THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA

THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA0%

THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA Author:
Publisher: www.openaccess.leidenuniv.nl
Category: Various Books

THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA

Author: Zulkifli
Publisher: www.openaccess.leidenuniv.nl
Category:

visits: 74142
Download: 6027

THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA
search inside book
  • Start
  • Previous
  • 25 /
  • Next
  • End
  •  
  • Download HTML
  • Download Word
  • Download PDF
  • visits: 74142 / Download: 6027
Size Size Size
THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA

THE STRUGGLE OF THE SHI‘IS IN INDONESIA

Author:
Publisher: www.openaccess.leidenuniv.nl
English

Important Notice:

The matters written in this books are according to the viewpoint of the Author not alhassananain Network's.

CHAPTER FIVE: EDUCATION

The growth of Shi‘ism in Indonesia can be attributed to the key role of Shi‘i religious scholars, teachers and intellectuals who have established yayasan (foundation) and other institutions which function in various fields – da‘wa, educational and socio-cultural. While the previous chapter described the nature and characteristics of Shi‘ism’s da‘wa institutions and their activities, this chapter focuses on a relatively small number of institutions, established specifically to function in the field of education. In general, education is understood to be the transfer of knowledge and values from one generation to another. In practice, the realisation of education can be classified in terms of modern institutions of education, that is, the school system, and traditional institutions of Islamic learning, commonly known in Indonesia as pesantren. In this chapter I will describe the two types of educational institutions established and run by Shi‘i figures in Indonesia.

A. Pesantren

Traditionally, pesantren have become “the best means of creating unity of the ahl al-sunna wa al-jama‘a”1 implemented by learned Sunni men in Indonesia. However, the same institutions have been used to teach and propagate Shi‘ism. There are at least five pesantren considered to have propagated Shi‘i teachings to the Indonesian Muslim community: YAPI in Bangil, Al-Hadi in Pekalongan, Dar al-Taqrib in Bangsri Jepara, Al-Mukarramah in Bandung, and Nurul Tsaqalain in Leihitu, Central Maluku. The two most famous pesantren, YAPI and Al-Hadi, will be examined in the first section of this chapter. It is of interest to describe and analyse YAPI as an institution of Islamic learning and to compare it with Pesantren Al-Hadi, as well as examining both institutions from the perspective of the pesantren tradition. In this way elements of both institutions may be revealed, not only in terms of the general characteristics of the pesantren tradition, but also as characteristics unique to Shi‘i institutions of learning in Indonesia. In turn this will shed light on the dynamics of institutions of Islamic learning and in particular the role of Indonesia’s Shi‘is in this regard.

YAPI, which is an abbreviation of Yayasan Pesantren Islam, formally written in Arabic as Muassasat al-Ma‘had al-Islami, is located in Bangil, a small town within the district of Pasuruan, East Java. Bangil is inhabited mainly by Muslims adhering to different denominations. Scholars of Islam in Indonesia are familiar with the reformist organisation Persis which is closely associated with Ahmad Hasan who spent most of his life in Bangil, even though the majority of the town’s population are adherents of the traditionalist Sunni Nahdatual Ulama NU, or followers of the Islamic organisation Muhammadiyah. The existence YAPI, a Shi‘i institution of learning contributes to the religious complexity of Bangil. First established in Bondowoso, another district in East Java, in 1971 by Husein Al-Habsyi (1921-1994) - who also taught at and led a branch of the Al-Khairiyya school in the town - five years later, (18 June 1976), YAPI moved to its current location where it has grown and developed rapidly.2 The institution has become an important centre of Islamic learning for the Shi‘is in Indonesia although its head and teachers frequently deny its association with Shi‘ism.

Its name resembles the previously mentioned Yayasan Penyiaran Islam (Islamic Propagation Foundation) - also abbreviated as YAPI - which was established in Surabaya in 1961. Husein Al-Habsyi, one of the sponsors of YAPI in Bangil, says that the ‘original’ YAPI - which is devoted to organising social, religious and intellectual activities - inspired him to use the same abbreviation, even though the two institutions have different aims and focus. The Islamic Propagation Foundation moved to Lampung, in southern Sumatra, and then later to Jakarta where its primary programme has been to publish translated and original Shi‘i works. Bangil’s YAPI became Husein Al-Habsyi’s primary concern and a serious attempt to realise his ideals in Islamic education and missionary activity. Al-Habsyi believes the only way that Islamic educational concepts will be implemented is through pesantren like YAPI, institutions of Islamic learning in which students can be educated in Islamic teachings, practice them in their daily life and be free from westernisation.3

Thanks to Husein Al-Habsyi’s considerable efforts, YAPI has become the most important teaching centre for Shi‘is in Indonesia. It is clear that Husein Al-Habsyi’s used his experience in the fields of politics and education and his leadership skills to realise his ideals and ambitions in Islamic education, and the construction and development of his pesantren in particular. Husein Al-Habsyi’s valuable social capital was easily transformed into economic capital for the construction of his institution. His good relationship with some of the Middle East’s most learned men, including the prominent figures of Ikhwan al-Muslimin (Muslim Brotherhood) meant he was able to visit a number of countries in the Middle East to raise financial assistance. Endowed with a sum of money and a plot of land in Bangil, Husein Al-Habsyi was able to construct a relatively large building which functioned as both a dormitory and a classroom. With this adequate facility, YAPI of Bangil could house students from all over Indonesia and provide them with a good quality Islamic education. Al-Habsyi continued to maintain good contacts with eminent kyai, (learned men) in the country in order to garner their moral support for his project. For instance, a well-known learned man from Langitan supported his efforts by entrusting several of his disciples to assist with teaching in the pesantren.

As a learned man himself, with a comprehensive understanding of various branches of Islamic knowledge, Husein Al-Habsyi was well qualified to formulate the educational programme of the institution. The principles and approaches of Islamic education practiced in YAPI follows, the Ikhwan al-Muslimin model - which emphasises strict discipline and a strong anti-Western attitude - which Husein Al-Habsyi considered to be the best model for achieving his Islamic educational ideals. He believed that an Islamic institution of learning should be free from all Western worldviews and secularism. All students are required to obey the rules of the institution as outlined by the head of the pesantren, in order that they are unaffected by aspects of western culture. As the leader of the institution, responsible for its detailed development and progress, Husein Al-Habsyi not only managed the institution but he also taught in several fields of Islamic knowledge, including Arabic, tafsir (Qur’an exegesis) and usul al-fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence). In addition, he had a specific role of forming cadres and consciousness among his students in order to revive their spirit for the struggle for Islam and the Muslim Community.4 Today, YAPI and its founder are well known among learned men from, not only, Indonesia but also from the Middle East.

