Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

Al-Imam al-Rida [a.s] and the Heir Apparency

A discussion of the role of the 8th Imam, Imam Ali ar-Rida, and the issues surrounding his nomination as heir to the Abbasid caliph Al-Mamun.

Authors(s): Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams ad-Din Al-Amili

Translator(s): Batool Ispahany

Journal: Vol.8, N.2

WWW.ALHASSANAIN.ORG/ENGLISH

Table of Contents

Al-'Imam al-Rida [a] and the Heir Apparency3

1. Goals and Methods4

2. The Central Issue7

3. New Distortions, and the Dilemma of the 'Abbasid Regime10

4. The Problematical Aspect of Heir Apparency12

5. The Causes14

6. The Results17

7. Success and Failure19

Al-'Imam al-Rida [a] and the Heir Apparency

This paper was presented by the author, a well-known Lebanese scholar, at the first international seminar held on al-'Imam al-Rida (A) at Mashhad from August 10 to 14, 1984.

1. Goals and Methods

After the martyrdom of al-'Imam al-Husayn (A) the objective of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), as we see it, was two-fold. Firstly, their goal was to protect Islam against corruption, forgery and mis-interpretation. This was done in several ways. The foremost of them was to establish the authentic Sunnah in the face of other claims which were influenced, to a lesser or greater degree, by the inclinations of existing regimes and the heresies (ahwa') of those in control of them during the Umayyad and the 'Abbasid eras.

Since the corruption (tahrif) on the Qur'anic text was out of question, the most dangerous phenomenon that confronted Islam from within was the narration of forged and corrupted traditions ascribed to the Prophet (S). The meanings of certain Qur'anic verses were distorted - particularly those concerning the most important political and social concepts - by the means of fabricated and corrupted hadith. Therefore, the Imams (A) did their best to spread the hadith among the people and employed all the means to extend the range of its circulation throughout the various regions.

Secondly, their objective was to protect the followers of the authentic Islamic path, and those who were close to it in various degrees, from ignorance, deviation and the danger of physical liquidation.

Their protection from ignorance was secured by strong emphasis on the diffusion of Islamic teachings among them, through dispatching missionaries to them, founding centres of religious instruction in various regions, and establishing a rightly-guided authority for them, and these affiliated them to the path of the Ahl al-Bayt (A).

This affiliation was a conscious one, based on knowledge (ma'rifah) and conviction, which guaranteed continuity and resistance in the face of trials and difficulties, not one based only on emotional attachment or merely on taqlid, for that could not ensure the perpetuity and invincibility of a revolutionary political and ideological movement as sought by the Ahl al-Bayt (A).

They were protected from deviation (fitnah) by being persistently and repeatedly prohibited from being assimilated into the infrastructive of an oppressive and irreligious political authority, and by being enjoined to keep aloof from it without dissociating themselves from the rest of the Islamic community.

They were instructed to keep close relations with all the Muslims, on the basis of coexistence with the authorities while abstaining from entering their organization or participating in its establishment so far as it did not harm the general order of the society or go against the basic vital interests of the community following the path of the Ahl al-Bayt (A).

They were also protected from deviation by being constantly prohibited to take sides with this or that rival party from among the oppressors who struggled for power.

They, as individuals or groups, were protected from being persecuted in their districts or from being exiled or executed by the prescription of taqiyyah. We basically understand taqiyyah as being an ordinance aimed at the protection of the lives of individuals and their personal interests, so long as that does not violate the basic principles and political commitment to society.

However, when taqiyyah leads to the abandonment of the principles or deviation from them in a political issue, or when it goes against political commitment to society, then it is not lawful, because it was introduced to protect the individuals upholding and defending the principles. Thus it should be noted that taqiyyah was prescribed to safeguard the principles and to insure their success in the future. It is not reasonable, therefore, that it should become a cause of the weakening or even the destruction of those very principles for the sake of protecting the interests of the individuals.

This objective manifested itself on the plane of practice and reality, after the martyrdom of al-Husayn (A), in the form of a balance between three elements:

(1) taqiyyah on the individual level,

(2) preservation of the general order of the Islamic society and the Muslim community in respect of administration and public services,

(3) refusal to grant political legitimacy to the oppressive regime.

The Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) dealt with the existing regimes within these limits. This balance resulted in the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) working with the existing system on an administrative level, in so far as that would preserve the general order of society and provide an atmosphere conducive to safety and freedom of movement for them and their followers.

Thus the goal of safeguarding the ultimate prophecy from corruption would be achieved while preserving the political stand opposing the oppressive regimes, which characterized the path of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), in a live and active state.

A situation such as this has always been a painful one for those Islamic activists who, by virtue of their stand, have various responsibilities towards the society and yet work at a socio-political stage in history during which immediate and complete revolution is not possible. It was necessary for them to ensure, firstly, that political opposition does not damage the foundations of society and upset its general order.

On the other hand, it was necessary to exercise thorough vigilance at every stage so that the fulfilment of those requirements would not lead to the granting of political legitimacy to the oppressive or irreligious government.

The guidance offered by the lives of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) in direction of political activism, either at the level of the Ummah or that of specific communities within it, will protect the activist from errors and confusion while considering the limits within which he must remain.

