CHAPTER ONE: THE FORMATION OF THE SHI‘I COMMUNITY
The precise number of Shi‘i devotees in Indonesia is not known. Many notable Shi‘is have tried to estimate the number even though there are no reliable sources to call upon. Several years ago the Lebanese Shi‘i scholar Muhammad Jawad Mughniyya (d. 1979) mentioned the figure of one million Shi‘is in Indonesia.
The same number was cited in 2003 by Andi Muhammad Assegaf, head of the Fatimah Foundation in Jakarta.
In 1995 Ahmad Baragbah who leads Pesantren Al-Hadi in Pekalongan,Central Java estimated there to be 20,000 Shi‘is in Indonesia.
While in 2000, Dimitri Mahayana, the former chairman of the national Shi‘i organisation, IJABI (Ikatan Jamaah Ahlubait Indonesia), predicted a figure of 3 million.
All of these estimates are without basis and therefore cannot be relied upon. It is almost impossible for researchers to provide the quantitative data necessary to produce reliable statistics. In 2000 the Islamic Cultural Centre of Jakarta (an institution sponsored by Iran) attempted to provide a database of all Shi‘i ustadh (religious teachers) and adherents in Indonesia. The project failed due to many Shi‘is simply not returning the distributed questionnaire. Despite the lack of quantitative data, it is certain that the Shi‘is only constitute a very small proportion of Indonesia’s Muslim population. Even though Shi‘ism had been evident in Indonesia in the past, the majority of Shi‘is are actually converts from Sunnism following the victory of Iranian revolution of 1979. This chapter seeks to identify the elements and factors which contributed to the formation of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. I begin by tracing the genesis of the Shi‘i community, that is, the existence of the Shi‘i group among Arab descendants and examining the way the Shi‘is have maintained their existence throughout history. Secondly, I deal with the emergence of the Qum alumni and their teaching methods in Islamic education in Qum, Iran. This is followed by a description of the emergence of the Shi‘i campus group. A brief description of conversion to Shi‘ism will conclude this chapter.
A. The Arab descendant
The Arab descendant group has been a significant element of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia in terms of both quantity and quality. Quantitatively, the group constitutes a large proportion of the community. Qualitatively, the most prominent Shi‘i ustadh (religious teachers) in Indonesia have been Arab descendants, particularly Sayyids. Furthermore, the Arabs are considered to be the original members of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia, despite the exact date of the arrival of Shi‘ism in Indonesia remaining unclear.
The Shi‘i have existed among the Arab community in the region that is now called Indonesia at least since the late-19th century. Since this period there have been close relations between Hadramaut (an historical region in the South Arabian peninsula) and the Malay-Indonesian world. Riddle suggests that European visitors to Hadramaut in the early decades of the 20th century witness extensive contacts with the Malay world. He regards this period – one of continued growth in Arab migration - as a turning point for Hadramis, both in their country of origin and in Southeast Asia. The Hadrami Diaspora in Southeast Asia contributed to religious life in the Malay world as people who left Hadramaut became imams and teachers,
and it is among the Hadrami migrants or Indonesian-born Arabs, particularly Sayyids, that we can identify adherents of Shi‘ism in this region. Muhammad Asad Shahab (1910-2001), a famous Shi‘i Sayyid writer and journalist, mentions that several prominent Sayyid leaders and scholars belonged to Shi‘i families, namely, al-Muhdar, Yahya, Shahab, al-Jufri, al-Haddad, and al-Saqqaf. In addition, there were Shi‘is among other Arab clans in the Dutch East Indies.
However, we certainly cannot generalise that all members of the aforementioned Sayyid clans were Shi‘is. In fact, the majority of them were, and still are, Sunni. Moreover, as outlined below, some members of these families belonged to anti-Shi‘i groups.
The fact that some Sayyid families belonged to the Shi‘i branch of Islam was not widely acknowledged among the Sunni majority. The Sunni ‘ulama’ and leaders in this region regarded the Sayyids to be adherents of Sunnism along with the majority of the population. A number of them were even assumed to be Sunni scholars and leaders as they had so much knowledge of Sunni teachings and were involved in the religious life of the community. This can be seen as due to their practice of taqiyya (concealing of religious faith), a teaching also permissible within Shi‘ism.
Publicly, they practiced the obligatory rituals, in accordance with the regulations formulated within the Shafi‘i jurisprudence (a Sunni school of jurisprudence). But inwardly these Sayyids believed in the Shi‘i fundamentals of religion.
Only a few openly observed aspects of worship in accordance with the Ja‘fari (a Shi‘i school of)jurisprudence.
From the Shi‘i minority group of the Arab community, came several prominent ‘ulama’ and leaders who played major roles in the social, religious, and political fields. Before the first half of the 20th century, we find three eminent Shi‘i leaders in the Dutch East Indies. The three represent different Sayyid clans from the Arab community. The first and foremost Shi‘i scholar Sayyid Muhammad bin Ahmad al-Muhdar (1861-1926) came from the al-Muhdar clan. Very little is known about the life of this figure. We are informed that he was born in Quereh, Hadramaut, Yemen, around 1861 and received his religious education in his homeland. He came to the Dutch East Indies at the age of 24, living first in Bogor, West Java, and later in Bondowoso and Surabaya, East Java. He engaged in teaching and da‘wa activities and was said to have taught and propagated Islamic teachings in several religious gatherings in Surabaya, Bondowoso and other towns in East Java, Pekalongan (Central Java), Bogor, and Batavia (now Jakarta). In 1908, he was involved in the establishment of Jam‘iyya al-Khairiyya al-‘Arabiyya, a sister organisation of the pioneering Jam‘iyya Khair (the Benevolent Society) of Jakarta, which built Islamic schools (Madrasa al-Khairiyya) in Surabaya and Bondowoso. However, these schools were not Shi‘i in character.
Muhammad al-Muhdar passed away on 4 May 1926 in Surabaya where he was buried.
During his life Muhammad al-Muhdar was said to have expressed his devotion to Shi‘ism through certain teaching and preaching activities. For instance, he was said to have been critical of al-Sahih of Bukhari, the most authoritative Sunni hadith collection.
Such criticisms are common among Shi‘is but rarely found among the Sunni community. Among the Shi‘is in this region (both past and present), Muhammad al-Muhdar is considered to be a prominent Shi‘i scholar who contributed to the spread and perpetuation of Shi‘ism. Besides teaching and da‘wa, he composed a number of literary works which contain some principal Shi‘i doctrines such as the doctrinal designation of ‘Ali bin Abi Talib as the first appointed Imam to succeed the Prophet Muhammad. These works, however, were never published.
The second prominent Shi‘i figure in the Dutch East Indies was Sayyid Ali bin Ahmad Shahab (1865-1944) who greatly contributed to the educational, religious, social, and political development of Indonesian society. Born in Batavia to a Sayyid father, Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Shahab and a Sundanese mother,
Ali Ahmad Shahab learned basic Islamic knowledge with his father and other Sayyid scholars in the region. Widely known as Ali Menteng, he was one of the leading Arab figures in the Dutch East Indies at the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries. He was a scholar,
activist, and successful merchant. He was also one of the founders of Jami‘at Khair, the first Muslim organisation in the Dutch East Indies established in Jakarta in 1901. Ali Ahmad Shahab was elected general chairman of Jami‘at Khair in 1905 when it gained legal recognition from the Dutch East Indies government.
He was one of the most vocal opponents to the Al-Irsyad (the Guidance) an organisation founded because of the long standing Alawi-Irshadi conflicts which have occurred since the second decade of the 20th century.
Ali Ahmad Shahab was the main informant of the British Consul-General in Batavia until the 1920s and he used this position to provoke the British into taking action against Al-Irsyad. He convinced the British to use their influence and control over the ports of India and Singapore and prohibit the travel of Al-Irsyad followers to Hadramaut and also intercept their remittances.
He also influenced the Qu‘ayti sultan in Hadramaut who established alliances with the British. Apparently he was relatively successful in this regard, as Al-Irsyad people had difficulty visiting Hadramaut because the British government refused to grant them passports. Their relatives in Hadramaut also faced similar obstacles.
Like other leading Muslim figures in this region, Ali Ahmad Shahab was heavily influenced by the spirit of Pan-Islamism. He established contacts with Sultan Abdul Hamid of the Ottoman Empire. He visited Turkey where he met with the Sultan to discuss arrangements regarding providing education for Sayyid pupils from Dutch East Indies in Istanbul. A result of this mission, three Sayyid boys namely Abdulmutallib, his own son, Abdurrahman al-Aydrus and Muhammad bin Abdullah al-Attas entered the Galatasary Lyceum, a modern education establishment in Istanbul.
Ali Ahmad Shahab was not recognised as a Shi‘i among the majority Muslim population in the Dutch East Indies. However, his son, Muhammad Asad Shahab, affirms that he not only adhered to Shi‘ism in terms of belief and practice but also became a famous propagator of this madhhab.
We do not have information as to whether Ali Ahmad Shahab was a student of Sayyid Abu Bakr Shahab,
an influential Shi‘i Hadrami teacher in Southeast Asia in the period. Not much is known about the ways in which Ali Ahmad Shahab propagated Shi‘i teachings, but it is understood that it was exclusive, limited only to his family and close associates. Ali Ahmad Shahab had many disciples to whom he granted a licence to practice and teach certain prayers, including prayers transmitted through the purified Imams. One of the prayers to be recited every morning says, “...grant us with means of subsistence, you are the best who grant it. Grant mercy to the most glad of your creatures, that is, our Prophet Muhammad, his household as the ship of salvation and to all propagating Imams.”
