioned earlier, as a large number of Qum alumni become ustadh, they too are gaining influence within the Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia.
The position of ustadh is crucial for the existence and development of Shi‘i institutions. The attitude and thoughts of an ustadh are influential in planning and realising the programmes of these institutions, as well as in establishing connections with other institutions. The main duties of the ustadh include: Providing religious instruction and guidance, religious preaching, leading rituals and ceremonies and giving advice regarding the direction of the institution. To carry out these duties, the ustadh must possess qualifications such as a thorough religious comprehension and good skills in leading religious rituals and ceremonies as well as in preaching. For this reason, it is not surprising that the position of ustadh in most Shi‘i institutions are occupied by Qum graduates. As a person considered to have thorough religious knowledge, a ustadh is seen by his jama‘a as a figure whose guidance and advice are to be followed.
The second institutional element is the jama‘a, which literally means congregation. The jama‘a commonly consists of adult Muslims, (both male and female), who are motivated to seek religious instruction and guidance. Basically, the jama‘a are those adults who follow the religious, educational and social programmes provided by the foundation. The programmes themselves are sometimes tailored specifically to the demands and interests of the congregation. Sometimes members of the jama‘a are also executive personnel of the institution and are involved in the organisation of the programmes. To a certain extent, this characteristic of the jama‘a, distinguishes the Shi‘i foundations as institutions of da‘wa from the Shi‘i institutions of learning such as pesantren. There are no formal rules regarding becoming a member of the jama‘a, except where specific programmes demand specific requirements of participants such as paying expenses. Shi‘i foundations commonly attract people living in areas close to the centre of institution. So in Jakarta, for example, the Fatimah Foundation has members of jama‘a from certain areas of South and East Jakarta while Al-Muntazar attracts its members from areas in western Jakarta.
Motivations for members of the jama‘a to join da‘wa programmes are complex and various, from religious to secular reasons. Motivation to seek religious instruction and guidance cannot be neglected especially in view of the fact that most members of the jama‘a do not have a sound religious educational background. Furthermore, most of the Shi‘is in Indonesia today have converted from Sunnism in adulthood. In this regard, I often heard many ustadh stating that Indonesia’s Shi‘is are in the process of becoming ‘ideal’ Shi‘is. “The Shi‘is in Indonesia are still immature”, said Husen Shahab.
This suggests that they do not yet understand and practice all the teachings of Shi‘ism and that they need religious instruction and guidance in this area. Shi‘i converts for example, are considered to be heavily influenced by the Sunni teaching and tradition that they used to uphold. In other words, a significant educational motivation originates from the fact that the Shi‘is in Indonesia who are still new and young do not follow all Shi‘i tradition called tashayyu‘.
The second motivation is a religious one, in that most Shi‘i rituals are carried out in Shi‘i institutions, spaces which allow them to express their religiosity. This also gives rise to the expression of identity as a distinct religious group among the majority Sunnis. The social and psychological functions of being active in a congregation also form a motivation. Abaza’s explanation is particularly relevant to female participants:
The importance of time spent collectively in ‘social gathering’, exchanging information, along with tangential activities such as selling and buying takes prevalence. The more I interviewed da‘is, the more I found that they rely on repetitive sermons and a stylised habitus for performance purposes. Indeed for many housewives, the Majlis could be a pleasant way of spending time. Perhaps, they thus found comfort in consulting religious lecturers.
The same social and psychological motivation among women to engage in a religious gathering can be seen in other places in the world such as Hyderabad, India, as shown by Howarth who observed that women’s gatherings are “important opportunities for women to meet and to form friendship outside their family homes”.
All these motivations are interconnected and whatever their motivation, members of jama‘a contribute to the realisation of da‘wa programmes. Moreover, the richer members of jama‘a frequently provide fundamental economic support for da‘wa activities. In return for their contributions, they occupy important positions within the Shi‘i community and the ustadh and intellectuals are expected to show them respect.
In this regard, close relationships among members of the institution and between religious teachers and members of the jama‘a are formed. Members of the jama‘a not only expect to learn religious knowledge from the religious teachers but also make them their spiritual guide and counsellor who can provide solutions to a wide range of problems including family-related problems. Close relationships between certain ustadh and intellectuals with members of jama‘a are a predictable consequence of the intensive interactions between them. The other side to this is that competition and tension are also inevitable in the relationships between ustadh, intellectual, and the jama‘a.
The relationship between ustadh as individuals, foundations as institutions and members of jama‘a is mutually beneficial to all parties. In other words, there is an exchange of goods in the field of religion - one material the other symbolic. Frequently, ustadh in Indonesia earn their living from the money paid by the jama‘a, who are sometimes charged for their participation in da‘wa activities or through the endowments they give for certain programmes or occasions. In some cases, da‘wa activities depend heavily on the material support of a number of rich members of jama‘a. These rich members of jama‘a usually have strong religious and missionary zeal, indicated by their donations of large sums of money and facilities for various types of da‘wa activities. These persons even make their houses centres for regular da‘wa activities or provide other houses for ustadh to live in. In this regard, competition among the ustadh and intellectuals to establish good connections with rich members of jama‘a, has been a characteristic of the development of the Shi‘is in Indonesia. Bourdieu
theorises that it is an attempt to accumulate economic capital alongside the struggle to maintain or improve cultural and social capital. Similarly, most institutions depend on the jama‘a for economic resources. In return, the jama‘a receive religious instruction and guidance as well as entertainment, cultural goods and the social and psychological benefits of being part of a congregation. This interrelation clearly indicates the important position not only of ustadh but also jama‘a that tends to be overlooked in da‘wa studies.