When we examine the nature of this goal, the characteristic of both aspects of which have been recorded and demonstrated in the lives of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), we find that, on the one hand, it has the fundamental characteristic of propagating the ultimate prophetic message and safeguarding Islam from distortion. On the other hand, we find that it has a defensive characteristic shown in the protection of the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) from the afore-mentioned dangers.

The most profound significance of both the aspects of this goal lay in the preparation of the Ummah and the renewal of its foundations, after its relapse in the early period of Islam and the consequent deviation in political matters and issues pertaining to government, which in turn were followed by deviation on the legal front. This deviation was regarding the source and authority of the Sunnah, which is the second source of legislation in Islam after the Book of Allah, the Mighty and Sublime.

The object of this preparation was to safeguard the healthy nucleus constituted by the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) and to enable it to expand by attracting a larger number of Muslims to its circle. This would facilitate the establishment of a state on the basis of Islam, following the creation of a wider Islamic base for it.

This base would be committed to the idea of the Islamic state; it would promote it and serve as the point of departure towards it, until God, the Exalted, fulfils His ultimate promise through the appearance of the Mahdi (Baqiyyat Allah), may God's peace be upon him and may He hasten his appearance.

2. The Central Issue

In order to understand this goal, one must study the social, political and legal aspects of the life of each of the Infallible Imams (A). Here we will study one aspect of the political life of al-'Imam 'Ali al Rida (A), his designation to the heir apparency of the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mun - which was perhaps the most significant phase in his political life - and the issues related to it.

We will see that al-'Imam al-Rida (A) played the role of an active leader in giving direction to the events even in his situation where he could only react, for his responses stemmed from a precise and universal plan that enabled him not only to counter the problem that he faced but also to carry out his duties of supreme leadership in the Ummah.

Here the discussion revolves around the question of succession, which was the central problem of the Islamic polity after the demise of the Prophet (S). This problem had grown steadily in significance until it reached a climax following the martyrdom of Amir al-Mu'minin 'Ali (A). It exploded with the revolution of al-Husayn (A) into a series of crises of political legitimacy throughout the era of the Imams (A) up to the occultation of the Awaited Imam (A). In the period of occultation it assumed other forms of expression.

In the Umayyad and 'Abbasid regimes - as well as other regimes contemporaneous with the 'Abbasids, such as the Umayyad regime in Andalusia, the Fatimid caliphate in North Africa - and other regimes that came after them in various parts of the Islamic world through the ages up to the time of the Ottoman caliphate and the Safavid sultanate - all the rulers identified their regimes, in character and origin, as being Islamic.

They ruled in the name of Islam and governed over the people in matters of peace and war, the economy, politics, the judiciary, social organization and other matters of socio-political life on the basis of their governments being Islamic systems which implemented Islamic laws. The legitimacy of these governments was based on the claim of their being derived from Islam. But what was the source of the legitimacy of actual leadership?

On a theoretical and abstract level, the issue is dissolved, for all claim to be Islamic and apply Islam according to their own understanding of it, in different ways, without being faithful to the Qur'anic text and often disgracefully violating the spirit of the Qur'anic text.

However, on a practical level, there are two very different view-points about the source of the legitimacy of leadership: firstly, the view based on designation (nass); secondly, the view which disregards designation (nass) and is based on the principle of allegiance (bay'ah). The conflict between these two views dominated the Islamic Ummah after the demise of the Noble Messenger (S) up to the end of the Umayyad era, when the 'Abbasid missionary activity (da'wah) began.

The principle of designation (nass) had been firmly established in the minds of the Ummah as a result of the activities of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) and their companions in educating them, firstly, about the issue of designation, secondly, about the cause of the perverseness of the Umayyad regime and its deviation from Islam on a theoretical and practical level, and thirdly, about the reason for the Umayyad rulers implementing the principle of designation (nass) in their own particular way.

For example, Mu'awiyah implemented it by means of designating his heir apparent and seeking prior allegiance (bay'ah) for him. Due to all that, the principle of nass became the sole basis in the minds of a large section of Muslims, and came to be regarded as the most preferable choice among the rest as the source of the legitimacy of rule on the basis of actual and practical leadership. The principle of bay'ah became invalid as the only source of legitimate rule and was no longer anything but a complementary aspect of the principle of nass.

When 'Abbasid da'wah began, it confronted this reality in the political domain as well as in the mind of the Ummah. It also used all the suggestions and concepts of the past to allude to the principle of nass, without making an explicit commitment to it, for the fear that such a commitment would entail handing over power to the legitimate ruler.

Thus the 'Abbasid missionaries exploited the names of the 'Alids and the Ahl al-Bayt (A), and the term 'itrah (progeny). They constantly used an ambiguous expression which had been used earlier by certain people who had revolted against the Umayyads after the revolution of al-Husayn (A): the call to “al-rida min aal Muhammad”.

This expression was a new endorsement of the position based on the principle of nass - and it was aimed to exploit all the political potential that this principle carried with the Ummah - without explicitly committing to it. This would enable them to make an about-face in a massive publicity operation aimed to misguide the Muslim public opinion. The 'Abbasid missionary activity advanced under this banner, and when it implemented its political plan to overthrow the Umayyad regime and establish the 'Abbasid state, it was based on the principle of nass.