The last phrase clearly indicates the Shi‘i character of the prayer.
The third famous Shi‘i scholar was Sayyid Aqil bin Zainal Abidin (1870-1952) of the al-Jufri clan. Born in Surabaya in 1870, he was five years younger than Ali Ahmad Shahab. Aqil al-Jufri first learned Islamic knowledge from his father. When he was seven years old, his father sent him to Mecca to study with Shafi‘i ‘ulama’. He was said to have memorised the all chapters of the holy Qur’an at the age of ten. This is considered to be a very great religious-intellectual achievement. Aqil al-Jufri’s teachers of the Qur’an were Muhammad al-Sharbini
and Yusuf Abu Hajar. He studied Arabic syntax under ‘Umar Shatta and ‘Abd al-Rahman Babasil. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Hindi al-Haidar and other Shafi‘i scholars taught him the Qur’an exegesis of al-Jalalayn
and hadith, particularly collections by Muslim (d. 875), Abu Daud (d. 889), and al-Nasa’i (d. 915). In this period, Aqil al-Jufri was probably an adherent of Sunnism. Then, in 1899 he moved to Singapore. Here he studied al-Durr al-Manthur
and al-Amali (‘the Dictations’) of Shaykh al-Saduq al-Qummi
under the renowned scholar Abu Bakr bin Shahab (1846-1922). In addition Muhammad bin Aqil bin Yahya (1863-1931) taught Aqil al-Jufri the fiqh book entitled al-‘Urwa al-Wuthqa (the Indissoluble Bond) by Sayyid Muhammad Kazim Tabataba’i Yazdi
and consequently Aqil al-Jufri took this prominent Shi‘i legist as his marja‘ al-taqlid (‘source of imitation’).
These Shi‘i scholars may well have been influential in Aqil Al-Jufri’s conversion to Shi‘i madhhab. Three years later, he returned to Mecca where he joined the Shi‘i congregation of ‘Ali al-‘Amri al-Madani and other Shi‘i scholars.
He also made contacts with prominent ‘ulama’ of the world, including Ahmad Zawawi of Mecca.
After several years living in Mecca, Aqil al-Jufri went to Jambi, Sumatera, where he married a daughter of Sayyid Idrus bin Hasan bin Alwi al-Jufri. Afterwards, he moved to Mecca and stayed there until 1921 at which point he returned to his hometown, Surabaya, where he remained until his death in 1952.
In Java, Aqil Al-Jufri devoted his life to teaching, preaching, and writing. He was also known for his concern for the poor.
He tended to adopt a more open approach to the propagation of Shi‘ism. As a result, he became involved in open debates with the Sunni ‘ulama’ in Surabaya. One particular debate was cut short following physical threats against Aqil al-Jufri. Like Ali Ahmad Shahab, Aqil al-Jufri was said to have been involved in the struggle for Indonesian independence.
He also produced some literary works. These unpublished writings, (although it he did in fact have a publisher), affirm his adherence to Shi‘ism and the validity of the madhhab.
In 1924, for instance, together with his brother, Ahmad al-Jufri, he published one of Muhammad bin Aqil’s works, al-‘Atb al-Jamil ‘ala Ahl al-Jarh wa al-Ta‘dil (The Beautiful Censure to Men of Sarcasm and Modification).
These three Shi‘i figures had connections with two Shi‘i Hadrami scholars namely Sayyid Abu Bakr bin ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Muhammad bin Shahab (1846-1922)
and Muhammad bin Aqil bin Yahya (1863-1931). Abu Bakr bin Shahab wrote a large number of books, which contained various branches of knowledge and collections of poetry.
His books on logic are still taught at al-Azhar University.
The role of Abu Bakr bin Shahab as a travelling merchant, scholar and teacher was important in the international Hadrami networks of the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Abu Bakr bin Shahab was “an important propagator of reformist ideas among Hadramis both at home and in the Diaspora.”
He travelled to countries in the Middle East, Africa, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia he stayed for some time in Surabaya and Singapore for business and to visit relatives as well as to teach. The three Shi‘i figures probably studied with Abu Bakr bin Shahab when he visited Southeast Asia region and maintained close connections with him.
Muhammad bin Aqil bin Yahya (1863-1931) was also a student of Abu Bakr bin Shahab. Like his teacher, he was a travelling merchant and scholar. He visited Southeast Asia and stayed for a relatively long period in Singapore. In March 1908, together with Hasan bin Shahab, and other Sayyid leaders he engaged in the reorganisation of the management of al-Imam in which he was appointed the managing director of the company.
In addition, he devoted himself to teaching and writing. One of his students was Aqil al-Jufri who also printed one of Muhammad bin Aqil’s work. However, in Singapore in 1907 he triggered a hostile reaction from the Muslim community in Southeast Asia by publishing his controversial book entitled al-Nasa’ih al-Kafiya liman Yatawalla Mu‘awiya (Ample Admonitions to Whomever Accords Allegiance to Mu‘awiya). The book received public acclaim from Abu Bakr bin Shahab.
This book clearly indicates Muhammad bin Aqil’s adherence to Shi‘ism. Werner Ende
provides an important account of Muhammad bin Aqil’s Shi‘i inclinations, especially with regard to the permissibility of cursing Mu‘awiya bin Abi Sufyan
, the founder of the Umayyad dynasty. However, while Ende is reluctant to affirm that Muhammad bin Aqil was a Shi‘i, my reading of Muhammad bin Aqil’s own book clearly indicates that he was a Shi‘i. The book cites both Sunni and Shi‘i sources to prove the enjoinment of the cursing of Mu‘awiya and even the killing of him. Muhammad bin Aqil points out that both Sunnis and Shi‘is have agreed on the obligation of killing Mu‘awiya when there was an opportunity and this is a kind of excellent deed rewarded by God.
A clear indication of his adherence to Shi‘ism is that he used the term Imam to address the Shi‘i Imams and ‘alayh al-salam (peace be upon him) after mentioning the Imams, this is a tradition not present in Sunni Islam. In addition, bin Aqil had two criticisms of Sunnism. First he criticised the consensus in the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence to follow the legists of the tyrannical kings.
The second criticism was that the Sunnis reject the Shi‘i propagation of the infallibility of the twelve Imams, utter cries of denial, disgrace them, and reject the rational and textual evidence of their existence.
These criticisms suggest his adherence to Shi‘ism. Furthermore, the quotation below, from the writing of Muhammad bin Aqil, contains some of the aspects of Shi‘i teaching that are rejected by Sunni scholars.
Astonishingly, the large number of people and even some of the scholars think that whoever wipes off his feet instead of washing them in the ablution is a heretic. Similarly, whoever says that good deeds come from God whilst bad deeds come from himself, whoever includes ‘hayya ‘ala khayr al-‘amal’ [come to the best of actions] in the call to prayer, whoever says that Ali is more excellent than Abu Bakr, whoever does not approve religious obligations by slyness, [...] all are erroneous heretics in the views of most of our Sunni ‘ulama’.
Inevitably, this book received fierce reactions from Sunni ‘ulama’ in the region, and particularly from prominent Arab ‘ulama’ including the famous Honorary Adviser on Arab Affairs to the colonial government and mufti of Batavia Sayyid Uthman bin Abdullah bin Aqil bin Yahya (1822- 1914),
Muhammad bin Aqil’s father in-law, and Hasan bin Shahab, Muhammad bin Aqil’s friend. Scrutinising the entire contents of the book, Hasan bin Shahab proved that Muhammad bin Aqil’s work was heavily tinged with Shi‘i ways of understanding Islam.
The continuity of Shi‘ism as a minority madhhab in Indonesia in a later period was maintained mainly through informal education in a family or private form. With regard to the teacher-student relationship, Muhammad al-Muhdar and Aqil al-Jufri had a close disciple who then became a prominent Shi‘i leader namely Sayyid Hasyim bin Muhammad Assegaf (d. 1970) who lived in Gresik, near Surabaya. It was said that Aqil al-Jufri had bequested him the role of performing the burial ritual on Aqil al-Jufri’s corpse according to the Ja‘fari jurisprudence. He was known to have practiced the Ja‘fari jurisprudence in private and public, even among the Sunni majority. In addition to his close relationship with Shi‘is in Indonesia, Sayyid Hasyim bin Muhammad Assegaf made contacts with Shi‘i ‘ulama’ of the world and his fame as a Shi‘i figure led to some of these Shi‘i ‘ulama’ and Muslim scholars to visit him. Abubakar Aceh wrote: “In Gresik we met with a famous man named Sayyid Hasyim Assegaf. With him we talked very much about Shi‘ism and its books.”
When the Shi‘i group was without an institutional centre Hasyim Assegaf provided his house as a place for organising Shi‘i commemorations. With regard to the role of this Shi‘i figure, Muhammad Asad Shahab wrote:
In Gresik, East Java, a great ceremony of ‘Id al-Ghadir48 is celebrated annually in a big house of the Shi‘i figures. In the latest years the ceremony has been carried out in a house of Sayyid Hasyim bin Muhammad Assegaf, one of the Imamiyya Shi‘i leaders. Today he has reached the age of eighty but he is still very healthy. The ceremony is attended by a great number of the Shi‘is who came to the town from various cities and from distant places. The biography of Our Hero, Master of the Faithful Imam Ali (upon him be peace) and Arabic poems (qasida) are read, and sermons are delivered. Then a meal is served.