The third important element of a Shi‘i institution is its programmes and activities. These vary in terms of field, approach and orientation, and depend on several factors. Some institutions tend to place emphasis on one kind of programme while others focus on different ones. This contributes to the significant differences found in the main attributes of certain institutions. For instance, although the Muthahhari Foundation carries out a wide range of programmes, its image is frequently characterised by its senior high school. As previously explained, most Shi‘i foundations offer programmes that related to the fields of religion, education, culture and da‘wa. The field of da‘wa will be examined in further detail below.
The religious programmes basically comprise Shi‘i religious rituals, (both obligatory and recommended) and ceremonies. The most famous weekly prayer, commonly called the kumayl prayer, is practiced in nearly all Shi‘i institution in Indonesia. Other religious rituals take place on an annual basis, including those related to the commemoration of the births or deaths of the fourteen infallibles and other prominent religious leaders, as well as other important historical events in the Shi‘i tradition. Some institutions, such as IPABI in Bogor, also conduct the celebration of two great Islamic festivals: ‘Id al-Fitr (the end the fasting month) and ‘Id al-Adha (‘sacrifice day’) separately from their fellow Sunni. Because of the large number of commemorations there has been cooperation and coordination among certain large Shi‘i institutions in the organisation of certain festivals. ICC of Al-Huda in cooperation with other Shi‘i institutions usually organises the national commemoration of such great events as ‘ashura and mawlid in Jakarta. In this regard, the essential position of the Shi‘i institution is its function to provide all members of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia with a space to express their religiosity.
The field of education will be discussed in the following chapter, however, it is important to note here that the establishment of TK/TPA (Taman Kanak-kanak/Taman Pendidikan Al-Quran, Qur’anic kindergarten) has become a very popular programme in Shi‘i institutions. This pre-school education provides very young students with some basic teachings of Islam, including using the so-called iqro’ method to teach the children how to recite the Holy Qur’an. The iqro’ method is considered by many in Indonesia to be the easiest way of learning Qur’anic recitation, and with this instruction method and material (six volumes of Iqro’ and tajwid), the students are able to recite the Qur’an in a short space of time. The popularity of this ‘modern’ method has replaced the traditional method known to Muslims in Indonesia as the ‘Baghdadi’ method. Gade describes that while the iqro’ method is lebih cepat (faster) the ‘Baghdadi’ method is lebih dalam (deeper) in terms of reciting acquisition. She then writes:
The key practical contrast is that with the ‘traditional’ method, students learned the names of letters along with their sound qualities and ‘spelled out’ words with the named letters according to set formulae before vocalising them. With the ‘modern’ method, students vocalised the letters without first going through the process of parsing the word by spelling. The primary difference Indonesians emphasised between the methods was precisely the practice of ‘spelling out’ (ejaan) within the traditional method, which was judged by many to be too time-consuming.
The popularity of this programme may result from its relatively simple requirements in terms of educational facilities and management. Two or more teachers, usually female, may establish the pre-school institution. This meets with the increasing motivation of Indonesian parents to send their children to Islamic educational institutions. The organisation of such institutions is instrumental in the enhancement of religious knowledge in the field of Qur’anic recitation among Muslim children. This knowledge is a crucial basic religious skill for observing obligatory Islamic rituals. This might also be a rationale for leaders of Shi‘i institutions, and religious teachers in general, to undertake these programmes.
In the cultural field, some Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia are engaged in publishing. Some institutions, such as IPABI and the Fatimah Foundation, have established a separate publishing arm under a different name, while others including Muthahhari, Al-Jawad and ICC of Al-Huda use the same name as the institution. These institutions organise the publication of periodicals and books, both translated texts and Indonesian originals.
In addition, large Shi‘i institutions such as Mutahhari, Al-Jawad, Fatimah and ICC of Al-Huda organise libraries that are open to the public, providing books in Indonesian, Arabic and Persian, meeting the demand of the Shi‘is in the country. Observing these libraries, I found that they hold a large number of Shi‘i books, on a variety of subjects, which cannot be found in other libraries in Indonesia, including the libraries of Islamic higher educational institutions. Compared with the existing Sunni institutions, this is a unique trait of Shi‘i institutions. It is important to note here that all these fields, but in particular education and culture, may be included in the realm of da‘wa in its most general sense, namely, they are all missionary efforts to achieve the ultimate goal of realising an Islamic society.
The fourth element of a Shi‘i institution is the physical centre of activity. The majority of foundations are small and usually use the founders’ residence as a centre for their activities. However, the big foundations generally have their own buildings and facilities. These larger institutions usually have a specific room at the centre for these activities, commonly called the husainiyya. The term is derived from the name of the third Imam, Imam Husayn, whose death ritual is a focus in Shi‘ism. Husainiyya originally means “forum or courtyard where Muharram passion plays and mournings for Imam Husayn are done”.