From the very first speech of Abu al-'Abbas al-Saffah, after he was acknowledged as the leader in Kufah, the 'Abbasids claimed that they had implemented the political plan of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), the family of 'Ali (A), the Banu Hashim and the descendants of the Prophet (S).

With the implementation of the 'Abbasid plan, three different ideas in the Islamic political thought were alternately used, in order to address the main question in the Islamic political problem during the era of the Infallible Imams (A). The question dealt with the source of the legitimacy of actual leadership after the expiry of all Islamic political entities which traced their origins to Islam and claimed to practise it.

1. The principle of nass. This was the principle of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) who devoted themselves to establish it firmly in the mind of the Ummah and to create an awareness in it through it, so that it became, as mentioned, generally acceptable to all the Muslims, whether as the sole formula for legitimacy of rule or as the most preferable one.

2. The principle of bay'ah. It completely ignored the principle of nass and did not acknowledge it, directly or indirectly.

3. The principle of “al-rida min aal Muhammad”. It was the formula on which the 'Abbasid missionary activity was based and which was politically implemented. This principle, which in essence was the principle of bay'ah, was actually, as we have said, a distortion of the principle of nass aimed to exploit its political potential on one hand, and to escape from its political implications on the other. The political implication of the principle of nass is government by the Infallible Imam. This was what the 'Abbasids did their utmost to prevent. However, for the success of their missionary activity, they urgently needed the political benefits of the principle of nass; hence the slogan of “al-rida min aal Muhammad”.

Other expressions used by them were: “'Alids”, “Hashimites”, “Ahl al-Bayt,” “the Offspring of the Prophet” (dhurriyyat al-Nabi)”, and “the Progeny” ('itrah). These were the ideological and political tools they used to achieve their aim, and they accomplished it in the following way. In the mind of the Ummah the principle of nass was associated with the Ahl al-Bayt (A). Mentioning nass would make one immediately think of the pre-eminent right of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), and speaking of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) in a political context would call to mind the principle of nass.

The 'Abbasid missionary activity took advantage of this association and connection between nass and the Ahl al-Bayt (A), who were regarded as being the embodiment of the principle of nass in Islamic society.

After their victory, the 'Abbasids developed the ideology that served as the basis of vindicating their rule in order to counter the difficulty created by the discovery of the truth by some of the senior leaders of the da'wah, who believed that they were active against the Umayyads on the basis of the principle of nass. The 'Abbasids had used the slogan 'revenge for the family of Muhammad (S)', as a justification for holding on to political power. They also used the terms 'right' (al-haqq) and 'inheritance' (irth) to vindicate their ideological stand.

This was a political message understood by the people, and it suggested the principle of nass to certain groups of people who did not have strong links with the Ahl al-Bayt (A). The evil 'ulama' and venal thinkers were able, by intellectual and theological maneuvering, to misguide the people about the true meaning of the principle of nass.

3. New Distortions, and the Dilemma of the 'Abbasid Regime

After the triumph of the 'Abbasids and the realization of their plan, the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) and their companions did not give up their political activity, based on the principle of nass, in the Ummah. Now, they did not only have to deal with the principle of the bay'ah. A new, political concept had entered the scene; it was the notion of 'al-rida min aal Muhammad (S)'. The legitimacy claimed by the 'Abbasids had been acquired on the basis of this formula on the instructions of Ibrahim ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah.

The Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) and their followers faced these new conditions with vigour. A penetrating study of the texts concerning Imamate pertaining to the period following the establishment of the 'Abbasid state will reveal a development in the quantity of these texts, their intellectual and ideological content, and the increased emphasis on the central position of the Imamate in the belief of the Ummah.

The activity of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) and their followers in educating and making the Ummah aware of the political question on the basis of nass, in revealing the fabrications of the 'Abbasid regime regarding the legitimacy of actual leadership, and disclosing the ambiguity which was exploited in the slogan 'al-rida min aal Muhammad (S)' - all that re-awakened the consciousness of the Ummah with regard to the principle of nass and the conception of Imamate.

This education on the one hand, and the injustices committed by the 'Abbasid government on the other, served to nurture an atmosphere of revolution in the Ummah based on the principle of nass. This was often done with the slogan of 'al-rida min aal Muhammad (S)' - the same slogan on whose basis the 'Abbasid state had been established and by which it acquired its legitimacy. This means that the legitimacy of 'Abbasid rule had completely disappeared and the idea of a radical change, instead of one of mere reform, was put forward.

Thus it is evident that the problem which began to seriously trouble the 'Abbasid state regarding the basis of legitimacy of rule was a second political problem resulting from the political and military conflicts within the state between the major forces which formed the caliphal state, as well as the conflicts among the 'Abbasids themselves.

From the reign of al-Mansur, in the early stages of their rule, the 'Abbasids had faced the problem of legitimacy with the policy of suppressing the 'Alids by measures unheard of in history. They also employed legal notions to bear upon the political question, such as: 'right' (haqq), 'inheritance' (irth), 'kinship' (qarabah), and priority of paternal cousins over daughter's sons.