Husein Al-Habsyi’s struggle in the field of religious education was relatively successful, as evidenced by the fact that a number of YAPI alumni were able to pursue their education in countries such as India, Pakistan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Qatar.5 After the Iranian revolution many of them pursued their religious learning in Qum, Iran, possible due to their high level of Arabic and Islamic knowledge, as well as the fact that Iranian scholars were willing to take students recommended by Husein Al-Habsyi. Indeed, Al-Habsyi provided recommendations for a large number of students, including his own, who sought to pursue Islamic learning in Iran. After several years studying in Qum they went on to become teachers in several Islamic schools and foundations in various areas of Indonesia, some even returning to YAPI itself.

As an institution of education YAPI aims to produce students who are capable of becoming Indonesia’s pioneering human resource, able to face a wide variety of challenges and problems with wisdom.6 To achieve this goal, the institution organises several educational programmes, formulates appropriate curriculum contents, provides the necessary facilities and equipment and implements various teaching strategies, methods and techniques.7 Today, YAPI has three separate complexes. The biggest one is for male students and is situated in the village of Kenep, Beji sub-district, about three kilometres south of Bangil. The second centre of Islamic education is for female students and is located in Jl. Lumba-lumba (Kersikan) close to the town centre of Bangil. The third one, also on the Jl. Lumba-lumba site, is the ‘Al-Abrar’ kindergarten. Like the majority of pesantren in Java, YAPI separates male and female students. Each complex has its own facilities such as a pondok (hostel), mosque or prayer place, classrooms, library, laboratories, and sport centre. With their own educational facilities the three centres can organise their educational programmes to meet their specific goals.

YAPI attempts “to participate in producing intelligent persons, having a correct and firm faith, a wise and critical attitude in order to face a future full of challenge.”8 It shares the same basic elements as other pesantren: pondok, mosque, santri (student), the instruction of Islamic texts, and the kyai (Muslim scholar and leader of the institution).9 The pondok, where students live together, protects them from unwanted external influences. Both the Kenep and Jl. Lumba-lumba complexes of YAPI have a pondok with adequate rooms and facilities, and all students, with the exception of those at the kindergarten, are expected to live in the pondok. (In the academic year 2002/2003 there was about 300 students). In this regard, YAPI only has santri mukim students who live in the pesantren complex.10 The santri at YAPI come from all over the country, from Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan, and Sulawesi to Nusa Tenggara and Maluku, reflecting the diverse ethnic groups within Indonesian society.11 However, my observations suggest that the majority of students at YAPI are the Indonesian Arabs, and most students and teachers wear a white jubah (Arab robe). As previously stated, in line with the principles outlined by its founder, all students at YAPI are obliged to obey strict rules and regulations. For instance, students may not leave the pesantren complex or hostel without permission, all electronic and printed media deemed to be pornographic is forbidden, they may not watch Western films or listen to western songs and they are not allowed to smoke. These rules are believed to keep the students focused on their study and protected from the influences of western culture.12

YAPI has a large mosque in its male complex and a prayer room called a musalla in its female complex. As integral elements of the institution, the mosque, and musalla function as a centre for training students in such things as the practice of daily prayers, the recitation of the Qur’an, the recitation of the ratib13 , tawassul, kumayl and other prayers and also in public preaching. We may classify several functions of the mosque: first, as a place for the practice of obligatory daily prayers - communal as well as individual - for the students, teachers and staff of the pesantren and for Friday prayers for the pesantren and the wider community. Second, it is the centre for the practice of recommended rituals such as the recitation of the Qur’an, ratib, tawassul, and other prayers. Third, it is a place for the students to join in extra-curriculum programmes such as public preaching and qasidah (Arabic song with female singers). Fourth, it is the centre for the practice of rituals and ceremonies relating to Muslim holy days, such as the birthday of the Prophet, of Fatima (his daughter) and of the twelve Imams, ‘ashura (the martyrdom of Husayn), and others including the haul (death celebration) of Husein Al-Habsyi, the founder of the pesantren. With regard to rituals related to the late Husein Al-Habsyi, the students are urged to perform ziyara (visitation) to his grave after dawn prayer on Fridays. The grave itself is located behind the mosque. Thus, with the exception of those secular and religious lessons conducted in the classroom, all other educational and religious activities of the institution are centred in the mosque, which is called Ats-Tsaqolain (al-Thaqalayn). These educational and religious activities are very important for the students of the pesantren in terms of becoming accustomed to Islamic practice and developing religious spirit, and they are expected not only to comprehend various branches of Islamic knowledge but also to practice Islamic teachings in their daily life.14

In relation to the position of the learned men and the leadership of the pesantren, there has been a clear transformation at YAPI from a charismatic leadership to a rationalistic one. As stated, YAPI originally came under the authority of Husein Al-Habsyi, who as a learned man, founder and leader of the institution, was the most essential element of the pesantren, and directly responsible for its development. Today, there is no single person able to match Husein Al-Habsyi’s qualifications and charisma or take over his position as a learned man and the leader of the institution. While his third son, Ali Ridho Al-Habsyi, was formally appointed as the leader of YAPI, its programmes and the Islamic foundation are governed by a formal organisational structure. This comprises a chief, a secretary and a treasurer, and the organisation is split into several divisions, including education and da‘wa, which are responsible for the three educational centres at YAPI. This points to a rationalistic leadership of YAPI.

The central figures, at present, responsible for the development of educational programmes in particular and the foundation in general are - aside from the aforementioned Ali Ridho Al-Habsyi - Muhammad bin Alwi BSA, Ali Umar Al-Habsyi and Muhammad Alwi Al-Habsyi, all YAPI alumni and students of Husein Al-Habsyi. A number of Qum alumni also have important teaching roles at the institution. In the past, the most important figure at YAPI following the death of Husein Al-Habsyi was Zahir Yahya, Husein Al-Habsyi’s student, son-in-law, and Qum alumnus. However, a conflict in YAPI, most probably originating from struggles over the accumulation of symbolic and economic capital among certain individuals from Husein Al-Habsyi’s clan, led Zahir Yahya and his party to leave the pesantren. At one point, Iran became involved in the conflict and was said to have sided with Zahir Yahya. Subsequently, the institution’s current leadership visited Iran for clarification of their position. Today, it is the abovementioned central figures that collectively attempt to maintain continuity in the process of Islamic learning in the institution and to implement various strategies to preserve its existence and continue its development.