Kinship has played an important role in the continuity of Shi‘ism. Most followers of Shi‘ism were the descendants of the aforementioned Shi‘i figures and their relatives. Some of them became eminent ‘ulama’ in several cities and towns in Indonesia. They were active in the fields of Islamic education and da‘wa. From the al-Muhdar clan, we find two children of Muhammad al-Muhdar who are known as ustadh. Muhdar al-Muhdar was very well known in Bondowoso and other towns in East Java whilst Husein al-Muhdar (d.1982) taught Islamic teachings in various religious gatherings in some cities in Java, including Jakarta. These two figures continued to spread the Shi‘i teachings among their relatives and limited groups of acquaintances.
Some newly-converted Shi‘is, (both Arab and non-Arab), in Indonesia in the post-Iranian revolution period had the opportunity to learn Shi‘i teachings from Husein al-Muhdar.
The most well-known figures from the Shahab clan are Muhammad Dhiya Shahab (d. 1986) and Muhammad Asad Shahab (d.2001), sons of Ali Ahmad Shahab. Muhammad Dhiya Shahab was a teacher, journalist, and writer. Like his father, he was a leading figure within the Arab community in Indonesia and had a major role in the development of Jami‘at Khair, becoming its chief for about ten years (1935-1945). He taught at the schools of Jami‘at Khair and he also led al-Rabita al-Alawiyya (the Alawi League); in doing so he paid great attention to the socio-religious development of the Arabs all over Indonesia. From 1950 to 1960 Muhammad Dhiya Shahab worked at the Department of Information.
He wrote a number of scholarly works, most published in Arabic in Beirut, including al-Imam al-Muhajir
which was written in collaboration with Abdullah bin Nuh (1905-1987).
Muhammad Asad Shahab was also a journalist and prolific writer. He first studied at the schools of Jami‘at Khair and then moved to the al-Khairiyya school in Surabaya, which he completed in 1932. From 1935, he became a correspondent of several newspapers. In 1945, together with his elder brother he founded a news agency named Arabian Press Board (APB), which in 1950 became Asian Press Board. In 1963 APB merged with the national news agency institute, Antara, because President Sukarno wanted a single news agency. Muhammad Asad Shahab was also the founder of the magazine, National Press Digest.
Like his elder brother, he then worked at the Muslim World League in Mecca from 1965. It is pertinent to note that Asad Shahab introduced the modernist scholar Hamka to various Iranian scholars who contributed to Hamka’s acceptance of Shi‘i books on Qur’an exegesis including Tabataba’i’s al-Mizan and Ayatollah Khoei’s al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an that also become important sources of his tafsir book, Al-Azhar.
As a writer, Muhammad Asad Shahab wrote a large number of Arabic books and treatises, which were published in the Middle East.
With regard to the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia, in the 1960s these two figures established an Islamic foundation known as Lembaga Penyelidikan Islam (Islamic Research Institute) and along with it a periodical, Pembina (‘Cultivator’). The general goals of the institute were to build up a relatively representative library that provided books, journals, magazines and other sources on Islamic knowledge in general and Shi‘ism in particular, to translate foreign language books - mainly Arabic - into Indonesian, and to distribute books and periodicals to the Muslim community in Indonesia. Its last goal was to send students to pursue Islamic learning in the Middle East.
They also tried to establish close connections with the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ in Middle Eastern countries with a view to realising the propagation of Islam in Indonesia. A result, they received the support of a number of Middle Eastern Shi‘i ‘ulama’ for the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. Muhammad Kazim al-Quzwaini in Karbala, Iraq, sent books and periodicals to Indonesia, including material which included several fields of Islamic knowledge such as Ja‘fari jurisprudence, Qur’an exegesis, hadith, and ethics. Similarly, the Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim (d. 1970) in Najaf, Iraq, Muhammad Jawad Mughniyya (d. 1979), Hasan al-Amin and al-‘Irfan, (the first Shi‘i publishing house in Lebanon), gifted a large number of books and other printed materials to Shi‘i Sayyids in Indonesia.
With the collections of Shi‘i works received from these ‘ulama’ and institutions, the Islamic Research Institute functioned as a centre for the spread of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. As a result of its relatively representative collections of Shi‘i works, the institute proved to be very beneficial for those wanting to learn Shi‘ism. One beneficiary was the late Abubakar who used the institute to publish a series comparing madhhab, including Sji‘ah, Rasionalisme dalam Islam (Shi‘ism, Rationalism in Islam). Published in 1965, this was the first sympathetic book on the madhhab to be written in Indonesian.
The institute became a publisher of several Islamic books.
Visits to the Middle Eastern Shi‘i ‘ulama’ were also made. In Lebanon, in 1956 Muhammad Asad Shahab met with ‘Abd al-Husain Sharaf al-Din (d. 1957), Ahmad Arif al-Zayn of al-‘Irfan, and Muhammad Jawad Mughniyya.
Further, he visited Hibbat al-Din al-Shahrastani in Baghdad, and the Grand Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim (d. 1970), Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar (d. 1964), and Muhammad Taqi al-Hakim (d. 2002) in Najaf. He reported that the Shi‘i ‘ulama’ showed concern for the condition and development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. This was indicated by their agreement to accept Indonesian students to pursue education in their Islamic institutions. However, according to Asad Shahab, a variety of reasons including strict regulations on visas to go abroad meant that this opportunity could not be fulfilled.
Connections between Indonesian Shi‘is and Middle Eastern Shi‘i ‘ulama’ were sustained by visits of the latter, (or their representatives) to Indonesia. During such visits information was exchanged and knowledge of Shi‘ism was learned. In addition, meetings with individual Shi‘i as well as discussions regarding the principal Shi‘i teachings were held. In 1962, for instance, a learned Shi‘i man from Iraq named Muhammad Reza Ja‘fari visited Indonesia to meet Muslim leaders in the country. His itinerary included a visit to al-Khairiyya school in Bondowoso. Teachers and students at the madrasa, as well as leading Shi‘i figures in the country including Muhammad Asad Shahab and Husein Al-Habsyi (1921-1994), were engaged in discussions about the principal teachings of Shi‘ism. Hamzah Al-Habsyi told me that the discussion carried on for four days. Following this event, some teachers converted to Shi‘ism. Hamzah Al-Habsyi himself, currently a prominent Shi‘i ustadh in Bondowoso, admitted that he converted to Shi‘ism around 1969.
With the, albeit limited, instruments of propagation and its Middle East connections, this small Muslim group could maintain its continuity and attract new members in several cities, towns, and villages across Indonesia. Three figures are worthy of mention owing to their great contributions to the foundation of Shi‘i community. The first is Sayyid Abdul Qadir Bafaqih of Bangsri in Jepara (Central Java) who converted to Shi‘ism after reading Shi‘i books that he had received from Kuwait in 1974. In the village of Bangsri he set up and headed Pesantren Al-Khairat where he imparted the teachings of Shi‘ism, recorded his instruction, and wrote a number of (unpublished) books.
His teachings attracted his students and a number of people from the surrounding pesantren, who in turn spread Shi‘ism in other areas, such as Bulustalan, South Semarang, in Central Java.
His propagation elicited negative reactions from Sunni figures in the region and also attracted the attention of the government and mass media in 1982.
The second figure is Sayyid Ahmad Al-Habsyi (d.1994), the then leader of Pesantren Ar-Riyadh in Palembang, South Sumatera. He established contacts with an Islamic foundation in Tehran called the Muslim Brotherhood. It was Al-Habsyi who sent his students, and renowned Shi‘i ustadh Umar Shahab and his brother Husein Shahab, to pursue studies in Qum in 1974 and 1979 respectively.
In this regard it is also worth mentioning an effort made by the Pesantren Al-Khairat of Palu, Central Sulawesi – another sister educational institution of Jami‘at Khair of Jakarta – that had previously sent students to Qum, as illustrated in the section below. This 1970’s link between Shi‘i Sayyids and Iranian ‘ulama’ contributed to a new and important development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
The third figure is Sayyid Husein Al-Habsyi who established YAPI (Yayasan Pesantren Islam, the Foundation of Islamic Pesantren) in Bangil in 1976. He and his pesantren have greatly contributed to the spread of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
As we can see below, he sent a large number of students – most of whom are Arab descendants - to study in Qum after the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran and most of them have become renowned Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia.
The triumph of the Iranian revolution in 1979 is a very important historical moment for the foundation of the Shi‘i community, a significant portion of which comes from Arab descendents. The Iranian revolution has contributed not only to many conversions to the Shi‘i branch of Islam but also to “a consciousness and awareness of the Shi‘is and their history.”
After the revolution, many Arab descendants, both Sayyid and non-Sayyid, converted to Shi‘ism. Aside from the Iranian revolution and the heightened consciousness of neo-colonialism, Al-Attas provides us with two major reasons for the conversion to Shi‘ism among the Sayyid community in Southeast Asia. The first reason is a general perception by the Sayyid community that the other religious and ethnic communities in the region are somehow ‘backward’. Second, Khomeini, the leader of the revolution, is a Sayyid and the genealogical convergence between Shi‘ism and the Sayyids in the region has attracted this group to become Shi‘is.
The position of the Arab descendant group within the Shi‘i community continues to be significant as a result of its educational experience at the heart of the Shi‘i educational institution in Qum, Iran. It should be noted however that while this group pioneered the sending of students to Qum, quantitatively students from other ethnic groups outnumber the Arab descendants.