Jurisprudence (fiqh), speculation, literature and theology were all used in this political battle, and some heretical theological sects emerged which put forward certain concepts and expressions that were employed in it. However, bitter experience had proved that these repressive measures not only failed, but further nourished the propagation and continuance of revolutionary trends which rejected the 'Abbasid regime.

Al-Ma'mun realized the futility of this method in facing the problem caused by the principle of nass. He realized that he could deal successfully with the problem arising from the struggle of factions among the 'Abbasids and the struggle of the major powers in the regime through political and military means. However, he could not deal with the first problem - that of the nass - with the same measures, since it was of a different nature and would not yield to such measures. Political measures would not be of any use, and military measures would only aggravate the problem.

The 'Abbasids were very aware of the ineffectiveness of political measures in this kind of predicament and of the counter-productive effects of military measures. It was enough to recall how the Umayyads dealt with the problem of Khurasan at the beginning of the 'Abbasid revolution, in order to learn a lesson from it.

Al-Ma'mun confronted both the problems together. He continued to deal with the second problem using the customary military and political methods, but he faced the first fundamental issue of legitimacy through an understanding of the nature and method of its treatment.

Al-Ma'mun realized that this problem had to be dealt with in a way that was in keeping with its nature. An ideological problem had political effects, so it was not reasonable to treat the effects without treating their cause. The appropriate method should also be ideological. Thus, he conceived the idea of an ideological solution for the ideological problem, and that was to make al-'Imam 'Ali ibn Musa ibn Ja'far (A), called al-Rida, the heir apparent.

The solution was brilliant, for it revived the 'Abbasid da'wah and restored effectiveness and credibility to the slogan “al-rida min aal Muhammad” by embodying it in the person who represented that slogan in the mind of the Ummah. Thus the slogan remained no longer vague or obscure; rather it was now portrayed in a particular person who represented the principle of nass in its complete purity. The brilliance of the idea was that it presented an exemplary solution to the problem, which realized the goal of al-Ma'mun's greatest desire.

On the one hand, it gave legitimacy to the leadership, thus putting an end to the political and ideological problem and legitimating all military and political confrontations with the revolutionary movement. On the other hand, it deferred returning the right (to the Imam of the Ahl al-Bayt [A]), for it was succession and not a transfer of power that was offered. It was doubtful that the heir apparency offered would result in sovereign rule, since al-'Imam al-Rida (A) was twenty-two years older than al-Ma'mun.

The idea was also brilliant since, apparently, it completely altered the balance in al-Ma'mun's favour, for the ideological problem which was earlier than the problem of al-Ma'mun and the 'Abbasid regime now became the problem of the followers of the principle of nass and the figure who was its embodiment: al-'Imam al-Rida (A).

4. The Problematical Aspect of Heir Apparency

One aspect of this problem is that it is completely natural and understandable that a ruler who unlawfully holds power, as a result of which he is plagued by dangers and difficulties, should authorize the handing over of power after him to the rightful and lawful nominee who is twenty-two years older than him.

This would be carried out in a carefully planned operation by the actual ruler who wished to overcome his difficulties in this way. The explanation of this aspect of the problem is simple after the circumstances, aims and precautions are clarified in light of our knowledge of the central issue in the Islamic political problem.

However, that which is difficult to understand is why the lawful, older nominee should accept this succession. Such an acceptance may imply an acknowledgement of the legitimacy of the de facto ruler, helping to put an end to his difficulties, in exchange for the promise of handing over the government.

Naturally, it was not possible to fulfil such a promise in view of the difference in the ages of the ruler and his heir apparent, in view of the constant possibility of assassination, and especially in view of what was indicated by al-'Imam al-Rida (A) when he said: “It is a matter that will not be accomplished” and his awareness that al-Ma'mun's moves were not motivated by any conviction that the right to rule should be returned to those worthy of it, but only out of necessity. This is the problematic aspect of the issue.

To solve this problem, we must return to the fundamental aim of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) after the martyrdom of al-Husayn (A). In the light of that we will understand why al-'Imam al-Rida (A) first refused and then accepted the bay'ah of succession to al-Ma'mun.

As we said, this aim was twofold: firstly, to protect Islam from being distorted, falsified and misinterpreted; secondly, to protect the followers of the authentic Islamic path, the followers of the principle of nass and those Muslims close to it, from ignorance, deviation and liquidation.

Al-'Imam al-Rida (A) in his refusal and acceptance, and in his term as the heir apparent, adopted a stand appropriate for this aim and took steps which led towards its fulfilment, in the midst of the varying reactions of amazement, resentment and expectation.

He was aware that the allegiance offered to him was the allegiance of death. He was aware of the difficulty of al-Ma'mun and the 'Abbasid caliphate, of the aims of al-Ma'mun in offering him the heir apparency, and of his own dilemma in this offer, which held the danger of acknowledging the legitimacy of al-Ma'mun's rule and thus acknowledging the legitimacy of the 'Abbasid caliphate.

He was aware of the traps which would be set in his way, not the least dangerous of which would be the attempt to involve him in the apparatus of a government and an administration which he had not himself set up, and which were not in keeping with his views, his policies, and his character.