Examined from the perspective of its current educational system, YAPI can be considered a modern institution which has undergone a transformation. Until 1997 YAPI only organised programmes of religious education comprising i‘dadiyya (preparatory), ibtida’iyya (elementary), thanawiyya (secondary corresponding to Islamic Junior High School), and ‘aliyya (secondary corresponding to Islamic Senior High School) levels. The curriculum contents of the first three levels, give priority to the study of Arabic including nahwu (syntax) and saraf (morphology) and several branches of Islamic knowledge such as hadith, tafsir (Qur’an exegesis), fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), ‘aqida (Islamic doctrine), and logic. At the ‘aliyya level, the students were introduced to branches of Islamic knowledge from comparative perspectives such as kalam (Islamic theology), philosophy, ‘ulum al-Qur’an (sciences of the Qur’an), usul al-fiqh (principles of Islamic jurisprudence) and comparative Islamic jurisprudence. Additionally, at this level there were lessons in translation and tahqiq (editing) instructing students on how to read, translate and edit Arabic materials.15

Since 1997 YAPI has transformed its educational programme by incorporating both the national curriculum and traditional religious education, “so as to provide the best solution in the field of education sought by the people of high spirituality and intellectual.”16 The transformation occurred with the integration of the religious education at the above-mentioned ibtidaiyya and thanawiyya levels into the programme of Junior High School (SLTP) and Senior High School (SMU). The ‘aliyya level was changed into a special programme for religious education called takhassus (specialisation), and was structurally separated from both schools.17 Following these changes, YAPI now organises a general school, a religious school and takhassus. With regard to the first system, YAPI offers a programme of secondary education, providing SLTP (Junior High School) and SMU (Senior High School), both of which teach general (secular) subjects as outlined in the curriculum regulated by the Department of National Education. In order to be formally recognised by the department, the institution must follow specific guidelines and meet the required standard. YAPI also offers a programme combining this national system with its pesantren system in the form of a religious school. The curriculum for this programme comprises 60% general subjects and 40% religious subjects. With this formation, graduates of YAPI are expected to possess both basic general and religious knowledge and be capable of successfully pursuing tertiary education at general (secular) or religious universities. In this regard, like the schools belonging to the Muthahhari Foundation (which will be described below), YAPI attributes the title ‘Plus’ to both its SLTP and SMU programmes.

YAPI’s religious education programme, (also called the ‘mixed’ programme), is compulsory for all students at both the secondary levels. It consists of three stages. The first is known as the mutawassit (intermediate) level, and is offered to graduates of primary education who, on the whole, do not yet possess the basics of religious knowledge and Arabic. The programme commences from the first to the sixth semester during the Junior High School period, and students are taught the basic fields of religious knowledge as well as reading, speaking, listening and writing skills in Arabic. Arabic is also the language of instruction for the third-year students. The programme also provides first-year students with courses on Qur’anic recitation, tajwid (science of the correct pronunciation of the Qur’an) and the memorisation of certain chapters of the Qur’an. The primary textbooks for the Arabic language instruction are Al-‘Arabiyya li al-Nashi’in (6 volumes) and Al-Amthilah al-Tasrifiyya, Arabic morphology written by Maksum Ali.18 These learning resources illustrate YAPI’s focus on the students’ comprehension of the Arabic language and its importance for Muslims because – as stated in an institute pamphlet about the admission of new students - about 90% of religious and intellectual sources on Islamic teachings are written in Arabic. It is interesting to note that the mentioned Al-‘Arabiyya li al-Nasi’in has recently been used to teach Arabic to the students at the State Institute for Islamic Studies (IAIN) and the State College for Islamic Studies (STAIN).

Students of YAPI’s Senior High School also receive religious instruction as the institution thus combining both general and religious education to form a single system of education. Those who finish the intermediate level of religious education go on to pursue the thanawiyya level, which provides a much deeper understanding of religious knowledge and Arabic and offers a more extensive programme. Having followed both general (SMU) and religious education (thanawiyya) the students are considered to have received a level of basic education and the skills to be well-rounded members of society, regardless of whether they go on to pursue tertiary education or not. The religious education curriculum comprises five subjects: Arabic, the Qur’an or specific chapters of the Qur’an, tatbiq (reading Arabic texts without signs), ‘aqida and fiqh. The primary source for the Arabic instruction is the book Durus fi al-‘Arabiyya (Lessons in Arabic), and is the next step up from Al-‘Arabiyya li al-Nashi’in. The main sources for ‘aqida and fiqh are those written by prominent Shi‘i learned men and legists, including Ayatollah Nasir Makarim Shirazi’s ‘Aqa’id wa Mazahib and Ayatollah Ruhullah Khomeini’s Zubdat al-Ahkam respectively.19 The religious education provided by the institution gives the students the ability to disseminate this knowledge to their own communities. Furthermore, they are prepared to continue their religious learning at higher institutions in the Middle East.

In addition to these two programmes, YAPI organises one that is called tamhidiyya (preparatory). This programme is designed for students of SMU who graduate from other SLTPs with a basic religious knowledge. The content of its curriculum is similar to that of the thanawiyya level, with the exception that the main source for the instruction of Arabic is Al-‘Arabiyya li al-Nashi’in (6 volumes). The goals expected from this programme are generally the same as those mentioned above. Because tamhidiyya students generally join the programme without prior knowledge of Arabic, twelve out of eighteen hours a week are set aside for Arabic instruction, plus four hours for Arabic syntax and morphology.20

A unique characteristic of the educational system at YAPI also lies in its exclusive religious programme known as takhassus, which simply means ‘specialisation’, (referring to specialisation in Islamic knowledge). Takhassus is provided for those male students intending to concentrate only on the field of Islamic knowledge. Since this programme only concerns Islamic subjects, to a large extent it resembles the pesantren salafi within the pesantren tradition.21 Takhassus is aimed at producing students who are really capable of developing Islamic views using comparative and critical methods.22 The programme, which is organised in three levels, can be considered to be a continuation of the above-mentioned thanawiyya programme, and many graduates of the thanawiyya programme do in fact enrol on the takhassus programme. The institution also provides an i‘dadiyya (preparatory) programme for students who did not come via the thanawiyya programme or for those who lack the necessary level of Islamic knowledge required for learning at the takhassus level. The preparatory programme usually takes four semesters and emphasises Arabic language and introductory Islamic doctrine and jurisprudence.23 In the academic year 2002/2003, 23 students were enrolled on YAPI’s takhassus programme.