B. The Qum Alumni
A very important contribution to the formation of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia is the emergence of Qum graduates, namely those who pursued Islamic education in hawza ‘ilmiyya (colleges of learning) in Qum, presently the most important centre of Shi‘i Islamic education in the world. Within the Shi‘i community in Indonesia the majority of renowned Shi‘i ustadh graduated from the hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum. For this reason, the ustadh are frequently identified with the Qum alumni even though a number were actually educated in Egypt or Saudi Arabia. Among the Qum alumni are Umar Shahab and his younger brother Husein Shahab two of the most popular Shi‘i figures engaged in educational and da‘wa activities in Jakarta. They are connected with a number of Shi‘i foundations in which pengajians (religious gatherings) are held. Another renowned figure, (although reluctant to accept his status), is Abdurrahman Bima who led the Madina Ilmu College for Islamic Studies, a tertiary educational institution located in Depok, Southern Jakarta. In Pekalongan, Central Java, Ahmad Baragbah leads a famous Shi‘i pesantren called Al-Hadi. Frequently, ustadh who graduated from Islamic schools in other Middle Eastern countries or even intellectuals from secular universities also went to Qum to take short-term training programmes in order to obtain Islamic knowledge and establish connections with Shi‘i leaders and ‘ulama’. For example, Hasan Dalil who finished his undergraduate programme in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, took a three-month training programme in Qum. Even the most renowned Indonesian Shi‘i intellectual Jalaluddin Rakhmat and his family stayed in Qum for a year so that he could attend learning circles and lectures conducted by ayatollahs. This illustrates the extreme importance of Islamic education in Qum among the Shi‘i adherents in Indonesia.
It is unclear exactly when Indonesian students began to pursue Islamic education in Qum, but it is known that some did so several years before the Iranian revolution. They are Arab descendants who live in various parts of the Indonesian archipelago. Ali Ridho Al-Habsyi, son of Muhammad Al-Habsyi and grandson of Habib Ali Kwitang of Jakarta
, studied in Qum in 1974. Six graduates of the Pesantren Al-Khairat of Palu, Central Sulawesi, followed over the next two years. In September 1976, Umar Shahab, an Arab descendant from Palembang, South Sumatra, and today a famous Shi‘i ustadh, went to Qum and, he says, studied alongside seven other Indonesian students.
In his fieldwork in 1975, Fischer also noted the presence of Indonesian students in Qum; among the foreign students, including those from Pakistan, Afghanistan, India, Lebanon, Tanzania, Turkey, Nigeria and Kashmir, Indonesians were in a minority.
Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979, interaction between its government and Indonesian Shi‘i ‘ulama’ has intensified. The victory of the ayatollahs inspired Indonesian intellectuals and ‘ulama’ to study the ideological foundation of the Iranian revolution, namely Shi‘ism. At the same time, an ‘export of revolution’ occurred, as Iranian leaders and ‘ulama’ aimed to spread Shi‘ism in Indonesia and to attract Indonesian students to study Shi‘ism in Iran. In 1982 the Iranian government sent its representatives Ayatollah Ibrahim Amini, Ayatollah Masduqi, and Hujjat al-Islam Mahmudi to Indonesia. Among their activities was a visit to YAPI (Yayasan Pesantren Islam, the Foundation of Islamic Pesantren) of Bangil, East Java, where they met with its leader, Husein Al-Habsyi, who became Indonesia’s most important confidant to the Iranian leaders and ‘ulama’. At the time, Husein Al-Habsyi was probably one of the most prominent Shi‘i ‘ulama’ in Indonesia and played a major role in the development of Islamic da‘wa and education. Following the meeting, Qum’s hawza ‘ilmiyya agreed to accept ten Indonesian students selected by Husein Al-Habsyi. From then on, until his death in 1994, Husein Al-Habsyi hand-picked many candidates for study at hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum and other cities in Iran.
As a result, among the Indonesian students who came to Qum in 1982 were graduates of YAPI. They have become renowned Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia. Of the original 10 students, (almost all of whom are Arab descendants), six were alumni of YAPI while four were from other educational institutions. The YAPI alumni include Muhsin Labib (Husein Al-Habsyi’s step son) and Rusdi Al-Aydrus who have become Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia, while Husein Al-Habsyi’s son, Ibrahim Al-Habsyi, continues his learning in Qum today. From outside YAPI, Ahmad Baragbah and Hasan Abu Ammar have become Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia. In the later period, graduates of YAPI and/or those recommended by Husein Al-Habsyi still predominated among the Indonesian students going to Qum. Between 1985 and 1989, Al-Habsyi sent 10 students to Qum and today most of them established or are affiliated to Shi‘i foundations in Indonesia and have been recognised as important Shi‘i ustadh.
Subsequent, graduates of other Islamic educational institutions such as the Muthahhari Foundation and Al-Hadi were selected to pursue their education in Qum. This corresponds with the growing influence of the Shi‘i intellectuals Jalaluddin Rakhmat and Haidar Bagir whose recommendations were now recognised in Iran. In the course of time, the educational background of the Indonesian students studying in Qum has started to diversify. While generally most students go to Qum to complete their secondary education, of late several graduates of tertiary education also intended to pursue their learning there. Among them are alumni of the Madina Ilmu College for Islamic Studies in Depok. We also find graduates of secular universities studying religious knowledge in Qum. One example is Mujtahid Hashem, a graduate of the technical faculty of the University of Indonesia (UI). Instead of choosing to expand his knowledge in technology, Hashem travelled to Qum in 2001 to engage in the study of religious knowledge. Whilst there, he was selected to be the general secretary of the Association of Indonesian Students in Iran (Himpunan Pelajar Indonesia, HPI).
The number of Indonesian students studying in Qum has increased significantly. By 1990, 50 Indonesian students had reportedly completed their studies or were still studying in Qum. Ten years later the number of Qum graduates in Indonesia numbered more than a hundred. In 2001, 50 Indonesian students were selected to continue their studies in Qum,
and in 2004, I am informed that 90 more students were selected.
In addition to the growing interest of Indonesian students in studying in Iran, the Iranian government, through ICIS - International Centre for Islamic Studies (Markaze Jahani-e Ulume Islami),
- has stepped up efforts to attract international students. Since 1994 ICIS has been under the supervision of the office of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution headed by the Grand Ayatollah ‘Ali Khamene’i, who also appointed its Director. Annually, an ICIS representative conducts a selection process at such Islamic institutions as the Islamic Cultural Centre of Jakarta and the Muthahhari Foundation in Bandung. In addition to academic achievement, Arabic is requisite, as it is an international language for Islamic learning and the language of instruction at certain madrasa in Qum. Upon their arrival in Iran, students are also required to follow a six-month training programme in Persian, which is the language of instruction at most of Qum’s Islamic educational institutions.
There are two educational systems at the hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum: the traditional system, which is the most famous and influential, and the modern system. The traditional system’s curriculum includes both transmitted and intellectual religious sciences: fiqh (jurisprudence), usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence), ‘ulum al-Qur’an (sciences of the Qur’an), ‘ulum al-hadith (sciences of the Tradition), nahw (Arabic syntax), sarf (Arabic morphology), balagha (rhetoric), mantiq (logic), hikma (philosophy), kalam (theology), tasawuf and ‘irfan (Sufism and gnosis). Each subject has its own standard texts,
which are studied in halaqat (study circles) under the supervision of an ayatollah. The educational programme comprises three levels: muqaddamat (preliminary), sutuh (external) and dars al-kharij (graduation class) or bahth al-kharij (graduation research).
The three levels must be completed by every mujtahid (jurist), a religious scholar who has achieved the level of competence necessary to make religious decisions based on reason from the principal sources of Islam.
At the preliminary stage, which lasts from three to five years, the emphasis is to provide students with various skills in Arabic. The main subjects taught include nahw (Arabic syntax), sarf (Arabic morphology), balagha (rhetoric), and mantiq (logic). In addition, there are some optional subjects including literature, mathematics, astronomy, and introductory fiqh (jurisprudence) taken from one of the risalah ‘amaliyya (tracts on practice) of a contemporary marja‘ al-taqlid (an authoritative source in matters of Islamic law). The teaching method at this level involves groups of students getting together around a teacher who will go through the texts with them. Students are free to choose the teacher to become their instructor. Teachers at this level are usually senior students or assistants of maraji‘ al-taqlid.
At the sutuh level, which usually lasts from three to six years, students are introduced to the substance of deductive fiqh (jurisprudence) and usul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence) on which their progress to the next and ultimate level depends. The optional subjects provided at this level are tafsir (Qur’an exegesis), hadith (Tradition), kalam (theology), philosophy, ‘irfan (Sufism and gnosis), history, and ethics. Generally, courses are a series of lectures based on the main texts of the two main subjects and students are free to select which lectures to attend. The students may also attend lectures in the optional subjects. Usually, teachers at this level are mujtahid who have just achieved the authority of ijtihad and are establishing their reputations.