He was aware of all that. That is why his first stand towards the offer was to reject it. Al-Ma'mun and his party continued their efforts to persuade him, and he continued to refuse it until he faced veiled and open threats of death, whence he accepted the heir apparency, “tearfully and sorrowfully”, according to many reports. This was how al-'Imam al-Rida (A) explained his acceptance at various times to some of his companions.

The refusal was understandable. It was in keeping with his general situation, since he was aware of al-Ma'mun's aims and of his own aims in his lifetime. However, the acceptance requires an explanation. The threat of death, inasmuch as it was a threat to a personal life, was not a sufficient reason, in our view, for the acceptance. The position of al-Rida (A) resembled in certain aspects the position of al-Husayn (A), in a form that was in conformity with al-Ma'mun's personality and era, and al-Husayn (A) had made the choice of martyrdom.

We must discover the reason, deeper than that of preservation of personal life, which lay behind al-'Imam al-Rida's acceptance of the heir apparency and which was more fitted to his personality as an Infallible Imam and more in keeping with the firm aim of the Infallible Imams.

In fact, we see that preserving personal life was not one of the real reasons for the acceptance, for al-Ma'mun's offer of heir apparency itself amounted to a sentence of death for al-'Imam al-Rida (A). We believe that the Imam was aware of it, and perhaps because of that, he did not take any of his family to Marv, presuming that the same fate that was in store for him would befall them.

He was under a sentence of death if he did not accept, and he was under a sentence of death if he did. The difference between the two conditions was that either the sentence would be put into effect or postponed. We believe that his refusal was aimed to reveal further elements of al-Ma'mun's plans and intentions as well as the network of contacts which directed the operation of succession (wilayat al-'ahd). His rejection of the heir apparency was not merely a simple reaction.

We believe that al-'Imam al-Rida (A) in his stand - taking into account the difference in eras and the nature of the opposition -strongly resembled the stand of al-'Imam al-Hasan (A). The difference between the two was that al-Hasan (A) faced an immediate or deferred death sentence by witholding what was in his power to give. Al-Rida (A) faced immediate or deferred sentence, on the basis of the false offer that he would gain his usurped rights in the future.

But in order to negate the legitimacy of this right, he chose deferment - like al-'Imam al-Hasan (A) - since it was more suited to the aim of the Imams (A). Al-'Imam al-Husayn (A) chose immediate death since it was more in keeping with his circumstances and the circumstances of the Ummah of his time, more closely connected to the firm aim of the Infallible Imams, and more destructive of his enemy, Yazid and the Umayyad regime.

5. The Causes

In order to understand the underlying cause for al-'Imam al-Rida's (A) acceptance of the fatal allegiance, we must look for the answers on two levels. Firstly, what might have happened if he did not accept, and secondly, what was his aim when he did accept?

Firstly, what might have happened if al-'Imam al-Rida (A) did not accept the fatal allegiance? We believe that which might have happened is as follows:

a. Death. It was necessary for him to avoid being killed, not to preserve his own life, for the Imams did not value their own lives and consider them important except as a means of serving the Ummah. His death would open the door wide for tribulations for the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), who would then have no refuge or guide. We must link the avoidance of death with the essence of the issue of Imamate and its timing, when we note how young al-'Imam al-Jawad (A) was at the time the offer of heir apparency was made. His life was committed to achieving the aims and to avoiding the dangers.

He explained his acceptance to one of his companions who asked him about it, saying: “I chose acceptance over death.” To another companion who asked him: “What made you become involved in the (matter of) heir apparency (wilayat al-'ahd)?” he answered: “That which made my grandfather (i.e. 'Ali [A]) to become involved in the council (shura)?”

We must note that he (A) was compelled to give this simple explanation, acceptable to the people, that he being on his guard against being killed, or the ambiguous explanation in which he made al-'Imam 'Ali (A) his precedent. We must also note that he gave explanations of saving himself from being killed in some of his other discussions.

However, we must be aware that he was compelled to give this kind of explanation, for he was not in a position to speak openly about the reasons underlying his acceptance, in order not to disclose his plan, the reasons why it was necessary, and his actual objective.

He was under surveillance; his conversations and his letters were controlled. He lived in the same conditions as al-'Imam al-Hasan (A) and bore its agonies, as when he heard someone say to him: “Peace be on you, O humiliator of the believers”, without being able to explain his ordeal to the people, not even to many of his confidants. He had to suffer martyrdom every day while he still lived, protecting those whom he loved and defended with his life, while they misunderstood and misinterpreted his actions!