The curriculum content of the takhassus programme includes nearly all the subjects from the body of Islamic knowledge comprising Arabic, tafsir, kalam, fiqh, usul al-fiqh, Arabic syntax, balagha (rhetoric), Sira (biography of Prophet Muhammad and his household), mantiq (logic) and Islamic philosophy. This differs from the Sunni institutions of learning in that, not only does YAPI provide the instruction of Islamic philosophy but it is also concerned with an intensive study of philosophy. Two scientific activities organised at YAPI illustrate the important position of the study of philosophy and logic at the institution: first, the establishment of the Study Group for the Study of Religion and Philosophy (KSAF); and second, a large number of articles on topics dealing with philosophy are published in the journals of YAPI, including the now defunct Al-Isyraq (9 numbers, (1417-1418/1997-1998) and Islamuna (1424/2003-present). This is in contrast to the research and studies on the books used in the pesantren milieu in Indonesia during the 19th and 20th centuries conducted by van den Berg (1888) and van Bruinessen (1990) which finds an absence of the subject of philosophy. For centuries Sunni learned men and institutions of learning forbid the instruction of philosophy. This is frequently seen as a consequence of the great influence of al-Ghazali’s Sufi teachings in the Sunni world, in general, and in the pesantren tradition, in particular. The prohibition of the study of logic and philosophy within the tradition of Islamic learning in most Muslim countries has been criticised by scholars such as Abu Ali (a pseudonym). He suggests that institutions of Islamic learning should in fact emphasise the instruction of both these sciences which he believes are essential for students to discuss, analyse and study Islamic teachings correctly.24

Another special characteristic of the takhassus programme is demonstrated by the primary sources used in the learning process. Like the majority of pesantren in Java, the takhassus programme uses Muhammad bin Malik’s Alfiya for the study of Arabic syntax, (an authoritative book within the pesantren tradition), and Al-Balagha al-Wadiha for the study of rhetoric. Other learning resources include books written by some prominent Shi‘i learned men from Iran or Iraq such as Ayatollah Muhammad Taqi Misbah Yazdi’s Al-‘Aqida al-Islamiyya (3 volumes) used for the study of ‘aqida, Muhammad Javad Mughniyya’s Al-Fiqh ‘ala al-Mazahib al-Khamsa for the study of comparative Islamic law, Muhammad Baqir Sadr’s Al-Halaqat al-Thalath for the study of usul al-fiqh, Ayatollah Rida Muzaffar’s ‘Ilm al-Mantiq for the study of logic, and Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i’s Bidayat al-Hikma for the study of Islamic philosophy.25 This clearly reveals the Shi‘i tendency of the programme, and is in striking contrast to the majority of pesantren in Indonesia.

As a pesantren implementing an integrated system of education, YAPI offers an extra-curriculum programme with the purpose of supporting and completing the intra-curriculum programme in the field of Arabic and religious subjects, and the educational system of the institution at large. Given the fact that all the instructional materials in religious subjects are in Arabic, it is imperative that students possess then necessary language skills. To achieve this, the institution implements various learning techniques for Arabic alongside the formal instruction in the classroom, including developing vocabularies, writing essays, speaking in formal activities and in daily life, mastering syntax and morphology. Islamic and Arabic films or other programmes are also presented at the pesantren. Religious subjects such as fiqh, ‘aqida, akhlaq (ethics) and sira for the students of mutawassit, thanawiyya and tamhidiyya and subjects including logic, usul al-fiqh, and ‘ulum al-Qur’an for the students of thanawiyya and tamhidiyya are provided in the form of extra-curricula courses that should be completed in every semester. In addition, the institution provides an optional programme for those students wanting to deepen their knowledge of Shi‘ism. Another important aspect of the extra-curriculum programmes is the various kinds of arts, sports and other skills, (including computer, English, and journalism), which are provided (albeit differently) for male and female students.

In general YAPI is a modern institution of Islamic learning as a result of this transformation process which has integrated various elements of educational traditions: the element of the national system of education in the form of general school, the madrasa system which is a classical system of religious education, the element of pesantren salafi in the form of certain standard books for learning Arabic syntax and morphology and also the takhassus programme. Not to be forgotten is the element of Shi‘ism at YAPI, which manifests itself in the curriculum contents and the instructional materials for religious subjects, and also in the religious rituals and ceremonies practiced at the institution. And like most modern pesantren, this institution of learning requires that all students and teachers use Arabic in their daily life in the pesantren. This emphasis on the comprehension of Arabic has been a continuous element since the foundation of YAPI. The integration of diverse elements of education at YAPI not only forms a unique system of learning but also brings other aspects to the pesantren tradition which differs from those institutions belonging to the Javanese culture.

With regard to its Shi‘i characteristics, as previously mentioned, the leaders and teachers at YAPI are reluctant to openly call it a Shi‘i institution of learning. (This is in contrast to the view of scholars such as Zainuddin et al. who write: “in Bangil (East Java) was established Yayasan Pesantren Islam (YAPI) that also openly displays the Shi‘i banner”26 . However, the current leadership’s rejection of the Shi‘i label is not entirely without justification as YAPI is not confined to Shi‘is students, but is open to all Muslims regardless of their religious streams. Furthermore, there is no obligation for students to adhere to the Shi‘i school of thought. As its educational curriculum demonstrates, certain programmes teach the students comparative Islamic theology and jurisprudence with the specific aim of fostering an open and tolerant attitude. These ideals of openness and freedom within Islam, as promoted by Husein Al-Habsyi, form the foundation of the pesantren:

What becomes the basis of all activities and programmes of the Foundation all is a reflection of Al-Ustadh Husein Al-Habsyi’s open-mindedness and universal worldview seeing the world of Islam as a system and every Muslim from any religious orientation as a part of the body of Islam. Therefore, YAPI is always proud of its openness and ‘integrates’ all streams and Islamic organisations. 27

YAPI’s strategy of openness and pluralism can be seen as a consequence of the schism in Islam: the Sunni majority and the Shi‘i minority.28 The same divide is, of course, reflected within Indonesia’s Muslim population. Openness and pluralism should be encouraged not only as true teachings of Islam but also to protect the existence of the educational institution and the Shi‘is. Two interrelated benefits may be gained promoting these ideals: the recognition of Shi‘ism as a valid branch in the realm of Islamic orthodoxy and a tolerant attitude toward the Shi‘is in the framework of Islamic unity. This can be interpreted as the strategy of practicing taqiyya, a valid teaching in Shi‘ism.

Valuable comparisons and also contrasts between the educational system and strategies of YAPI and Pesantren Al-Hadi can be made. This Shi‘i institution of learning, located in Pekalongan, Central Java, was founded in 1989 by Ahmad Baragbah, who spent five years studying Islamic knowledge in Qum. Ahmad Baragbah, an Indonesian non-Sayyid Arab, forged good connections with the late Husein Al-Habsyi who had recommended him for Islamic learning in Qum and supported him in the establishment of the pesantren. Despite never having studied at YAPI, Ahmad Baragbah’s relationship with Husein Al-Habsyi is considered to be one of student-teacher. Both were supportive to each other’s institutions of Islamic learning, especially when faced with internal or external problems.