This clearly shows the significance of Imam Husayn and his martyrdom in the Shi‘i tradition. Usually, the husainiyya, office, library and other facilities are located in one complex. A few husainiyyas are big while others are small, which may reflect the size of the jama‘a attending the da‘wa activities organised by the institution. In this centre of activity the Shi‘is gather to observe prayers, to perform religious rituals and ceremonies, to learn religious knowledge or to engage themselves in social activities. In my observations, Shi‘is seldom practice daily obligatory prayers collectively at the husainiyya. (Shi‘is place less emphasis on the congregational obligatory prayers five times a day than their fellow Sunnis). On the whole, weekly, monthly and yearly da‘wa activities are carried out in the husainiyya. For the foundations with their own mosque, such as Muthahhari and Al-Jawad, the routine da‘wa activities are usually centred around the mosque. By and large, the husainiyya functions like a mosque, with the exception that it is not the venue for Friday prayers.
These are the four basic elements that generally constitute Shi‘i foundations as institutions of da‘wa in Indonesia. The four basic elements, combined with the written ideals of the institution, make up the characteristics of a Shi‘i institution, from which we may uncover certain elements that are similar to or distinct from Sunni institutions of da‘wa. The dynamic nature of the Shi‘i institution of da‘wa can be understood through the various types of da‘wa activity.
D. Types of Da‘wa Activity
In order to achieve their ideals, Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia share similar patterns of activities, which are distinguishable in terms of approach and orientation. Since the concept of da‘wa is commonly understood in its widest sense - to include all missionary activities aimed at realising an Islamic society -, da‘wa activities provided by the institutions vary considerably. These da‘wa activities can be classified into three types: tabligh (preaching), ta‘lim (teaching, training or courses) and social da‘wa. All three types of activity are frequently interconnected. They may be directed towards either internal or external orientations. The realisation of the three types of da‘wa by the existing institutions may be formulated in the form of either regular or incidental programmes.
The tabligh activity among the Shi‘i community in Indonesia, as among the Sunni community, is widely known as pengajian (religious gathering), but sometimes also known as majlis ta‘lim (council for learning). Both terms refer to preaching and learning. In this regard, Mona Abaza has provided us with an interesting analysis of da‘wa styles among gentrified urbanites in Jakarta, (even though in her article she made several factual mistakes). The majlis ta‘lim is not “a typical urban phenomenon which only exists in Jakarta”
, instead it is a religious phenomenon that takes place in both a rural and an urban setting in Indonesia, although it is clearly flourishing in urban areas. With respect to religious gatherings, some Shi‘i institutions hold regular and irregular religious gatherings for their jama‘a.
The regular type includes weekly and annual religious gatherings related to relevant religious rituals. The most well-known and widespread weekly religious gathering within the Shi‘i community in Indonesia is connected to the religious recommendation for the Shi‘is to recite the kumayl prayer. The so-called majlis kumayl, in which the kumayl prayer is uttered and a sermon is delivered, is organised on Thursday evenings. For those foundations with a mosque, such as Muthahhari and Al-Jawad, this activity is usually conducted in their mosques (Al-Munawwarah and Nurul Falah, respectively) while for others the gathering takes place in the husainiyya or in the residence.
Other weekly religious gatherings are organised based agreements between the jama‘a, teacher and foundation. Therefore the form, time and place can vary. In Muthahhari and Al-Jawad, for example, the weekly religious gathering is held on Sundays, so it is known as Pengajian Ahad (Sunday’s religious gathering). The core of the pengajian activity is actually the ceramah agama (religious lecture), delivered by a religious teacher. It is followed by a discussion or questions from members of the jama‘a and answers by the preacher or religious teacher. The topic of the sermon varies, and the decision is completely dependent on the preachers. It is likely that the selection of topic is related to historical events and rituals prescribed by Islamic, and in particular Shi‘i, teachings, or in response to events occurring within the community. Sometimes it is based purely on the preference of the preacher. As a consequence, similar sermons may be delivered by preachers on different occasions and in different places. By and large, the weekly pengajian in Shi‘i institutions seems to have included a variety of aspects of Shi‘ism, particularly doctrine, morality and thought.
The regular annual religious gatherings are linked to a relatively large number of religious rituals and ceremonies within the Shi‘i tradition. They are commonly associated with the so-called PHBI (Peringatan Hari-hari Besar Islam, Commemoration of Islamic Holy Days), a well-known programme run by all Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia. Besides the Islamic festivals shared with their fellow Sunnis, there are many other important events commemorated which are distinctively Shi‘i. It is very common in Shi‘ism, as in Islam generally, for religious rituals and ceremonies to be practiced together with religious sermons delivered by religious teachers. In most congregational rituals, the sermon is an essential element without which the worship is invalid. Here one can see an aspect of da‘wa naturally inherent in Islam, particularly in the sense of tabligh. Given the fact that there are numerous religious rituals and ceremonies within the Shi‘i tradition, da‘wa activities among the Shi‘is are flourishing. At such great events as ‘ashura, arba‘in, and mawlid which are celebrated on a national level in Jakarta, it is common for a famous da‘i to be invited to deliver a sermon.