This and other similar situations reveal to us how forlorn the responsibility of leadership was, isolated as he was even from the people closest to him, sad and distressed even in the radiant moments when difficult decisions were taken without being able to explain their reasons. How many agonies and pains did the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) suffer because of that, especially Amir al-Mu'minin 'Ali ibn Abi Talib (A) who had the greatest share of this kind of suffering!

b. It was possible that he might not have been killed, but even then it was certain that there would be an increase in the repression, persecution and exile of the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A). In this way, al-Ma'mun would be able to put pressure on him and take his revenge.

c. It was possible that his rejection of the heir apparency might have led al-Ma'mun's enemies to exploit the situation, which would have added to the stormy revolutionary reactions on the Islamic scene at that time. Moreover, al-Ma'mun's overthrow was in the interests of the hard-line 'Abbasids, the party of al-'Amin, with their attitude to the 'Alids and their hatred of the Iranians; for the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) did not have the ability to take over the government and replace al-Ma'mun after his downfall.

d. It was possible that the refusal might have led to a wide-ranging propaganda against the Imam (A), to the effect that he had let a valuable opportunity pass by, and that in turn might have led to confusion and disarray among the people following the Ahl al-Bayt (A), who would have been subjected to persecution, exile, and intimidation. The inevitable question would have been raised in this dilemma: 'Why didn't he accept when the caliphate was offered to him?', instead of the question:

'Why did he accept?' We may recall circumstances similar to this in the issue of the arbitration after Siffin and that which took place in regard to the issue of the truce (sulh) with al-'Imam al-Hasan (A).

e. Finally, we may ask: Had al-'Imam al-Rida (A) insisted on refusing the offer, wouldn't al-Ma'mun have been able to find an 'Alid substitute, an important member of society, whom he could appoint as successor? There were personalities among the Zaydis who were prepared for such an undertaking.

There were also independent 'Alid personalities ready to accept this position. If this occurred, it was certain that the results would have been totally negative, and no new, positive achievements would have been realized by rejecting the offer. This is what such an occurrence could have led to, together with the disagreement that could arise among the followers of the principle of nass.

Secondly, what was his aim when he did accept?

a. It was to avoid all the negative results which would have ensued from his refusal. He had removed the sentence of death on himself, thus avoiding the occurrence of a change in the leadership of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) during a critical period.

He had also avoided a new wave of terror, exile and execution against the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), and prevented the hardline 'Abbasid faction from taking full control of the regime. In fact, he had created circumstances suitable for destroying this faction and had neutralized its capacity for political activity and its influence on the course of events.

He had prevented confusion and disorder among the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A).

Finally, he had prevented al-Ma'mun from substituting him with 'an 'Alid successor, through whom he could exercise a policy of repression against the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A), using the principle of nass as an excuse.

b. By his acceptance, he was able to get in touch with people who would not have dared to communicate with him, had he not been the heir apparent. Thus, there gathered around him the Murji'ites, the Ahl al-Hadith, the Zaydis, the Ahl al-Sunnah and all the Shi'ite sects.

Through this contact, he was able to work with them on the basis of the principle of nass. Through it, he also enabled the traditionists and theologians on the path of the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) to come into safe and free contact with these opposing sects, and put forward intellectual and political issues for calm, objective, and learned discussion.

Al-'Imam al-Rida (A) himself practised this kind of wide-flinging intellectual activity. We should not underestimate the positive intellectual and political results which were achieved in the interest of the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) from this contact and interaction.

c. He enabled the intellectual leadership on the path of the Ahl al-Bayt (A) to communicate and interact, freely and safely, with all classes of people, on the basis of the principle of nass. Thus the principle of nass became more deeply rooted in the minds of the people and more effective in confronting the evil and misleading designs of the government and the corrupt religious scholars who aided it. It also gained greater acceptance among the upper classes.

These positive and negative causes were not all defensive, but were a combination of defensive and offensive. Some of them were defensive and precautionary, while others were aggressive and penetrative.

Thus, after knowing the reasons for al-Ma'mun's offer, these are the possible causes for al-'Imam al-Rida's (A) acceptance of the offer of the heir apparency. What were the results, as far as achievement of the aims was concerned?

6. The Results

Al-Ma'mun had achieved his immediate and urgent objectives but had failed to achieve his strategic objective. Al-Rida (A) had achieved his immediate and urgent objectives, and was successful in achieving his strategic objective as well.

1. Al-Ma'mun had achieved his aim of restraining revolutionary activities against the 'Abbasid regime, whether within groups following the principle of nass, or within the dissenting opposition who did not accept that principle. Providing the revolution with revolutionaries depended, in both the cases, on the hostile Muslim population.

They saw in the acceptance of the heir apparency by al-'Imam al-Rida (A) a clear sign for the need to establish a truce between themselves and the regime, and so realized that armed revolutionary activity during that period was unreasonable. Perhaps some revolutionary leaders had also reconciled with that because they no longer had the means to arouse the people and to mobilize them for the revolution.

2. Al-Ma'mun had achieved his aim of creating a wider base for the political acknowledgement of his caliphate, since the allegiance to al-Rida (A) necessitated a renewal of allegiance to al-Ma'mun and an allegiance by many who had not previously acknowledged him. Thus, as a result of the allegiance to the successor, a united stand was taken by all during al-Ma'mun's rule. We may notice here what al-Ma'mun wrote in the document of heir apparency: “The family (Ahl al-Bayt) of the Amir al-Mu'minin (i.e. al-Ma'mun) paid allegiance to the Amir al-Mu'minin and to al-Rida (A) after him, as did the commanders and troops of the city, and all the Muslims.”