Compared to YAPI, Al-Hadi is smaller in terms of students and teacher numbers, educational facilities and educational programmes. In October 2002, for instance, Al-Hadi had approximately 70 students, (male and female), trained and educated by six teachers, all Qum alumni. (This number is smaller than the number reported by Ulumul Qur’an in 1995 which cited the number of students as about 112 and the teachers as nine.)29 Unlike YAPI, Al-Hadi tends to attract students only from the Shi‘i community in Indonesia. All students of Al-Hadi live in the hostel on the pesantren complex. The complex itself, situated among the houses of the densely populated city, comprises two houses and two two-floored buildings. One large house is provided for all the activities of the female students - a hostel as well as classrooms - while the other smaller house accommodates Ahmad Baragbah and his family. The first building houses a mosque on the ground floor, while the first floor contains an office and a hostel for teachers and classrooms and a hostel for male students. Unlike YAPI or other schools in the country, Al-Hadi students study sitting on the floor. In short, compared to the educational facilities of YAPI, those of Al-Hadi are limited.

Like the majority of pesantren in Java, this relatively small Shi‘i institution has all the basic elements of the pesantren tradition: pondok, mosque, santri, the instruction of Islamic texts and kyai. Students are drawn from all over Indonesia, including Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan and Sulawesi. They live in the pondok and have to follow all the activities of the institution. Since there is no entry examination for the pesantren, some of the students arrive not having completed their primary education. They can attend a primary school located next to the pesantren every morning if necessary, but this is optional. Compared with YAPI, the rules and regulations of this institution appear to be more lenient.

Al-Hadi’s small mosque is multi-functional even though its use is confined to the students and teachers of the pesantren. With the exception of the Friday afternoon prayer – the pesantren gives students the choice to perform this prayer at other mosques outside the pesantren – the mosque functions as a centre for education and training activities for students and for the practice of obligatory and recommended religious rituals and ceremonies. However, practice is limited to rituals and ceremonies recommended within the Shi‘i tradition, unlike YAPI which still carries out the practice of ratib recitation, an aspect of the Sufi tradition. It seems that this pesantren is centred on its mosque and it provides us with a model for the practice of Shi‘i teachings, as understood by its leaders and teachers. It is for this reason that parents choose to send their children for Islamic learning at this institution. I have even heard reports that a few moved their children from YAPI to Al-Hadi because of Al-Hadi’s focus on the instruction and practice of Shi‘i teachings. In other words, Al-Hadi is an institution of Islamic learning promotes the practice of all aspects of Shi‘i teachings.

Unlike YAPI, Al-Hadi only provides students with religious education, in a programme which, to a great extent, follows the Shi‘i educational system of hawza ‘ilmiyya in Qum, where its founders and teachers trained. This is particularly true in terms of the subjects and instructional materials. The educational programme is organised in six stages. The subjects offered in this institution of learning are very similar to those of the religious education programme at YAPI and include Arabic, ‘aqida, fiqh, tafsir, hadith and Islamic history. All instructional materials are the standard books used in the institutions of Islamic learning in Qum. The basic teachings of Shi‘ism, specifically ‘aqida and fiqh, are taught to the students at the first stage, and they are expected, if not required, to practice them in their daily life. Guidance and training is provided regarding the daily obligatory rituals and ceremonies practiced in the pesantren, all of which are Shi‘i. All the instruction, training and guidance of the Shi‘i teachings in Al-Hadi attempts to realise the institution’s main goal which is to provide its students with the basic knowledge and skills to become Shi‘i teachers in Indonesia. Furthermore, with the knowledge its graduates possess, they are able to pursue higher Islamic education at the institutions of Islamic learning in Qum.

Pesantren Al-Hadi and its head Ahmad Baragbah, (as he himself admitted), have connections with Iran via the office of wilayat al-faqih and some individual learned men. This pesantren follows a similar educational tradition to that practiced in Qum and it was said to send regular reports of its progress to Iran via a representative. Today the Islamic Cultural Centre of Jakarta observes the pesantren’s development, including the execution of curricula and activities of students and teachers, in order to ensure progress. Important events occurring in the pesantren are all reported to the office of wilayat al-faqih in Qum.30 The pesantren also received financial assistance from Iran, as well as educational facilities, particularly books and periodicals.31 The interrelationship is also indicated by the fact that a number of Al-Hadi graduates continue their Islamic education in Qum. Some of them have finished their study and returned to Indonesia; Muhammad in Purwakarta, Ali Al-‘Aydrus in Bandung, and Salman Daruddin in Jakarta to name but a few. In addition, representatives of the Supreme Iranian leader (wali faqih) and individual Shi‘i scholars frequently take the opportunity to visit the pesantren during trips to Indonesia. At the same time, Ahmad Baragbah, with the Islamic knowledge he gained in Qum, has been recognised by Iran as an important Shi‘i figure in Indonesia, and is expected to play a major role in the spread of Shi‘ism. He, along with other prominent figures such as Jalaluddin Rakhmat and Zahir Yahya, was appointed as a representative of the wali faqih in the accumulation and distribution of one-fifth tax khums in Indonesia. Together with Umar Shahab they were also expected to prepare for the establishment of Shi‘i organisations in Indonesia.32

The strategies implemented by Al-Hadi in the promotion of Shi‘ism revealed striking contrasts with those of YAPI. In contrast to the founder and leaders of YAPI, the founder of Al-Hadi openly admitted that his institution of Islamic learning is Shi‘i.33 The establishment of the institution of Islamic education was motivated by “Ahmad Baragbah’s anxiety over the emergence of misperceptions in the Muslim community in Indonesia of the Shi‘i school – especially after the outbreak of the Iranian Islamic revolution.”34 Baragbah believes that the institution is not intended to create religious conflict in multi-religious Indonesia, instead its purpose is to invite fellow Muslims to recognise the existence of Shi‘ism as a religious stream within Islam.35 It is implied that by implementing the abovementioned strategies and expressing all Shi‘i doctrinal beliefs and religious practices in all situations, the Sunni community will acknowledge the real Shi‘i teachings, including those aspects similar or different to Sunni Islam, and in turn the Shi‘i community will be recognised. Consequently all misperceptions and libels will disappear, a goal shared by both YAPI and Al-Hadi.

Although reactions to the chosen strategies are very negative – as will be explained in chapter eight - Al-Hadi continues to maintain this course in its struggle for recognition. The habitus36 of Ahmad Baragbah as a young graduate of the institution of Shi‘i learning in Qum is integral to the exercising of these strategies. It seems that the habitus was acquired during the 1980s when he was young and full of missionary zeal. Jalaluddin Rakhmat describes Ahmad Baragbah and other ustadh of the Qum alumni as young graduates with very strong missionary zeal, determined to save the world by applying the fiqh approach. According to Rakhmat, their orientation in fiqh is what the Shi‘is in Indonesia need.37 In a more accurate expression, returning from their Islamic education, with the knowledge and experience gained at the heart of Shi‘i learning, they attempted to provide an exemplary model for the total practice of Shi‘i teachings. Baragbah once stated that, in general, the fellow Muslims have not yet fully implemented Islamic doctrines in real life.38 Additionally, until these were indeed implemented, there had been no attempt by the existing Shi‘i figures to outwardly express the Shi‘i teachings in all their forms.