Although the subjects at the ultimate level, dars al-kharij, are fiqh and usul al-fiqh, the method of learning is different from that of the other two levels. Teaching is conducted by the prominent mujtahid who inform students of the schedule and places for their class. Students are free to choose whose class they will attend. It is usual for several hundred participants, including other mujtahid, to attend lectures delivered by the most prominent mujtahid. The dialectical method is generally implemented in the class; students are free to discuss and are encouraged to argue points with the teacher. At this stage, most students are accomplished in the skill of abstract discursive argumentation and are trained to develop their self-confidence. The culmination of the learning process is the attainment of an ijaza (licence) from one of the many recognised mujtahid. A student at this level is expected to write a treatise on fiqh or usul al-fiqh and present it to a mujtahid who will consider the student and the work. Based on this evaluation, the mujtahid will issue the ijaza, which authorises the student to exercise ijtihad.
In this way, students build their careers based on their relations with certain mujtahid-teachers.
When a student receives the ijaza that makes him a mujtahid, the honorific title of ayatollah (ayat Allah, ‘sign of God’) is usually bestowed upon him. An ayatollah recognised as a marja‘ al-taqlid, (meaning an authoritative source in matters of Islamic law), usually receives the title ayatollah al-‘uzma (grand ayatollah). The usual title for an aspiring mujtahid is hujjat al-Islam (proof of Islam). The structure of Shi‘i ulama is pyramidal; those of the highest level, the grand ayatollah, are the fewest in number. The traditional system of education is extremely important in Shi‘i society, given the major role of marja‘ al-taqlid throughout history.
The modern madrasa system is a transformation of the classical system, adopting the modern system of education in terms of gradation, curriculum, classroom learning and rules. Non-traditional madrasa ‘are set up to serve needs not supplied by the traditional system.’
The curriculum consists of religious and secular sciences presented through a slightly simplified version of traditional study courses. Unlike the traditional system, this modern madrasa system is not intended to train students to become mujtahid, but rather to become Islamic scholars and missionaries. This innovative type of education has provided an alternative for students who, for whatever reason, cannot follow the traditional system in the hawza ‘ilmiyya. International students, including Indonesians, undertake this modern programme.
The Islamic Republic of Iran has made educational innovations in Qum’s hawza ‘ilmiyya through ICIS, which coordinates programmes for foreign students, assigns students to madrasa, and monitors their needs within the framework of disseminating Islamic knowledge and teachings globally. The Madrasa Imam Khomeini, for example, offers programmes based on grade systems that include undergraduate and graduate levels equivalent to the tertiary education of the modern educational system. Such innovation makes Qum’s hawza ‘ilmiyya even more leading.
Indonesian students have been through both educational systems. The first group of Indonesian students were enrolled at Dar al-Tabligh al-Islami, a modern Shi‘i institution founded in 1965 by Ayatollah Muhammad Kazim Shari‘atmadari (1904-1987).
Dar al-Tabligh was known for its foreign students and for arranging their visas and residence permits. It organised a five-year programme with a credit system
and a curriculum that included both religious knowledge and secular sciences such as psychology, philosophy, sociology, mathematics and English. The language of instruction was Arabic. Dar al-Tabligh did not follow the traditional system of learning even though it was strongly entrenched in the traditional hawza system.
Accordingly, the first group of Indonesian students in Qum followed the formal modern system of education even though they could attend classes or lectures provided by the traditional hawza ‘ilmiyya system.
After the dissolution of Dar al-Tabligh
in 1981, owing to its leader’s opposition to the concept of wilayat al-faqih (‘mandate of the jurist’) implemented by Khomeini, Madrasa Hujjatiyya took over the provision of the same programme for foreign students. Since 1982 nearly all Indonesian students who have gone to Iran attended Madrasa Hujjatiyya, including the prominent Shi‘i ustadh Husein Shahab, who transferred to this madrasa after he had studied for two years at Dar al-Tabligh.
This madrasa was founded in 1946 by Ayatollah Muhammad Hujjat Kuhkamari (1892-1963) who was a student of ‘Abd al-Karim Ha’iri (d. 1936), the reformer of hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum.
Unlike Dar al-Tabligh, the Hujjatiyya school follows the traditional system of education generally used in the hawza ‘ilmiyya. The majority of Indonesian students who become Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia only complete the preliminary level.
The majority of Indonesian students were registered at Madrasa Hujjatiyya, but a small number pursued their learning at Madrasa Mu‘miniyya, which also provided a programme for foreign students. This madrasa was founded in 1701 during the reign of Sultan Husayn of the Safavid dynasty. It was rebuilt by the Grand Ayatollah Shihab al-Din Mar‘ashi-Najafi (d. 1991) who was known for his role in the establishment of a large library in Qum which holds a magnificent collection of books and manuscripts.
Madrasa Mu’miniyya formulated its own particular system and curriculum based on its own learning materials, rather than recognised textbooks. In contrast to the Hujjatiyya school, the Mu’miniyya school prohibited its students from attending religious lectures and study circles in the traditional hawza system.
More recently, there has been educational reform in Qum and a large number of Indonesian students have registered at the Madrasa Imam Khomeini. Since 1996, this madrasa has been organised to become the main educational centre for international students. Established after the death of the Iranian revolution leader, Madrasa Imam Khomeini runs a modern system of education in terms of programmes and curriculum although it remains entrenched in the traditional character of the hawza system. It organises both undergraduate and graduate programmes in various fields of specialisation within the realm of religious sciences.
Early Qum alumni, such as Umar Shahab, Husein Shahab, and Ahmad Baragbah, have become prominent Shi‘i figures and have contributed to the development of Islamic da‘wa, education and culture in Indonesia. Given these contributions, Qum alumni can be seen as an influential element in the formation of the Shi‘i community.
C. The Campus Group
Another significant group within the Shi‘i community in Indonesia came from university campuses. Although the emergence of this group is generally seen as a response to the triumph of the Iranian revolution in 1979, there are a few figures who converted to Shi‘ism long before this episode. The first figure to be mentioned is Ridwan Suhud, a lecturer at ITB,
and appointed as a member of IJABI, the national Shi‘i association in Indonesia. Another important figure was K.H. Abdullah bin Nuh (1905-1987) whose adherence to Shi‘ism can be seen in the light of his family connections with Ali Ahmad Shahab - he was a maternal relative of the Shahab family. He was also a close friend of Muhammad Dhiya Shahab and Muhammad Asad Shahab. Early in his career, he worked closely with Hadrami descendants in the Dutch East Indies. Before studying in Egypt (1926-1928), both he and his brother, Abdurrahman, had been teachers at Hadramaut School in Surabaya. Later, he became a lecturer at UII in Yogyakarta (1945-1950) and at UI in Jakarta (1960-1967). Aside from being a teacher, K.H. Abdullah bin Nuh was also a journalist and a writer. As a journalist, he worked for APB and the magazines, National Digest Press and Pembina. He led the aforementioned Islamic Research Institute and its periodical, Pembina, for ten years (1962-1972). In this weekly magazine, he provided regular commentary on religion, discussing aspects of Islamic teachings such as Islamic jurisprudence, ethics and Sufism. He wrote a number of books on Islamic teachings, (some of which are not published), and has also translated some of al-Ghazali’s works. After 1972, he devoted his life to teaching at his own Islamic foundations in Bogor, West Java - Majlis Al-Ghazaly, Majlis Al-Ihya, Majlis Al-Husna, and Majlis Nahjus Salam – which have proved to be influential on the Muslim community in this part of Indonesia.
There has been some controversy as to whether Abdullah bin Nuh was actually a Shi‘i. Indonesian Sunnis claim him as one of their own, while some Shi‘is who made contact with him regard him as a Shi‘i.
Although Abdullah bin Nuh declares himself to be a follower of Shafi‘i jurisprudence, he frequently attended Shi‘i rituals and commemorations held in the Iranian Embassy in Jakarta. He also participated in the first World Congress of Friday Imams held in Tehran in 1983.
Furthermore, evidence of his adherence to Shi‘ism may be found in his work, Risalah Asyura: 10 Muharam. In it he provides a short history of Husayn bin Ali, the third Imam, and a discussion of the famous hadith of thaqalayn (literally ‘two weighty matters’, namely two safeguards, which commands the faithful to uphold the Qur’an and the Prophet’s Household. Having described several versions of the hadith from the Sunni collections, Abdullah bin Nuh affirms that they are all valid. He goes on to point out that the hadith of thaqalayn clearly designates that the faithful should acknowledge the leadership of the Prophet Muhammad. He also cites the famous hadith of Ghadir Khumm in which the Prophet appointed ‘Ali bin Abi Talib as his successor. Abdullah bin Nuh argues that one of the philosophical qualities of thaqalayn is the guarantee of salvation for Muslims because the members of his ahl al-bayt were the most knowledgeable about the Islamic teaching and practice.
He writes: “his [the Prophet Muhammad’s] exhortation is not a fabricated matter but it is truly a very required necessity particularly in the period of growth and development of Islam.”
With regard to the definition of ahl al-bayt in the Qur’an (the purification verse), Abdullah bin Nuh rejects the widespread Sunni view that includes the Prophet’s wives. Instead he shares the view of the Shi‘i ‘ulama’, that limits the conception of ahl al-bayt to ‘Ali, his wife Fatima, and two sons Hasan and Husayn.
This interpretation of the concept of ahl al-bayt is completely in accordance with Shi‘i interpretation, as will be shown in chapter three.