He clearly asked for a renewal of allegiance to himself on this occasion, not only for allegiance to the heir apparent. However, he demanded sole obedience to himself from those who paid allegiance, as he stated in his document: “And hasten to obedience to Allah and obedience to the Amir al-Mu'minin”. He did not include his successor in this statement and this reveals some of the hidden aspects in his plan.

3. He achieved his aim of creating great confusion among his enemies in the 'Abbasid household and their Arab supporters, who were partisans of al-'Amin. This made them too weak to resist him and struggle against his regime. They became fragmented, since the people moved away from them, and the popular base which no longer had an issue to fight over, broke up.

These were the urgent and immediate aims of al-Ma'mun on which the survival and stability of his rule depended. The continuance of revolutionary activities against him, the existence in many regions of the empire of many groups of Muslims who had not paid allegiance to him, and the conspiracies of the 'Abbasid household against him - these were factors which could have led to the downfall of his regime.

Al-Ma'mun achieved these aims and ensured the stability and survival of his regime. Al-'Imam al-Rida (A) also achieved his urgent and immediate aims by accepting the heir apparency, the allegiance of death. His aims justified this, and all or most of them were realized.

On the strategic level, however, al-Ma'mun had failed while al-Rida (A) had been successful.

(2010-2011)

I cannot thank enough all the scholars who kindly sent me information and, in particular, those who provided me with a copy of their publications or photocopies of tables of contents of collective works.

a- Collective Works or Collections of Articles

Albertus Magnus und der Ursprung der Universitätsidee. Die Begegnung der Wissenschaftskulturen im 13. Jahrhundert und die Entdeckung des Konzepts der Bildung durch Wissenschaft, ed. by Ludger Honnefelder. Berlin: Berlin University Press, 2011, 560 pp., ISBN 9783862800070.

Angeli: Ebraismo, Cristianesimo, Islam , ed. by Giorgio Agamben & Emanuele Coccia. Vicenza: Neri Pozza, 2012 pp., ISBN 978885400648 [Islamic section ed. by Olga Lizzini & Samuela Pagani, pp. 1453-2012].

Christlicher Norden-Muslimischer Süden. Ansprüche und Wirklichkeiten von Christen, Juden und Muslimen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel im Hoch-und Spätmittelalter, ed. by Matthias M. Tischler & Alexander Fidora (Erudiri Sapientia 7). Munster: Aschendorff, 2011, 789 pp., ISBN 9783402104279.

Classical Foundations of Islamic Educational Thought: A Compendium of parallel English-Arabic texts , ed. by Bradley J. Cook with Fathi H. Malkawi (Islamic Translation Series). Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, xviii-307+241 (Arabic) pp., ISBN 978-0-8425-2763-7.

De las Pasiones en la Filosofía Medieval. Actas del X Congreso Latinoamericano de Filosofía Medieval , ed. by Giannina Burlando B. Santiago. Chile: Pontifica Universidad Católica de Chile, Instituto de Filosofía & Société Internationale pour l’Étude de la Philosophie Médiévale, 2009, 459 pp., ISBN 9789563198515.

Expertus sum. L’expérience par les sens dans la philosophie naturelle médiévale. Actes du colloque international de Pont-à-Mousson (5-7 février 2009), ed. by Thomas Bénatouïl & Isabelle Draelants (Micrologus Library). Florence : SISMEL, 2011, viii-470 pp., ISBN 9788884504043.

Fortresses of the Intellect : Ismaili and Other Islamic Studies in Honour of Farhad Daftary , ed. by Omar Ali-de-Unzaga. London & New York : I.B. Tauris with The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011, xvii-600 pp., ISBN 9781848856264.

Immaginario e immaginazione nel medioevo , ed. by Maria Bettetini & Francesco Paparella with Roberto Furlan (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge 51). Louvain-la-Neuve : Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales, 2009), 400 pp., ISBN 9782503531502.

Islamic Philosophy, Science, and Religion: Studies in Honor of Dimitri Gutas , ed. by Felicitas Opwis & David Reisman (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 83). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2012, xii-493 pp., ISBN 9789004202740.

La Letteratura arabo-cristiana e le scienze nel periodo abbaside (750-1250 d.C.). Atti del 2o convegno di studi arabo-cristiani, Roma 9-10 marzo 2007, ed. by Davide Righi (Patrimonio culturale arabo cristiano 11). Turin: Silvio Zamorani, 2008, 322 pp., ISBN 9788871581637.

La lumière de l’intellect. La pensée scientifique et philosophique d’Averroès dans son temps . Actes du IVe colloque international de la SIHSPAI (Société Internationale d’Histoire des Sciences et de la Philosophie Arabes et Islamiques) Cordoue, 9-12 décembre 1998, ed. by Ahmad Hasnawi and with a Foreword by Roshdi Rashed. Leuven: Peeters, 2011, xii-528 pp., ISBN 9789042926028.

Medieval Political Philosophy: A Sourcebook , ed. by Joshua Parens & Joseph C. Macfarland, 2nd ed. (Agora). Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 2011, xii-443 pp., ISBN 9780801449628 cloth; 801476815 pbk [Islamic section pp. 9-143; the 1963 first ed. had been ed. by Ralph Lerner & Muhsin Mahdi].