In some of the religious ceremonies, ‘ulama’ or intellectuals from Iran are invited to attend. For example, the committee of ICC of Al-Huda invited Ayatollah Ali Taskhiri from Iran to deliver a sermon to celebrate the New Year of the Muslim calendar of 1425, on 20 February 2004. At the event, he spoke about the struggle of Imam Husayn in the maintenance of Islam Muhammadi (‘Muhammadist Islam’) in the period when this religion had been corrupted by the tyranny of the Ummayad dynasty. He suggested that in all ages there are tyrants present that Muslims are obliged to fight against. At the annual religious gathering, for which there is always a large number of participants, every effort is made to maximise the effectiveness of da‘wa activities. This includes a book fair to which Shi‘i publishers from all over Indonesia are invited.
Regarding the topic of sermons delivered in the various types of da‘wa, on the whole, the topic chosen is put into context with the situation of today’s Muslim umma in mind. For example, sermons delivered on the occasion of ‘ashura usually deal with the struggle and sacrifice of Imam Husayn, his family and his loyal followers. In the commemoration of ‘ashura held in Jakarta on 2 March 2004, Hasan Daliel Al-‘Aydrus delivered a sermon about the rising of the oppressed, as exemplified by Imam Husayn and its significance to the struggle of Muslim umma. Similarly, on the occasion of mawlid, the sermon usually deals with the loving devotion to the Prophet Muhammad. At the celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday held in the Munawwarah mosque, (every year since the establishment of the Mutahhari Foundation), Jalaluddin Rakhmat usually emphasises the importance of reciting salawat (invocation) unto the Prophet Muhammad. On 19 May 2003, he provided his jama‘a with a sermon entitled “The Presence of the Messenger of God among us”, affirming that the Prophet Muhammad will be present under two conditions: First, when salawat (invocation) unto him is uttered and, second, in the place where the orphans and poor gather in a pleasant atmoshpere. Rakhmat relates this topic to his previous preaching among the poor of North Jakarta.
These examples illustrate the close relationship between the topic of sermons, the events commemorated and the preacher’s effort to contextualise them.
However, specific religious ideologies are promoted in the sermons delivered by Shi‘i preachers at weekly and yearly activities, or at other events. Scrutinising the various existing sermons, we find two different tendencies that are congruent with the divide between the ustadh and intellectual groups: The political tendency of the ustadh versus the moral or spiritual tendency of the intellectuals is clearly distinguishable in terms of the topics of sermon they deliver. More specifically, the topics related to politics, and wilayat al-faqih (mandate of the jurists) in particular, are numerous among the ustadh whilst barely present in sermons given by intellectuals. It is evident that, unlike the intellectuals, the ustadh emphasise the necessity for Shi‘is in Indonesia to adhere to the doctrine of wilayat al-faqih principle and the prominent place of jurists in politics through preaching as well as through courses and training. In other words, da‘wa is an expression of the religious ideology of preachers and institutions.
In addition to varied forms of tabligh, the type of da‘wa activities among Shi‘is include courses and training, in which participants receive more intensive instruction and guidance with regard to the teachings of Shi‘ism. This type of da‘wa is congruent with the meaning of the concept ta‘lim, that is teaching to increase the knowledge of participants.
Ta‘lim is different from tabligh in a number of aspects: First, ta‘lim may require more than one ustadh or intellectual instructor. Second, it requires the participants to get involved in a more intensive learning so that they can understand certain topics offered by the programme in depth.
The Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia have organised a large number of courses or training programmes, commonly called Paket Kajian (a package of courses). It consists of a series of courses on a certain subject, organised over a certain number of meetings. The course or training, which is either regular or incidental, is offered to jama‘a or other participants so that they may gain a deeper understanding of certain aspects of Islam, and Shi‘ism in particular. Names given to the programmes generally depend on subject or topic offered. This type of training is familiar to Muslims in Indonesia, particularly those living in big cities. Large Shi‘i institutions such as Muthahhari, Al-Jawad, Fatimah and ICC of Al-Huda have been active in organising a variety of courses. Some programmes are offered to both Shi‘is and Sunnis, while others are only open to Shi‘is.
Many institutions are concerned with providing series of courses aimed specifically at strengthening the internal Shi‘i community, even though the activity itself is open to both Muslim groups. The Al-Jawad Foundation, for example, tends to organise courses which are specifically Shi‘i in nature, and on the whole it is only followed by Shi‘is. Their most well-known programme includes a one-year integrated Ja‘fari course and aspects of ‘aqida (doctrine), fiqh (jurisprudence), tafsir (Qur’an exegesis) within Shi‘ism, in addition to the courses on Arabic and logic. ICC of Al-Huda has also participated in the organisation of such courses as Persian, Arabic, tafsir and logic. IPABI has conducted a series of courses and training on the principal aspects of Shi‘ism, (which are categorised into elementary, intermediate and advanced level), and on special topics like wilayat al-faqih, which are followed by Shi‘is from several areas in Indonesia.