The emergence of a number of newly converted Shi‘is from university campuses in the 1980s is in part a response to the victory of Iranian revolution. It does not mean however that a fascination with Ayatollah Khomeini’s victory automatically results in conversion to Shi‘ism. In fact, many Indonesian Muslim scholars, who followed the historical events occurring in Iran during 1978-1979 particularly through mass media
remain Sunni. This includes Hamka (1908-1981), a prominent modernist ‘ulama’ and the then general chairman of MUI (Majlis Ulama Indonesia, the Council of Indonesian ‘Ulama’),
and M. Amien Rais
. Among the newly converted Shi‘is were lecturers, some of whom are prominent intellectuals who have played a major role in the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. A central figure has been Jalaluddin Rakhmat,
a lecturer at UNPAD (Universitas Pajajaran, Pajajaran University) in Bandung, West Java, who established a Shi‘i institution called the Muthahhari Foundation in 1988. This foundation has played a significant role in the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. Another Shi‘i figure of note is Muchtar Adam (b. 1939) who also lectured at UNPAD and founded Pesantren Babus Salam in Ciburial, in the northern part of Bandung. Besides teaching and lecturing at institutions of Islamic education and da‘wa, he has written several scholarly works. An important figure in the conversion of campus groups is Muhammad al-Baqir (Al-Habsyi) who became familiar with Shi‘i teachings through Shi‘i works he received from the Middle East long before the Iranian revolution. Born in Solo, 20 December 1930, Muhammad al-Baqir adheres only to certain Shi‘i doctrines, however, he practices an eclectic version of Sunni and Shi‘i jurisprudence.
In the early 1980s, al-Baqir introduced several Shi‘i works to intellectuals such as Jalaluddin Rakhmat who became convinced by principal Shi‘i doctrines. His most important contribution, however, is his translation of a number of Shi‘i works into Indonesian, most of which are published by Mizan directed by his own son, Haidar Bagir. One of the most famous translations is Dialog Sunnah Syi‘ah (Shi‘i-Sunni Dialogue).
Before these men were banned for propagating Shi‘ism, the three had been engaged in delivering religious lectures at the Salman Mosque of ITB.
In the 1980s Indonesia’s university campuses experienced a rapid ‘Islamic revival’
, which originated from the Salman Mosque. “In Java, Salman-inspired religious activities had become a conspicuous feature of campus life at virtually every major university by the early 1980s.”
The ‘Salman movement’ is a puritan movement that teaches the totality of the Islamic worldview encompassing all aspects of human life, It was developed by Imaduddin Abdulrahim and heavily influenced by the ideas of Hasan al-Bana (d. 1949) of Ikhwan al-Muslimin of Egypt and Abul A‘la Mawdudi (d.1979) of Jama‘at-i Islami in Pakistan. Initially impressed with the Islamic revolution, a number of individuals, university lecturers and students, used various publications to focus discourse on Iranian Islamic revolutionary ideas. As I will show later, there was a proliferation of Shi‘i works in Indonesian by such Iranian ‘ulama’ and intellectuals as Ali Shari‘ati and Murtada Mutahhari. Some of these Indonesians studied Shi‘i teachings intensively and this contributed to their conversion. In this regard, the role of such figures as Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Muchtar Adam, and Muhammad al-Baqir in the propagation of Shi‘ism to students was undoubtedly significant.
Since 1980s, Shi‘ism has become a new brand of Islam attracting students at Indonesia’s renowned universities across the country. Campuses in Bandung, Jakarta, and Makassar (named Ujung Pandang during the New Order era) in South Sulawesi have become centres of Shi‘ism. In Bandung, students (mainly Salman activists) from universities such as ITB and UNPAD converted to Shi‘ism. The most famous is Haidar Bagir who was born in Solo, 20 February 1957, to a Sayyid family of Hadrami migrants. He finished his primary and secondary education at the Diponegoro Islamic school which was co-founded by his father, Muhammad al-Baqir. In 1975, Haidar Bagir entered the department of industrial technology at ITB, completing his study in 1982. During his time at ITB he became an activist at the Salman Mosque and was also on the editorial board of Pustaka, an Islamic student journal pioneered by Amar Haryono, an ITB librarian.
Heavily influenced by the popularity of Khomeini, Haidar Bagir learned and converted to Shi‘i Islam. In 1983, Haidar Bagir founded Mizan, the largest Islamic Publishing House in Indonesia, which has published a number of Shi‘i books. Today, Haidar Bagir plays a major role in the spread and development of Shi‘ism in the country.
Subsequent generations of university students in Bandung who converted to Shi‘ism were mosque activists with close ties to Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Muchtar Adam, Muhammad al-Baqir and Haidar Bagir. A number of them are prominent Shi‘i intellectuals and activists in Indonesia such as Dimitri Mahayana (a lecturer at ITB and former chairman of IJABI), Hadi Swastio (a lecturer at the Communication College and former general secretary of IJABI), and Yusuf Bakhtiar (formerly a deputy chief of Muthahhari Senior High School and currently a political activist in the National Mandate Party founded by M. Amien Rais). It is pertinent to suggest that these figures have played, and continue to play, a very important role in the promotion of Shi‘ism not only in Bandung but also in the country as a whole. It is not unreasonable to claim that Bandung has been considered an important centre for the spread of Shi‘ism in Indonesia.
The Shi‘i converts from universities in Jakarta followed a similar pattern in the sense that they too were engaged in religious gatherings and campus mosque activities. These Shi‘i students were found at major universities such as UI, IKIP (now UNJ, State University of Jakarta), UNAS (National University), UKI (Christian University of Indonesia), and Jayabaya University. One of them, Mulhandy from Jayabaya University, admitted converting to Shi‘ism in 1983 after he and his colleagues had studied Shi‘ism intensively.
In the 1980s, students like Mulhandy were actively engaged in religious gatherings during which discussions and lectures on Shi‘i thoughts and doctrines were held. At UI, Agus Abubakar Arsal Al-Habsyi, (born in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on 6 August 1960, to a Hadrami migrant family) a Shi‘i student well-known in the early 1980s, was active at the Arif Rahman Hakim Mosque of UI. In 1979 he was enrolled at the Physics Department. He cites his intensive learning of Shi‘i teachings at the university, plus a familiarity with Shi‘ism, (before the Iranian revolution), due to the existence of some Shi‘is in a village in South Sulawesi as factors in his conversion.
Agus Abubakar’s gained a reputation for being a Shi‘i following a debate about Shi‘ism with Prof. Rasjidi (d. 2001), who at that time was the imam of Arif Rahman Hakim Mosque. As a consequence, he was forbidden to conduct religious gatherings at the mosque and dismissed from his leadership position at student organisations. However, this did not reduce his missionary zeal. Using various ways and approaches, Agus Abubakar continued to promote Shi‘i teachings and convert a number of students.
He has been the head of the Baitul Hikmah Foundation located in Depok, and he has also engaged in political activities, becoming a national organiser for the Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat) which was co-founded by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the current President of the Indonesian Republic. Agus Abubakar is undoubtedly a significant figure in the spread of Shi‘ism in Jakarta.
With the increasing number of Shi‘i converts in Jakarta, study groups began to emerge. In 1989, the Shi‘i students of UI founded a study group named Abu Dzar, coordinated by Haryanto of the Faculty of Mathematics and Science and Yussa Agustian of the faculty of Technology. One of their guides was Agus Abubakar. This study group was founded for the purpose of re-awakening Islamic thoughts and introducing Shi‘i ideas to students. To achieve these goals, the group carried out discussions, training, and other religious and intellectual activities.
A later development of the Shi‘i students at UI was an attempt to make HMI (Muslim Student Association) as vehicle for the dissemination of Shi‘i thoughts. Rudy Suharto of the Faculty of Mathematics and Science, (currently editor-in-chief of Syi‘ar, a magazine of the Islamic Cultural Centre in Jakarta), together with other student activists including Didi Hardian of the Faculty of Technology, Kukuh Sulastyoko of the Faculty of Mathematics and Science, and Syaiful Bahri of Guna Dharma university, guided by their seniors, Furqon Bukhori and Zulvan Lindan, succeeded in establishing an HMI branch in Depok. Through this organisation, the Shi‘i students of UI undertook various intellectual and religious activities, until 1995 when HMI split into the pro-Shi‘i group and anti-Shi‘i group, (the latter being legitimated by the national leadership of HMI). In a subsequent development of Shi‘ism in Jakarta, the FAHMI (Forum Alumni HMI) was established. This association of UI Shi‘i alumni was founded in 1997 by Shi‘i activists such as Rudy Suharto.
From Jakarta, we turn to the growth of Shi‘ism in Makassar, South Sulawesi, where a relatively large number of Shi‘is can be found among the student population. My research suggests that Shi‘ism exists at almost all university campuses in Makassar, and the majority of Shi‘is in this city are university alumni. This phenomenon has developed since early 1990, when a number of Shi‘i activists in Makassar intensified the propagation of Shi‘ism at university campuses. A leading Shi‘i figure in Makassar is Surachman who headed the Al-Islah Foundation that provided studies and trainings on Shi‘ism. As in Bandung and Jakarta, the propagation of Shi‘ism in Makassar gained a certain amount of sympathy from other students associations, particularly HMI.
The relatively rapid development of Shi‘ism in Makassar can be put down to continuous and intensive activities with regard to systematic studies on Shi‘i thoughts, including inviting Shi‘i religious teachers and intellectuals from Jakarta and Bandung. Intellectuals like Jalaluddin Rakhmat have frequently been invited to give religious lectures on Shi‘i thoughts, philosophy and Sufism. In addition, religious teachers, (Qum alumni and others), have taught matters pertaining to Shi‘i jurisprudence in this region. Along with the growing number of Shi‘i converts, several foundations have been established with the purpose of propagating Shi‘i teachings and thoughts. As in other cities, the pioneering propagators of Shi‘ism in the area have been campus activists who used to participate in studying and discussing Islam as well as training sessions held in university mosques. This means that Shi‘i teachings and thoughts are easily spread through existing networks.