Unlike Husein Al-Habsyi who already occupied the position of learned man in the Muslim community, as a young graduate in religious education, Ahmad Baragbah was still in the process of acquiring his status. In Bourdieu’s view he did this by implementing strategies that would accumulate, in particular, symbolic capital that could easily be converted into economic capital. In doing so, Ahmad Baragbah used very different strategies to those of Husein Al-Habsyi, who needed only to maintain the various kinds of capital he had already gained. Even though both men shared the same goal – to bring about the recognition of Shi‘ism and the Shi‘i community in the Sunni-dominated country - Ahmad Baragbah clearly struggled to accumulate the same kind of capital as Al-Habsyi.

B. Schools

Alongside the Islamic foundations such as YAPI and Al-Hadi which establish educational institutions in the form of pesantren, there are other foundations which have established school programmes. The first and most famous is the Muthahhari Foundation, founded on 3 October 1988 in Bandung by Muslim intellectuals. According to the foundations legal document, the first executive board includes Jalaluddin Rakhmat (chief), Agus Effendi (vice chief), Haidar Bagir (secretary), and Ahmad Muhajir (treasurer). Like YAPI, its founders, in particular Jalaluddin Rakhmat, frequently reject the notion that the institution is Shi‘i, however it is still considered to be an important centre for the spread of Shi‘ism in Indonesia. An historical account tells that the establishment of the foundation was born of the good relationship between Jalaluddin Rakhmat and Husein Al-Habsyi who also provided financial capital for the institution.39 It is not by accident therefore, that both Husein Al-Habsyi and Jalaluddin Rakhmat shared similarities strategies in the promotion of Shi‘ism.

The Muthahhari Foundation with its slogan “for the enlightenment of Islamic thought” was established to organise various programmes in the field of research, education and information for the Indonesian society at large. As mentioned in its brochure,40 its general goals are to develop Islamic thought, to formulate an Islamic worldview, to participate in the field of education and da‘wa, and to contribute to the promotion of Islamic unity as they have been shown in the intellectual and activist portrait of Murtada Mutahhari.41 To achieve the above goals, the Muthahhari Foundation has organised several programmes that are classified into three categories: a specific programme that organises critical studies and the advancement of Muthahhari’s thoughts; a general programme comprising all efforts aimed at developing Islamic thoughts and education; and an additional programme which serves as a link between the foundation and the community at large.42

In order to implement, in particular, its educational programmes. the foundation established the Lembaga Pembinaan Ilmu-Ilmu Islam (Institute for Establishment of Islamic Knowledge) abbreviated as LPII. This institute is headed by Jalaluddin Rakhmat. As a division within the structure of the foundation, LPII organises several programmes with the purpose of overcoming the dichotomy between ‘ulama’ and intellectual (as discussed in chapter 1). Besides giving an opportunity for intellectuals to learn fields of Islamic knowledge and for ‘ulama’ or religious teachers to learn secular sciences and modern information, the institute aims to provide a forum which incorporates both ‘ulama’ and intellectuals, who collectively can find solutions to the problems of Muslim society. LPII also sees its role as advancing a modern curriculum in the field of Islamic knowledge in accordance with the needs of the Muslim society.43

In the beginning LPII organised courses on both Islamic and secular sciences for university students in the form of a Pesantren Mahasiswa (a traditional institution of Islamic learning for university students). The santri (students) were divided into two groups: regular and non-regular. Regular students joined a two-year programme. Like the santri mukim within the pesantren tradition, these regular students were university students or graduates of non-Islamic universities and were treated as santri with no basic Islamic knowledge. The curriculum these students followed included Arabic, tafsir, hadith, Islamic history, ethics, comparative Islamic jurisprudence, Islamic philosophy and western philosophy. Resembling the santri kalong within the pesantren tradition, the non-regular santri only enrolled in a specific lecture series held on a certain day and week. They were offered courses in Islamic and secular sciences, from which they chose their subjects according to their interest. Diverse subjects were offered including, in the field of Islamic knowledge: Arabic, ‘ulum al-Qur’an, ‘ulum al-hadith, Islamic history, usul al-fiqh, ‘ilm al-Qira’at (science of Qur’anic recitation), Sufism, kalam and Islamic philosophy. The secular science course included logic, Western philosophy, journalism, research methodology, management and organisation, entrepreneurship and communication technology.44 During a sermon at Darut Tauhid (an institution founded and headed by Abdullah Gymnastiar) in September 1992, Jalaluddin Rakhmat said that his pesantren was established in order to provide traditional Islamic knowledge to the educated who attended campuses within a Western system of education, such as students of ITB, UNPAD, IKIP. At the same time he was teaching the santri of traditional pesantren certain modern sciences. He then states “Overall, we would like to become a bridge for intellectual and pesantren groups as well as to develop a non-sectarianism attitude.”45

However, the pesantren programme for the regular santri did not run as well as was expected. According to an internal report, the programme only managed to recruit 30 students and was sustained for less than a year.46 In contrast, the series of courses for the non-regular students, with its diverse curriculum, was more successful and continued to develop. Forced to re-assess their plans, in 1992 Jalaluddin Rakhmat and his associates established a new school which has since becomes the main activity of the Muthahhari Foundation. This new school - SMU Plus (Senior High School Plus) – is now one of the most desired in Bandung, if not in Indonesia. As previously mentioned the attribute ‘Plus’ is used because the programme combines a number of subjects from the national curriculum with Islamic instruction and a focus on fostering moral conduct.47 The school has attracted an enthusiastic response from people throughout Indonesia, and parents - both Sunni and Shi‘i - from Java, Sumatra, Kalimantan and other islands send their children to study at SMU Plus. While the Muthahhari Foundation provides accommodation for those first year students from outside Bandung who need it, unlike the traditional pesantren system, SMU Plus is not a boarding school. This transformation has enhanced the popularity of the Muthahhari Foundation and its leaders including Jalaluddin Rakhmat, who is now the chief of the foundation and head of the school.

SMU Plus can be regarded as an alternative model for secondary education in Indonesia and also an attempt to bridge the gap between ‘ulama’ and intellectuals as explained above. It has also shown unique characteristics in comparison to other senior high schools (SMU) in the country. This is demonstrated in its curriculum content which integrates the SMU curriculum outlined by the Department of National education with basic computer science, intensive Arabic and English, and fields of Islamic knowledge (dirasa Islamiyya) such as ‘ulum al-Qur’an, ‘ulum al-hadith, usul al-fiqh, and comparative fiqh. Unlike regular high schools, which teach about five and a half hours a day, SMU Plus requires students to attend for eight and a half hours a day (from 7am to 3.30 pm), six days a week, in order for them to complete all the educational activities. To achieve its goals, the school has provided its students with a library containing a significant number of collections in Indonesian, Arabic, Persian and English and other facilities such as laboratories.