IPABI also conducted an important national da‘wa activity in Puncak, Bogor, known as Training and Silaturrahmi (‘friendship’). (It was held from 24-27 July 1997 for men and from 26-29 November 1999 for women). Ustadh such as Ahmad Baragbah and Husein Al-Kaf were invited to participate; and these activities were considered instrumental in not only increasing comprehension of religious knowledge but also in establishing close relations between Shi‘i adherents, as well as the ustadh, in the framework of Islamic brotherhood.
This ta‘lim type of da‘wa activity, as well as the aforementioned tabligh, is aimed at fulfilling the needs of the Shi‘i community rather than those of the wider Muslim society. Shi‘is in Indonesia, who are by and large considered immature in terms of Shi‘i teachings and tradition, need education and guidance in at least two aspects: First, the basic teachings of Shi‘ism and the Shi‘i tradition are required for religiosity. This includes the practical knowledge required to perform prescribed and recommended prayers, and other religious rituals, in accordance with Ja‘fari jurisprudence. Second, subjects of Islamic knowledge such as tafsir, hadith, logic and Arabic are important for members of the community to understand the doctrinal and historical bases of the madhhab which they follow. This type of da‘wa is about the deepening and strengthening of the teachings of Shi‘ism for Shi‘i individuals, in order that they are able to practice the teachings of Shi‘ism in everyday life. This clearly indicates the internal orientation of da‘wa activities carried out by Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia.
The ta‘lim type of da‘wa activity, which is aimed at attracting both Shi‘i and Sunni groups, is also undertaken. At least, two goals are achieved by this type of da‘wa: a deeper and stronger understanding of Shi‘ism by its followers as a result of its comparison with Sunnism, and the acknowledgement and recognition of Shi‘ism among the Sunni. Since its establishment, the Muthahhari Foundation has organised a number of programmes that are directed towards attracting both Muslim groups. The field of Islamic knowledge includes Arabic, ‘ulum al-Qur’an (sciences of the Qur’an), ‘ulum al-hadith (sciences of the Tradition), Islamic history, usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence), ‘ilm al-Qira’a (science of the Qur’anic recitation), Sufism, kalam (theology) and Islamic philosophy. The other science includes logic, Western philosophy, journalism, research methodology, management and organisation, entrepreneurship and communication technology.
In accordance with its goal of establishing brotherhood between Shi‘is and Sunnis, a comparative perspective of both branches of Islam is provided in the course on Islamic knowledge, so that Sunnis in particular acknowledge Shi‘i views on certain aspects of Islam. Furthermore, during this programme, leading Shi‘i figures have the opportunity to explain the correct teachings of Shi‘ism to Sunnis while, describing the misperceptions about Shi‘i teachings and addressing the stereotypes about Shi‘is widely held by Sunnis. In so doing, the real teachings of Shi‘ism may be well understood by Sunnis.
Included in the ta‘lim is da‘wa through Sufism, which is aimed at both Sunni and Shi‘i groups. “Sufism is the inner and esoteric dimension of Islam”.
Given the increasing interest in Sufism among upper-middle class urbanites in Indonesia,
foundations such as Tazkiya Sejati in Jakarta and its branch in Bandung - IIMaN Centre for Positive Sufism -,and the Fitrah Foundation, have organised courses on various aspects of Sufism. The most famous is Tazkiya Sejati in Jakarta which, from 1997 to 2003, organised more than 20 courses on Sufism, attracting participants from the upper-middle class in Jakarta, including businessmen, executives and retired functionaries. The course was usually conducted during weekends to make it more convenient for participants to attend. Since the field of Sufism transcends the borderline between Shi‘ism and Sunnism, this course was offered to all Muslims - Sunni and Shi‘i - who were taught and guided by both Sunni and Shi‘i teachers. Besides Jalaluddin Rakhmat, the director of Tazkiya Sejati, prominent Muslim intellectuals and ustadh such as Haidar Bagir, Zen Al-Hadi,
Othman Omar Shihab,
Muchtar Adam,
Abdul Qadir al-Habsyi,
and Said Agiel Siradj
were invited to teach at Tazkiya Sejati. In accordance with the mission of the purification of soul and the belief in siding with the oppressed, the theoretical aspects of Sufism taught at this institution follow the general teachings contained in Sufi books. But certain religious rituals, such as recommended prayers and do‘a (supplications), follow rules and procedures applied within the Shi‘i tradition, and as proscribed in famous Shi‘i books such as Mafatih al-Jinan (Keys to the Gardens of Paradise)
. Another interesting and related activity conducted by the foundation in Puncak, Bogor, has been the practice of ‘uzla (meditation), in which a number of participants perform Sufi rituals as well as listening to religious sermons delivered by ustadh. The courses on Sufism are aimed at bringing the participants spiritual enlightenment which will maintain the balance between life in the world and in the hereafter.
The course offered at Tazkiya Sejati differed to the course on Sufism organised by Nurcholish Madjid’s Paramadina in terms of topics and contents. The main characteristic of the programme at Tazkiya Sejati was that it provided participants not only with theoretical aspects of Sufism but also with every day rituals observed under Sufism, such as dhikr (remembrance of God), and guidance from teachers in order to perform prayers correctly. In this regard, Sila considers Tazkiya Sejati to be the most significant institution of Sufism for the upper segments of society, because his ecperience was that many participants at Tazkiya Sejati who joined the course on Sufism, had earlier followed courses at other institutions like Paramadina. Sila argues that they moved to Tazkiya Sejati because they were gaining nothing at previous institutions except perhaps for discussions. In other words, the previous institutions provided only the intellectual aspects of Sufism and not the spiritual aspects. In Tazkiya Sejati, “besides receiving contemporary topics of Sufism from Islamic scholars through discussions and seminars, they were taught ways of practising certain wirid and acts of worship”.