The Shi‘is among university students in other cities in Indonesia like Palembang, Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Malang follow similar patterns in terms of being mosque and/or student organisation activists. In the victorious Iranian revolution and the Islamic revival which followed, these young activists found Shi‘i parallels with their own revolutionary ideas. This could also be related to the fact that the majority of them did not have an Islamic educational background and so had a less developed knowledge of Sunni teachings, making them more open to the ideological revolutionary teachings of Shi‘ism.
In contrast, Shi‘ism has not received the same attention among students at Islamic universities like UIN (State Islamic University), IAIN (State Institute for Islamic Studies) or STAIN (State College for Islamic Studies), branches of which are located in most of the provincial capitals throughout Indonesia. The 1990s saw the appearance of the so-called ‘Flamboyant Shelter’ an organisation which carried out intensive studies into Shi‘i thoughts. It was established by students at Jakarta IAIN and financed by Haidar Bagir.
However, we do not find any Shi‘i converts among the students. The fact that only a handful of students from Islamic higher learning institutions became Shi‘i is pertinent. In contrast to students at ‘secular’ universities, most students of Islamic universities arrive with a good foundation in Islamic knowledge gained in Islamic schools (madrasa) or pesantren. While Shi‘i works are widely read among these students, their educational background and religious knowledge means they are not easily influenced by the Islamic revivalism on university campus. In addition, at Islamic higher learning institutions, the students continue to gain comprehensive Islamic knowledge regardless of which department they choose. The educational curriculum, contents and sources of the religious knowledge learned at Islamic higher learning institutions are mainly Sunni. That said, the Islamic renewal ideas promoted by the late Harun Nasution (1919-1998), Nurcholish Madjid (1939-2005) and others have had an impact on students at Islamic higher learning institutions. At most they take only some intellectual or philosophical aspects of Shi‘ism as contained in the works of such Shi‘i scholars as Ali Shari‘ati, Murtada Mutahhari and Hossein Nasr. In general, there remain very few Shi‘is among students and lecturers at Islamic higher learning institutions.
Interest in Shi‘ism among university students corresponds to their rejection of the de-politicisation of Islam by the regime during the New Order period. The Shi‘i teaching of imamate (leadership) may be seen as an alternative solution to this process, and in this respect most of the Shi‘i converts opposed the implementation of Pancasila as the sole foundation. The Indonesian Muslim Students Organisation (PII) that was dissolved by the regime in 1987 and HMI MPO (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam Majlis Penyelamat Organisasi, Muslim Student Association the Council of the Saviour of the Organisation) were the two Muslim student associations which most fiercely rejected the implementation of Pancasila as the sole foundation for all organisations in Indonesia. Rather than accepting this concept, HMI MPO has maintained Islam as its ideological foundation.
In fact, a number of members and leaders of HMI MPO converted to Shi‘ism and are important Shi‘i figures in Indonesia today, such as Zulvan Lindan and Furqon Bukhori, the current chairman of IJABI (2004-2008). These two figures are considered to have played a major role in the spread of Shi‘i teachings among members of HMI. Yusuf Bakhtiar was also a leader of HMI MPO in Bandung. Saifuddin Al-Mandari, the former national chairman of HMI MPO, is also a Shi‘i who migrated from Makassar to Jakarta where he has been recently affiliated to the Fitra Foundation.
It seems that some leaders of HMI MPO tried to include the Shi‘i principle of imamate (leadership) in the training activities of the organisation, emphasising the importance of Islamic leadership. This led some members of the association to study Shi‘i teachings and, in turn, to adhere to Shi‘ism.
D. Conversion to Shi‘ism
The existence and growth of the ‘traditional’ Shi‘i group, Qum alumni, and the university campus group are not entirely unconnected. In fact, they tried to establish contact with one another for a number of reasons, not least that it is natural to seek connection with other members of the same religious denomination. In the process of conversion to Shi‘ism, intellectuals and university students tried to establish contact with Shi‘i figures known to them. Individuals from the university campus group attempted to learn aspects of Shi‘ism with prominent Shi‘i ustadh among the Arab descendant community in the country. This coincided with the missionary zeal of Shi‘i figures to attract new followers. This was how the close relationship between the late Husein Al-Habsyi and Jalaluddin Rakhmat developed, (Rakhmat regards Al-Habsyi as his religious teacher). The position of both the Shi‘i intellectual and ustadh in Indonesia are associated with Husein Al-Habsyi’s role. Today, most Shi‘i ustadh – Qum alumni and non-Qum alumni – and intellectuals in Indonesia are either Al-Habsyi’s students or they had a close connection with him. The relationship between the Shi‘i intellectual, the university campus group and the ustadh has been a complex one. While all three share a common objective – the propagation of Shi‘ism – and they tend to cooperate with each other in this regard, disputes have coloured their relationship.
While the ‘traditional’ Arab descendants, Qum alumni and the university campus group can be categorised as forming the main segment of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia, within these groups there is diversity in terms of social economic status and ethnic origin. In the context of conversion to Shi‘ism, these variables do not appear to be determining factors. Those who converted to Shi‘ism may come from economically low or upper class society and from any ethnic origin. Moreover, we find a very small number of Shi‘i converts from non-Muslim background. Also, those converts with a religious-oriented background, come from both a tradition nalist and reformist Muslim background and from both the mainstream community or minority Muslim sects.
A notable element within the Indonesian Shi‘i community is the existence of Shi‘i converts from the dissident group background. That is, minority Muslim groups which the Sunni majority consider to believe and practice heterodox teachings of Islam. The dissident Muslim groups, which have spread in almost every region in Indonesia, include Islam Jama‘ah (Islamic Congregation) that is now named LDII (Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia, Institute of Indonesian Islamic Propagation),
Kelompok Islam Isa Bugis (Islamic Group of Isa Bugis),
Jama‘ah Tabligh (Congregation of Islamic Preaching),
and DI/NII (Darul Islam/Negara Islam Indonesia, the House of Islam/the Islamic State of Indonesia).
Although all these minority groups are in fact Sunni, they are considered heterodox groups that are similar to Shi‘ism.
Shi‘is with an Islam Jama‘ah background are found in Jakarta, Palembang, Malang, Makassar, and other cities. A few of them used to be national or regional leaders of the religious sect, and they used this position to convert some of their followers to Shi‘ism. On the whole, they continue to occupy an important position within their new group of converts despite being dismissed from the original sect. Another important element in Indonesia’s Shi‘i community comes from the DI/NII movement. It appears that a large number of Shi‘is in the regions of West Java today are former members of this movement, particularly from areas within the Regional Command IX led by Abu Toto. They are scattered in cities and towns including Bandung, Cianjur, Sukabumi, Garut, Serang, and Tangerang. Slightly less in number are former members of Jama‘ah Tabligh who can be found in Jakarta, Makassar, and other places in Java. The final element is, as Syamsuri Ali observes, former members of the Isa Bugis group that may be found in Jakarta.
Conversion occurs when a person or group finds a more reasonable and correct set of religious teachings. The term religious conversion is a complex phenomenon, which involves both intellectual and emotional aspects. Based on Rambo’s classification,
the conversion from Sunnism to Shi‘ism can, to a certain degree, be classified as institutional transition. This involves the change of an individual or a group from one community to another within a major tradition, in this case the change of an individual or a group from the Sunni community to the Shi‘i community within Islam. This interdenominational transformation may be called ‘internal conversion’. It should be noted that there is no rite of conversion from Sunnism to Shi‘ism, unlike the conversion from non-believing to Islam where one has to utter the confession of faith, “there is no god but God and Muhammad is the apostle of God”.
The above description of elements within the Shi‘i community in Indonesia, pinpoints three interconnected modes of conversion: The first is through education in its broad sense, namely the transfer of knowledge and values. Second, conversion to Shi‘ism may take place through kinship and friendship. The third mode is through the reading of Islamic literature. The conversion to Shi‘ism by the Arab descendants before the Iranian revolution may be included in the first two modes, but these modes characterise the conversion process among other groups as well. Education has become a very important means of conversion to Shi‘ism.
After the Iranian revolution, a number of Shi‘i ustadh from the Sayyid group continue to propagate Shi‘i Islam to the Muslim population through traditional Islamic educational institutions. While the majority of pesantren play a major role in the maintenance of traditional Sunni ideology (Dhofier 1999), a few also exist which promote Shi‘i teachings. This results from the fact that the founders and leaders of pesantren tend to be relatively autonomous in organising curriculum contents and teaching materials for students. This autonomy provides an opportunity for a Shi‘i religious teacher to found and manage his Islamic educational institution and to inculcate his religious ideology. The most notable example was Husein Al-Habsyi, who attracted followers through his institution YAPI. In some respect he was able to connect the ‘traditional’ Shi‘i group with those who converted after the Iranian revolution. A number of relatives and descendants of ‘traditional’ Shi‘is studied with Husein Al-Habsyi at YAPI, a place which provided Shi‘i books and religious guidance. Many of them converted to Shi‘ism during their studies at YAPI, and over the course of time, a great number of YAPI alumni have become Shi‘i ustadh, disseminating Shi‘i teachings all over Indonesia. As described above, some have pursued their Islamic learning in Qum and returned as famous ustadh. This has revealed a mode of conversion to Shi‘ism through pesantren. (The conversion during their study in Qum that was experienced by some students is also included in this mode).