Various extra-curricula activities are also provided so that the students may improve their skills. One example is the so-called ‘X-day’, (usually Wednesdays), when students are expected to take part in the extra-curriculum programme at school in accordance with their interests. Activities on offer include Achievement Motivation Training (AMT), various study clubs (computer, English, Arabic), photography, advertising, calligraphy, theatrical arts, graphic design, and various kinds of sport. The students are also provided with comparative study and a spiritual camp. This spiritual camp deserves special attention here. This activity requires students to observe the life of oppressed people located in a certain area, interview them, and write reports about the group. Spiritual camp also requires certain Islamic rituals and prayers to be practiced. The aim of the activity is for students to incorporate spiritual aspects of religion in their daily life. It should be noted that the students of SMU Plus are active in both a wide range of social and religious activities, including those offered by the Muthahhari foundation, and these activities are seen as an important element of the educational system implemented by the school.

At least four philosophical principles form the basis of SMU Plus’s intensive educational programme. These four philosophical reasons are formulated from a so-called ‘quantum learning’ (an accelerated learning programme) invented by Bobbi DePorter and Mike Hernacki.48 The first principle is that since human potential is unlimited, education - which is a process towards perfection - should be able to maximise this potential. Second, the relationship between teacher and student should be considered a partnership rather than a ‘subject-object’ relationship. The third principle of this educational philosophy is that since man is approaching towards God, both teacher and student attempt to realise God’s qualities, as expressed in his 99 names, in themselves. Fourth, education is a process with both physical and psychological aspects, both influencing each other, and so both aspects need to be incorporated in teaching methods. On the basis of these philosophical principles, the institutional objectives of SMU Plus are: First, to develop the students’ intellect by implementing critical methods based on the philosophical principle that humans possess unlimited potential; second, to develop creativity by implementing exercises based on the belief that education attempts to maximise students’ potential; and finally, to develop moral conduct by implementing riyada (Sufi ritual) on the basis of the philosophical principle that humans possess the spiritual capability to approach God.49

It is clear that the methods of quantum learning, modelling and riyada have been implemented at SMU Plus in an attempt to maximise the students’ potential. Jalaluddin Rakhmat emphasises that these methods entail: maximising the effect of the physique on the psyche, maximising the effect of the psyche on the physique and guidance towards mystical experience. In quantum learning, to maximise the affect of physique, students are provided with pleasant physical and social environments, which increase self-esteem. They carry out physical exercise to generate self-confidence, and also undertake exercises in critical thinking, utilising music and so on. The so-called modelling method involves presenting examples of people with excellence as role models. These role models have a psychological influence on students who, when they find their appropriate model, will imitate their behaviour. These and other techniques used at the school are designed to generate self-confidence and positive thinking among the students. In respect of the riyada method, students are guided to practice religious rituals such as dhikr (remembrance of God’s names) and prayers which foster the notion that their teachers resemble murshid (Sufi teacher) within the Sufi tradition.50

Another characteristic of the educational method implemented by SMU Plus which sets it apart from other schools in Indonesia its emphasis on reward rather than punishment. The teachers at SMU Plus do not criticise their students because criticism is seen as a destructive influence on the learning process. The students are trained to have a positive self-image and are shown appreciation and rewarded for achievements in order that their potential is maximised.51 In this regard, the school has developed, various types of rewards in respect of achievements in certain subjects and skills. For example, the Quarterly Award (the best score in each class), the Grade Award (the best score at each level), the Annual Award (the best in all levels), and the Achievement Award (presented to those who gain achievements in academic, moral, and extra-curriculum activities).52 With this goal of maximising the students’ potential in mind, the school continues to implement new findings in the field of education, such as the principles of multiple intelligences53 and accelerated learning, in order to improve the quality of the learning process.

The implementation of the above, methods and unique curriculum, supported by a number of teachers who graduated from ITB, UNPAD, IKIP, IAIN and Middle Eastern schools, and combined with excellent educational facilities, are all factors which make the educational programme of SMU Plus successful. Since its foundation, its students have gained achievements in various kinds of educational competitions and a large number of its graduates have enrolled at well-known state universities in Indonesia. For its achievements, the school has received praises and credits from the government, particularly the Department of National Education, and members of Indonesian society. In 2001 the Department declared SMU Plus to be a model for the establishment of personality and moral conduct (akhlaq) of students in Indonesia.54 Rakhmat himself admits that a number of senior bureaucrats and eminent leaders of religious organisations send their children to the school.55 A large number of heads and teachers from educational institutions throughout the country - from primary, secondary and tertiary levels, state as well as private - have visited the school owing to its reputation as a good school.56

The Muthahhari Foundation’s success in establishing the school led it to create another branch of the same school in Jakarta, in order to attract the interest of the population there, with a particular eye on the upper-middle class Jakartans. However, while the original school in Bandung attracted significant numbers of students, the branch in Jakarta was less successful. For various reasons, the most significant being an internal conflict, the Jakarta branch of SMU Plus closed in the middle of 2004. Some of its students were transferred to a new school called Lazuardi that belongs to Haidar Bagir, a co-founder of the Muthahhari Foundation.

In addition to the establishment of the Jakarta branch, in 2000 the Foundation also set up a Junior High School Plus (SLTP Plus) in Rancaekek, a district of Bandung. This branch resembles the pesantren system as it provides a dormitory for its students. Syamsuri Ali observes that, unlike the SMU Plus, in the subject of Islamic jurisprudence, students at SLTP Plus are only instructed in the Shi‘i teachings.57 In most other aspects of the school – its philosophy, principles of curriculum and methods, the SLTP Plus attempts to follow the path of SMU Plus. As a relatively new school though, it is yet to attain the same level of achievements as its sister institution. The development of these institutions reveals the dynamics of the Muthahhari Foundation and its participation in the field of education in Indonesia, a field that still deserves great attention not only from the government but also from private institutions.

Throughout its history and development, the Muthahhari Foundation has not only been concerned with education - although its success in this field seems to have overshadowed its other influential activities - it is also involved in cultural and social activities. For example, between 1990 and 1997, the foundation published 17 issues of Al-Hikmah, the journal of Islamic studies, and the bulletin Al-Tanwir.58 In addition, under the auspices of the previously mentioned ‘specific’ programme, the foundation has produced studies of the life and scholarly works of Murtada Mutahhari, including translations and a biography written by Haidar Bagir, both produced in collaboration with the Islamic publisher Mizan.59 The foundation is considered to be one of the most active organisations regarding the spread and promotion of Muthahhari’s thoughts to the people of Indonesia. Like YAPI, the foundation has also expanded its role as a publisher of Islamic books, producing at least twelve books including biographies, prayers, Islamic thoughts written by Ali Shari‘ati, Mutahhari, Jalaluddin Rakhmat, and even a student team from SMU Plus.60

Another important contribution of the Foundation is its function in the social field, and specifically its social programme for the poor and orphans, the group that is commonly called the oppressed. Since its inception, the Muthahhari Foundation appears to have paid great attention to the education of this unfortunate group for two reasons: First, the foundation’s aims include generating and improving the self-respect of the poor and other segments of the lower class. Second, it is intended to guide children of the oppressed that they may compete in the field of education, from primary to tertiary level.61 Furthermore, as a Shi‘i institution, the Muthahhari Foundation functions in the religious field and organises public religious rituals. Every Thursday evening the so-called kumayl supplication is performed collectively at the Al-Munawwarah Mosque. Other rituals and ceremonies to celebrate certain important historical events according to the Shi‘i tradition, particularly ‘ashura, have involved the participation of not only members of the Foundation and its students but also other participants from outside Bandung. Seen from this perspective, the foundation is, without doubt, Shi‘i and functions to preserve (aspects of) Shi‘i tradition in Indonesia.