Another research by Zubaidah shows that most jama‘a responded positively to the course on Sufism held at Tazkiya Sejati and they felt that the course had transformed them, sending them into a positive direction in terms of knowledge and religiosity.
An increased interest in Sufism among urbanites in Indonesia has become a reason for other Shi‘i institutions to offer the same course. When in 2003, for many reasons, but in particular the conflict between Jalaluddin Rakhmat and his co-founder Sudharmono’s children, Tazkiya Sejati stopped operating, other institutions such as the Fitrah Foundation, run by some prominent Shi‘i ustadh in Jakarta, continued to offer the course on Sufism. The Fitrah Islamic Spiritual Centre was established by Husein Shahab and Othman Omar Shihab. Popular Shi‘i ustadh such as Othman Omar Shihab and Zen al-Hadi, who used to teach at Tazkiya Sejati, are now active with the Fitrah Foundation and involved in the instruction of Sufism. Similarly, IIMaN led by Haidar Bagir continues to organise a number of activities connected to the teaching of Sufism. Apart from motivating many debates on the relationship between Sufism and Shi‘ism,
Sufism seems to have united both Sunnis and Shi‘is, because participants tend to set aside the existence of either Sunni or Shi‘i aspects within the teachings and rituals taught in the course on Sufism. With respect to the propagation of Shi‘ism in Indonesia, this approach seems instrumental in introducing certain aspects of Shi‘ism particularly to the Sunni.
Another important type of da‘wa organised by the Shi‘is particularly by means of their institution is social activity or social da‘wa. For Shi‘is, this is an implementation of the Shi‘i teaching promoting the necessity to side with the Mustad‘afin (the Oppressed), a famous concept, frequently heard in religious sermons and read in Shi‘i sources. In Indonesia, this type of da‘wa can be included in the concept of da‘wa bi al-hal (missionary by deed) even though the emphasis of the concept is on the noble moral character (akhlaq) of preachers to be an example to the community and show amal salih (good behaviour). Therefore, it is frequently considered to be more important than preaching and teaching or da‘wa bi al-lisan (‘propagation by tongue’). Rakhmat, for instance, emphasises that da‘wa through tabligh and ta‘lim, as taught in the Qur’an and Traditions of the Prophet, is insufficient in terms of the realisation of the Muslim umma..
In practice, however, the activity of social da‘wa necessarily involves tabligh.
Several Shi‘i institutions have participated in the organisation of various social activities for the lower classes in Indonesian society. Since the very beginning, the Muthahhari Foundation has devoted great attention to the empowerment of the Oppressed through activities which are structurally organised under its division called Imdad Mustad‘afin, (which simply means to give assistance and pay attention to the dispossessed and oppressed).
In practice, it provides educational, social and economic assistance to the poor and orphans. This is done by the Foundation for two reasons: First, it aims to generate and improve the self-respect of the poor and other segments of the lower class. Second, it is intended to provide guidance to children of the oppressed, in order that they may compete in the field of education.
To realise these programmes, Imdad Mustad‘afin collects and distributes donations to its members, which in 2000 numbered at least 200 children. An interesting creative project of this division has been the establishment of the Islamic music group known as Cinta Rasul (Love of the Prophet). Under the leadership of Abu Ali, (who also heads the division of Imdad Mustad‘afin) the group’s 20 members have produced their own albums. With a variety of salawat (invocation to the Prophet Muhammad) as expressions of loving devotion, the group has performed in public, including on religious programmes broadcast on national television.
Within this da‘wa category, the important contributions made by the Indonesian Shi‘i women’s institution, OASE (Organisation of Ahlulbayt for Social Support and Education), are worthy of mention. Aside from the organisation’s involvement in religious education for the poor, by providing a so-called ‘kelas akhlaq’ (course on morality) in several schools, the institution has also awarded scholarships to the children of poor families in Jakarta, and provided training for the poor in Jakarta and other places in West, Central and East Java. With its logo ‘an eye and tear’ OASE aims to assist the lower classes, regardless of their madhhab.
Social da‘wa is also undertaken today by the so-called Lembaga Dakwah Ukhuwah Al-Husainy (Al-Husainy Brotherhood Da‘wa Institute), a da‘wa institution, newly formed by the alumni of KKM (Kuliah Kader Muballigh, Course for Preacher Cadre). This da‘wa institution focuses on da‘wa among the lower classes in urban and rural areas, and provides not only religious instruction but also various social and economic aid. For example, through its monthly programme of Jumpa Mustad‘afin (Meeting with the Oppressed), this new da‘wa institution has given financial assistance to poor families in several slum areas in Jakarta, as well as religious instruction and guidance. This type of da‘wa activity is intended to bring Shi‘i ustadh and activists closer to the community. It is also considered to be a manifestation of social responsibility and a way of solving the social and economic problems of the Muslim umma.