While the conversion to Shi‘ism among the university campus group more commonly occurs through non-formal Islamic education and self-study, the mode of conversion in pesantren has been heavily dependent on the leader of the pesantren who introduced Shi‘i teachings, gave instructions, and provided reading materials to students who might not otherwise have acknowledged the Shi‘i teachings. Unlike the university students who spend the majority of their time learning ‘secular’ sciences, the pesantren students dedicate themselves to gaining Islamic knowledge, and so generally have a more comprehensive knowledge of Islam and Shi‘ism. In the residential pesantren they not only learn Shi‘ism but also practice its teachings in daily life. Despite pesantren students receiving stimuli, explanations and guidance from the teacher, just as the university students, their conversion process also requires reading activity.
Conversion to Shi‘ism frequently occurs through kinship, namely by blood, by marriage and through friendship. It is common for Shi‘is to inculcate Shi‘i teachings to their children, and where possible to other relatives and friends. We have previously described how descendants of Indonesian Arab figures have maintained the continuity of their adherence to Shi‘ism. Several kin of Husein Al-Habsyi have also become important Shi‘i ustadh in Indonesia. As for marriage, it is often recommended that a young man seek a Sunni woman to marry for the purpose of increasing Shi‘i numbers. This mode of conversion tends to interconnect with the other modes.
According to Woodberry, there have been two ways of conversion to Shi‘ism: individual conversion and collective conversion.
The conversion to Shi‘ism among the intellectuals, university and pesantren students tends to be individual while conversion among dissident groups tends to be collective, in the sense that a group of people follow the step of their mentor. Regarding individual conversion among university students and intellectuals, the important modes are through the reading of Shi‘i books and participating in discussions at educational institutions. Conversion among the dissident groups frequently occurs as a result of debate between Shi‘i figures and mentors of the dissident groups on essential doctrines within Islam such as imamate. Ali writes: “but conceptually their belief is defeated by arguments of the Shi‘i concept of imamate so that their defeat in the conceptual matter has made them pleasantly convert from the former madhhab to the Shi‘i madhhab.”
It is generally agreed that it is the intellectual and philosophical aspects of Shi‘ism which first attract the converts in Indonesia. It is even common for some university students and intellectuals only to be interested in the intellectual and doctrinal aspects of Shi‘ism, but in the course of time they are labelled as Shi‘is despite being ignorant of the true teachings of Shi‘ism. In this regard, Rakhmat states:
The majority of people sympathetic to Shi‘ism came from university. Most of them were also attracted to Shi‘ism as an alternative for the existing Islamic thoughts. At the time, when many people were interested in for instance critical theory, in Neo-Marxist group, some of the Muslims found a similar matter in Shi‘i thoughts, like Ali Shari‘ati’s. Such ‘left’ concepts as the oppressed, pedagogy of the oppressed, or corrupt structure, has a similarity, in Islam, with the term mustad‘afin [the Oppressed], with the mission of the prophets to fight against the tyrants. And those who clearly present the matter are Shi‘i thinkers.... But later, from Ali Shari‘ati they entered into deeper thoughts.
As previously mentioned, and closely related to this quotation, the Shi‘i conception of imamate is the doctrine that has been most responsible for attracting university students, intellectuals, and members of dissident groups to Shi‘ism. Imamate becomes an important topic in discussions and training carried out in usrah circles, HMI, and dissident groups. Imamate within Sunni Islam is not as crucial as imamate in Shi‘ism
so students and intellectuals must turn to Shi‘i books to find comprehensive accounts of this doctrine. This doctrine is legitimated by the fact that Khomeini can be regarded as an Islamic leader, representative of Imam, whose revolution succeeded in overthrowing the oppressive regime. Imamate is also very crucial to and strongly upheld within the teachings of some dissident groups, particularly Islam Jama‘ah and NII. Converts from these groups admit that a reason for becoming Shi‘i is because they find the doctrine of imamate to be more correct and authoritative in Shi‘ism than in their former teachings. To give an example, Muhammad Nuh, (65 years old), told me that he used to be the regional leader of Islam Jama‘ah in South Sumatra, Lampung and Bengkulu and active in the propagation of its teachings in the regions. His conversion to Shi‘ism took place after participating in discussions on imamate with Shi‘i ustadh in Palembang, including the afore-mentioned Qum alumnus Umar Shahab. Muhammad Nuh explained that he has accepted the Shi‘i view of imamate as being in accordance with Bukhari’s al-Sahih, the most authoritative Sunni hadith collection and also the primary source of the doctrine of imamate in Islam Jama‘ah, (the concept of imarah is frequently used in the same meaning. At the same time, Nuh is aware that the teaching of imamate in Islam Jama‘ah is intentionally manipulated by the founder of the group for his own personal purposes. Other Shi‘i ex-leaders of Islam Jama‘ah from other regions share similar views. The same holds true for Shi‘is ex-members of NII who also uphold the doctrine of imamate and this corresponds with the fact that the leader of the Darul Islam movement is usually considered Imam.
Those who are interested in the doctrinal and intellectual aspects of Shi‘ism but continue to practice Sunni jurisprudence cannot be characterised as being converts in the general sense. To be considered Shi‘i, one needs to follow the code of conduct as outlined in Ja‘fari jurisprudence. According to Jalaluddin Rakhmat, when converts did make the shift in orientation from intellectual and doctrinal aspects to jurisprudence, it occurred for political reasons and as a reaction to slander and attack from Sunnis, particularly in publications promoted by Saudi Arabia.
In Rakhmat’s observation, the main motivation of this Shi‘i group for learning jurisprudence is to prove the invalidity of anti-Shi‘i views. I was also told that people who had not previously considered themselves as Shi‘i were motivated to learn every aspect of Shi‘ism due to being labelled as Shi‘i followers by anti-Shi‘i groups. With some inevitability, these people go on to become true followers of Shi‘ism by practicing almost all aspects of Shi‘i jurisprudence. It is important to note that others attempted to understand Shi’I jurisprudence for religious reasons, namely for the purpose of appropriately practicing Shi‘i rituals in daily life according to Ja‘fari jurisprudence. In this regard, the return to Indonesia of the Qum alumni has been fortuitous. Educated at the hawza ‘ilmiyya of Qum, and now religious teachers able to give instruction on this particular issue, they now established relations with the university campus group of Shi‘is.
For converts, Shi‘i Islam is more reasonable and correct than the Sunni Islam they once adhered to. They tend to perceive positively both Shi‘ism as a set of religious doctrines and the Shi‘is as a historical reality, united in an integrated religious system. Zainuddin and his colleagues,
offer several perceptions on this minority school of Islam as an explanation for why they converted to Shi‘ism. First, with regard to the Shi‘i doctrine of justice that is closely related to the doctrine of imamate, the Shi‘is found this doctrine appropriate in their struggles against the authoritarian regime and in the establishment of a just government. Second, they believe the position of ‘aql (reason) to be much stronger in Shi‘ism than in Sunnism. The Shi‘i teachings are considered to have provided more opportunities and motivations to use ‘aql in developing various fields of knowledge. Third, they point to the continued development of knowledge, thought and philosophy since the early history of Shi‘ism, marked by the emergence of Imams and ‘ulama’ opposing the oppressive regimes, the religious view on the necessity of ijtihad (serious efforts to formulate religious law), and the dominant position of philosophical tradition. Fourth, they highlight the reality of modern Indonesian society and the emergence of unqualified ‘ulama’ and religious teachers, in contrast to the Shi‘i ‘ulama’, particularly in Iran and those occupying the position of marja‘ al-taqlid, who are selected on the basis of their moral conduct and intellectual achievement. Fifth, they believe that anti-Shi‘i views and judgements on Shi‘ism are frequently slanderous and speculative and are not based on the true teachings of Shi‘ism and historical facts.
Viewed from these perspectives, and taking into account the social and psychological characteristics of converts and the social-political context of Indonesian society, conversion to Shi‘ism can be seen as a protest against the political regime and the religious establishment. Converts accept Shi‘ism because they found “the anti-government aspect of Shi‘ism and its struggle against oppression and tyranny appealing.”
In other words, Shi‘ism is seen as the religion of protest while Sunnism, more often than not, tends to legitimise the political regime. With less emphasis on ‘aql and the emergence of unqualified religious authorities, Sunnism is no longer seen as an ideal madhhab able to provide solutions to social and political problems or guidance in spiritual and intellectual quests.
Conversion to Shi‘ism continues albeit at a slow rate. Shi‘i institutions have been established and various methods are implemented in order to promote this minority madhhab. Within the social and political context of Indonesian society under the leadership of the New Order government, the origins of the Shi‘i community lie at the end of the 19th century, at a time of intense Islamic reform, and they culminate with the victorious Iranian revolution of 1979. Different groups have emerged, the main ones being the ‘traditional’ group, Qum alumni, and the campus group. In terms of ethnic identity, two major groups are present - Arab descendants and indigenous Indonesians. Viewed from the perspective of history and the development of Shi‘ism in Indonesia, the Arab descendant-indigenous divide has, to a certain extent, been factual although classification based on ethnicity may result in ethnic stereotyping. To sum up, three groups have played a major role in the formation of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia and from these groups emerged prominent figures, who were - and still are - considered to be leaders of the community, and the religious elites who have played a major role in the development of the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. This will be described in the next chapter.
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Author: Zulkifli