This portrait of the Muthahhari Foundation clearly reveals its role in the spread of Shi‘ism in the country. Its strategies are similar to those adopted by YAPI, and they both share a mission to promote the existence of Shi‘ism as a legitimate school within Islam to the Muslim community. Both are engaged in the struggle for recognition. At SMU Plus the religious subjects are comparative and the students - children of both Sunni and Shi‘i parents - are taught the skills of critical thinking and to utilise this critical analysis in regard to certain important religious thoughts and practices. In other words, the students are taught to have freedom in religious thought and expression, and to believe in the principle of plurality in religious thought and practice, in particular with respect to the Sunni-Shi‘i divide. That said, the religious rituals and prayers practiced by the teachers are generally Shi‘i, (though the students are free to continue to perform rituals, particularly obligatory prayers, in accordance with their own beliefs). In this regard, there are maximum and minimum targets of the Muthahhari Foundation: the maximum is the conversion of the students to Shi‘ism, whilst the minimum is acknowledgement of Shi‘ism by the students and a tolerance of its followers. Other activities of the foundation illustrate its clear role in the fulfilment of the religious needs of the Shi‘i community, as well as the promotion of Shi‘ism to the Muslim society at large.

Jalaluddin Rakhmat, the central figure in the Foundation, has similar strategies to those of Husein Al-Habsyi, in developing his institution and promoting Shi‘ism. He continues to promote the importance of Islamic brotherhood between Sunni and Shi‘i, stating in an interview in 1995 that the dichotomy between Sunni and Shi‘i is no longer relevant. He maintains that the establishment of the Foundation is not only a bridge between the intellectuals and the pesantren, but also a means of promoting Islamic brotherhood and the principle that achievements, instead of madhhab, should become the basis of judgement.62 In respect of the importance of actions, Rakhmat’s response to a letter written by student’s parents questioning the position of the Muthahhari Foundation in relation to Shi‘ism needs direct citation.

If I am questioned whether I am a Shi‘i or Sunni, I will only answer that I am a Muslim. I do not want that the Muslim society is divided into madhhab and streams, except only to knowledge. Everyone has status in accord with his/her deeds, says God in the Qur’an. Neither his madhhab nor group. That is also what we teach to the children studying at our school. 63

These factors listed above clearly challenge the existing Sunni-Shi‘i divide within the Muslim society in Indonesia.

Another institution of learning that shares many similarities with both Mutahhari and YAPI is Lazuardi, an institution that has been established recently in Jakarta. The founders of the Lazuardi Hayati Foundation are Haidar Bagir, Lubna Assagaf, Alwi Shihab, Nizar Shihab and Abdurrahman Mulakhela. Haidar Bagir heads the foundation which started in 1994 as a kindergarten led by his wife. Today, Lazuardi comprises a playgroup, kindergarten, primary school, and Senior High School.64 The philosophical basis, curriculum and methods implemented in Lazuardi’s schools are similar to those of the Muthahhari’s SMU Plus. With the exception of the playgroup and the kindergarten which are very popular, these relatively new schools are yet to establish their reputations with the people of the country.

Shi‘is in Indonesia have been active in tertiary education as well. Madina Ilmu Islamic College, located in Sawangan Depok in South Jakarta, (on a site next to Lazuardi’s SMU), was established to produce scholars with the skills and capabilities to advance and spread knowledge as well as to implement this knowledge in Indonesian society. At first the college planned to offer a programme of economics, however, it could only organise a department of Islamic education and da‘wa, based on the core curriculum of Islamic higher learning as outlined by the Department of Religious Affairs and the local curriculum of its own formulation.65 Like the aforementioned schools, this college, under the leadership of Abdurrahman al-‘Aydrus, has adopted principles of openness and pluralism. It is open to students regardless of their madhhab. It tries to attract students, both Sunni and Shi‘i, under the guidance of a number of lecturers. Since its establishment in 1997, the college has produced a number of graduates, some now work at existing Shi‘i foundations or schools while others have pursued their learning in Qum. However, for several reasons – not least a difference of opinion regarding whether or not it should present itself as a Shi‘i college - its development seems to have fluctuated.

At graduate level there exists ICAS (Islamic College for Advanced Studies)in Jakarta, established in cooperation with the University of Paramadina belonging to the late prominent intellectual Murcholish Madjid. As it is a branch of a London-based institute, it uses English as its medium of instruction. Reflecting the great interest among Shi‘is in the subject of philosophy, ICAS offers a Masters programme in Islamic philosophy and in Sufism. It is interesting to note that most of ICAS’s Indonesian staff are Shi‘i. Its director, Muhsin Mirri, is Iranian. Even though ICAS is open to students from all schools of thought or religious convictions, most of its students are Shi‘i. This newly established school has not yet produced graduates.

In sum, despite their small numbers, Shi‘is in Indonesia have participated widely in the field of education from pre-school to tertiary level. The institutions of learning that they have founded reveals that this religious group, and in particular its prominent figures, view education as an important field that should be participated in and developed. In general, the institutions of education belonging to Shi‘is in Indonesia either take the form of the traditional pesantren or belong to the modern school system. In some respects, there have been attempts to adopt elements of both systems and integrate them into a single system - a creative idea and endeavour in the educational field. With respect to their connections with Iran, the existing institutions of learning, (perhaps with the exception of Lazuardi’s schools), have, or used to have, good connections with the Iranian government or with Iranian learned men. With the exception of Al-Hadi, they attempt to provide Indonesian Muslims - regardless of their madhhab - with the educational programmes required for their children to develop their potential and skills. With regard to religious orientation, with the exception of Al-Hadi, the institutions implement open strategies in order to introduce Shi‘i teachings with the purpose of educating students that Shi‘ism is a valid and legitimate madhhab within Islam. Recognition among the Sunni in the country is without question an important issue for Indonesia’s Shi‘is, and they appear to consider education as the key to achieving this goal.