The social da‘wa activities described above are regularly undertaken by Shi‘i institutions. However, there are others which are conducted alongside the organisation of important religious rituals and ceremonies such as ‘ashura and mawlid. The necessity of participating in social da‘wa activities is emphasised through these rituals and ceremonies. Shi‘is in Indonesia have shown the wider society the social dimension of Islamic rituals. The commemoration of ‘ashura in Jakarta on 2 March 2004, for instance, incorporated the organisation of blood donation in cooperation with the Indonesian Red Cross. It was reported that about a thousand people participated. OASE have also organised the same da‘wa activity. In its brochure, the Shi‘i women’s association urges Shi‘is to side with the oppressed, particularly during ‘ashura. It invites participants in ‘ashura to ‘implement their tears of ‘ashura in an action to help the Oppressed who are suffering and dying’. The activity, inspired by the struggle of Imam Husayn and his followers in Karbala, was a part of the involvement of the Shi‘is in Indonesia in humanitarian activities.
. Similarly, various social activities, including khitanan massal (mass circumcision) of poor children - a popular activity in Indonesia - is carried out along with the celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. It is no exaggeration to say that a number of Shi‘i institutions in Indonesia attempt to give a social significance to religious rituals. This social da‘wa becomes more important in relation to the socio-economic condition of the poor in Indonesian society, which is lower than the minimum standard of living.
By and large, social da‘wa is directed towards all people, regardless of their madhhab. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that it is hoped that the recipients of da‘wa will be converted to Shi‘ism. The minimum benefit gained by Shi‘i institutions and individuals through this type of da‘wa is that recipients will not discredit Shi‘ism and Shi‘is. This recognition of their contribution to the social development of Indonesian society is important symbolic capital. Equally, their close relationship between Shi‘is and society can in turn become the social capital required to maintain their existence. In this regard, the preaching and writings of Jalaluddin Rakhmat promote the necessity of having noble morality and conduct. These characteristics form the basis by which people may be judged. Simple adherence to a specific madhhab does not form the basis of judgement.
From the three types of da‘wa activities conducted by Shi‘i institutions, we may conclude that the most popular and frequently-observed type is tabligh. This forms the narrow meaning of the concept da‘wa. This type is even more prevalent if we look at individual agents of da‘wa, that is the involvement of Shi‘i ustadh and intellectuals in da‘wa activities in Muslim institutions at large. With a view to intensifying all types of da‘wa, Shi‘i institutions and associations have also paid attention to producing da‘i cadres through trainings.
E. Da‘wa Training
Although this study is not meant to examine the effectiveness of da‘wa activity in promoting Shi‘ism and in realising Islamic society, we may suggest that it has contributed the continued recognition of Shi‘is by the majority community in Indonesia. Along with this development, Shi‘i institutions and organisations have made attempts to provide training for da‘i cadres who are capable of carrying out appropriate da‘wa activities with effective strategies. Based on the Muslim theorists on da‘wa, Poston mentions the training for evangelists as the third phase within the da‘wa realm, after the phase of conversion and the phase of reinforcing Islam on individuals.
In Nagata’s observation, the training of new missionaries is also included in all ta‘lim activities.
However, in terms of goal, da‘i training is different from ta‘lim activities, because the former is intended solely to produce competent da‘is. In this regard, the training of da‘i cadres is considered necessary for the realisation of da‘wa goals.
At least three programmes of da‘i training have been conducted. First is KKM (Kuliah Kader Muballigh, Course for Preacher Cadre), organised by Forum Al-Husainy, a Jakarta-based forum of ustadh and activists founded in 2003. Organised in eight sessions, KKM provided its participants (both Sunni and Shi‘i) with a course on various da‘wa topics, including the Management and Methodology of Da‘wa, Da‘wa Strategy and Challenge, The Sufi Approach to Da‘wa, Developing Da‘wa Paradigm and Empowerment, Psychology and Da‘wa and Communication, the Role of Preachers in Social Change in Indonesia and topics on Islamic doctrine, history, and the Islamic movement. On the surface, this curriculum does not appear to reflect the Shi‘i character of the training, but all lectures were Shi‘i and were conducted by prominent Shi‘i intellectuals and ustadh such as like Haidar Bagir, Umar Shahab, Husein Shahab, Othman Omar Shihab, Zen Al-Hadi, Abdurrahman Al-‘Aydrus, Agus Abubakar, Muhsin Labieb, and Hasan Daliel. Participants were expected to comprehend not only theoretical and practical aspects of da‘wa but also Islamic theology, history, and the development of Muslim society. The programme, emphasised the importance of Islamic brotherhood, especially between Sunni and Shi‘i preachers. The training seems to have attracted great interest from da‘wa activists and university students in Jakarta, and the courses were oversubscribed.
The KKM course did not formulate either a specific strategy or a manual for missionary activists carrying out da‘wa activity, however, the participants of KKM have since established the aforementioned Lembaga Dakwah Ukhuwah, which has implemented various types of da‘wa activities, and has been involved in social da‘wa, including tabligh (preaching) and ta‘lim (learning).
The second training activity was organised by the Muthahhari Foundation. In fact, this foundation might be the first Shi‘i institution to have paid significant attention to da‘i training. Until 1993, the foundation conducted a series of four Kuliah Muballighin (Lectures for Preachers)
attended by numerous participants. The training curriculum included such topics as Principles of Da‘wa, Rhetoric of Da‘wa, Psychology of Da‘wa, Morality and Da‘wa Strategy, Islam in Indonesia in a Historical Perspective, Development of Islamic Theological Schools, Development of Islamic Jurisprudential Schools, and a Sufi Approach to Islam. Course instructors were prominent religious teachers in Bandung including, among others, K.H. Muchtar Adam, K.H. A.F. Ghazali,
Afif Muhammad,
K.H. Abdullah Gymnastiar,
Dedy Djamaluddin Malik,
Husein Shahab, Agus Effendi,
and A. Hajar Sanusi.
Like KKM, Kuliah Muballighin was provided for both Sunnis and Shi‘is, with a view to promoting recognition of Shi‘ism among the Sunnis.
The third da‘i training was organised by the national Shi‘i organisation, IJABI. In terms of goal, subjects and methods, this training was totally different from the training organised by both the Muthahhari Foundation and Al-Husainy. This training was confined to members and executives of IJABI only. The elementary Pengkaderan Muballigh (Establishing Preacher Cadre) that was conducted over four days (24-27 December 2003) in Bandung warrants special attention here. With about 60 participants, from all over Indonesia, representing the central board as well as the provincial and district branches of IJABI, the activity was considered an important step in the development of the organisation. Activities were centred around a hostel in Bandung where all the participants were housed. The goal was to generate the cadre of IJABI who, with the knowledge and skill gained, would, one, be capable of defending the madhhab of ahl al-bayt; two, be capable of enlightening the Muslim umma, and three, be capable of defending Islam in relation to global political developments.
To achieve this goal, participants were instructed in doctrine of Shi‘ism, ‘ulum al-Qur’an, ‘ulum al-hadith, rhetoric and argumentation techniques. All the subjects were at an introductory level and presented via lecture. The lectures delivered were given by Jalaluddin Rakhmat alone, and each was followed by a discussion. The main messages in the lectures were as follows: first, that participants should gain an understanding of the principal teachings of Shi‘ism, based on the widespread Sunni material sources and methodology that are considered authoritative within the Sunni tradition. Second, they should employ critical analysis of these Sunni sources with the purpose of defending and supporting the originality and validity of Shi‘i teachings. By critical study, they mean to find weaknesses and inconsistencies which show the heterodox aspects of Sunni teachings. Third, they should have skills in rhetoric and argumentation techniques when they discuss or enter dialogue with Sunni figures. It is emphasised that a failure to utilise accurate rhetoric and argumentation techniques will not only contribute to the failure of achieving the goal of da‘wa, but it will also destroy the originality and holiness of Shi‘i Islam. Therefore, these introductory lectures are very significant in the da‘i training programme.
In addition to the lectures, the training activity required all participants to join an entire programme outlined by the committee. Included in the programme was a working group and library study, for which participants were divided into several groups. Each group was given certain topics, including those which are sources of polemics between Sunnis and Shi‘is. In the aspect of doctrine, for instance, the topics include ‘why do I choose Shi‘ism (from both Shi‘i and Sunni sources)’, tawhid (unity of God), al-Mahdi (the guided), al-raj‘a (return), al-bada‘ (alteration in God’s will), tabarruk (seeking blessing through persons or things) and tawassul (praying through mediators). Each group studied the topic in the Muthahhari library, wrote a paper on it and presented it to the class. All the topics were then discussed and debated, and all the papers were digitalised and submitted to the committee.
The atmosphere of this activity was interesting to observe. In general, the training was academic and intellectual. It was free from indoctrination. It provided a space for open and liberal thought and discussion and debate. Participants were free to question and criticise various aspects of Shi‘i teachings. This atmosphere suggests that organisers were prepared to defend the originality and validity of Shi‘ism as a branch of Islam based on both Sunni and Shi‘i sources and to engage themselves in various forms of dialogue with their Sunni brothers.
Interestingly, there was a final exam for all participants. However, participants success in the da‘i training programme was based not just on the exam results but also on the implementation of a da‘wa programme upon their return home. Participants were obliged to formulate a da‘wa programme in the community where they live. Upon their return to the community, the programme was to be implemented and reported to the committee.
The three da‘i trainings are very important in the development of da‘wa in Indonesia, even though the impact of the programmes on the realisation of da‘wa goals remains unknown. Not only have the three da‘i trainings provided important knowledge and skills for the participants but also motivated and affirmed their missionary zeal. With the missionary spirit, knowledge and skill they may improve and intensify the implementation of da‘wa programmes and activities. This in turn contributes to strengthening the position of Shi‘i adherents and the existence of their faith within the community. The aim of these activities is to achieve recognition from the Sunni majority.
This recognition is a continuous process that takes time, and the da‘wa process still continues. The organisation of da‘i trainings reflects the strong missionary zeal of the organisers, namely Shi‘i ustadh, intellectuals and institutions, and their great concern for the implementation of effective and successful da‘wa programmes. In this regard, Shi‘ism, like Sunnism, is a missionary brand of Islam.
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Author: Zulkifli