Philosophy in the Middle Ages: The Christian, Islamic and Jewish Traditions , ed. by Arthur Hyman, James J. Walsh & Thomas Williams, 3rd ed. Indianapolis: Hackett, 2010, xvi-711pp., ISBN 9781603842099 cloth; 60384-208-2 pbk [Islamic section pp. 215-333; 2nd ed. 1983].

Reason, Spirit and the Sacral in the New Enlightenment: Islamic Metaphysics Revived and Recent Phenomenology of Life , ed. by Anna-Teresa Tymieniecka (Islamic Philosophy and Occidental Phenomenology in Dialogue 5). Dordrecht: Springer, 2011, viii-207 pp., ISBN 978-90-481-9612-8.

Le Shî’isme Imâmite Quarante Ans Après. Hommage à Etan Kohlberg , ed. by Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Meir M. Bar-Asher & Simon Hopkins (Biliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études, Sciences Religieuses 137). Turnhout: Brepols, 2009, 438 pp., ISBN 9782503531144.

The Three Rings: Textual Studies in the Historical Trialogue of Judaism, Christianism and Islam , ed. by Barbara Roggema, Marcel Poorthuis & Pim Valkenberg (Publications of the Thomas Instituut te Utrecht 11). Leuven: Peeters, 2005, xxii-297 pp., ISBN 9042915633.

Watt , John W., Rhetoric and Philosophy from Greek into Syriac (Variorum CS960). Farnham, Surry: Ashgate, 2010, xiv-314 pp., ISBN 9781409400202.

Well Begun is Only Half Done: Tracing Aristotle’s Political Ideas in Medieval Arabic, Syriac, Byzantine, and Jewish Sources , ed. by Vasileios Syros (Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 388; Medieval Confluences Series 1). Tempe, Arizona: ACMRS (Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies), 2011, xiv-226 pp., ISBN 9780866984362.

Section I. Falsafa

Bibliographies and Chronicles

Daiber , Hans,Bibliography of Islamic Philosophy, vol. 1 (in 2 vol.) & vol. 2. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, ISBN 9789004202382 [paperback reprint of the 1999 ed.].

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology (2009-2010),” http://philosophy.cua.edu/faculty/tad/bibliography-09-10.cfm.

Online Dictionary of Arabic Philosophical Terms

AndreasLammer has begun an online dictionary of Arabic philosophical terms. It can be accessed at http://www.arabic-philosophy.com/dict .

New Journals

Journal of Islamic Research is published twice a year by the Islamic University of Europe located in Rotterdam in the Netherlands. It began in 2008 and can be accessed on the internet at http://www.iueurope.com It includes articles in Turkish, English, French and German.

Studia graeco-arabica is the on line journal of the European Research Council Advanced GrantGreek into Arabic. Philosophical Concepts and LinguisticBridges . It features critical articles and reviews on the transmission of philosophical and scientific texts from and into various languages – Greek, Syriac, Arabic, and Latin – from late Antiquity to the Middle Ages and Renaissance. The first issue came out in 2011. The journal can be accessed at http://www.greekintoarabic.edu/index.phpaid=20.

Resurrected Journal

Oriens published its vol. 35 in 1996 and its vol. 36 in honor of Rosenthal in 2001. Vol. 37 was published in 2009, vol. 38 in 2010, and the two issues of vol. 39 in 2011 by Brill. The journal is directed by Gerhard Endress, Cornelia Schöck & Florian Schwarz.

Special Issues of Journals

Arabica , 58.1/2 (2011) centers on Les Nusayris et les Druzes: deux communautés ésotériques à la périphérie doctrinale de l’Islam. Actes des journées d’études organisées par Daniel De Smet et Orkhan Mir-Kasimov. Nantes – Paris, 18-19 juin 2009 [Hassan Ansari, “L’héritage ésotérique du chiisme: un livre sur l’exégèse de la sourate 97,” 7-18; Bruno Paoli, “La diffiusion de la doctrine nusayrie au IVe/Xe siècle d’après le Kitâb Khayr al-sanî’a du cheikh Husayn Mayhûb Harfûsh,” 1952; Bella Tendler Krieger, “Marriage, Birth, and bâtinî ta’wîl: A Study of Nusayrî Initiation Based on the Kitâb al-Hâwî fî ‘ilm al-fatâwî of Abû Sa’îd Maymûn al-Tabarânî,” 53-75; Kais M. Firro, “The Druze Faith: Origin, Development and Interpretation,” 76-99; Daniel De Smet, “La Loi Spirituelle (al-sharî’a l-rûhâniyya) druze selon Hamza b. ‘Alî: textes canoniques et apocryphes,” 100-27; & Wissam Halabi-Halawi, “Le Kitâb Durrat al-taj wa-sullam al-mi’raj d’Ibn Nasr: un éloge de Jamâl al-Dîn ‘Abd Allâh al-Tanûhî (820/1417-884/1479),” 128-64].

Concordia , 59 (2011) focuses on contemporary Arabic philosophy [Mohamed Arkoun, “Reform oder Subversiona Zu einer Politik der Vernunft,” 5-13; Sadik Jalel al-Azm, “Der säkulare Staat und die religiöse Frage: Das Modell Türkei. Ein philosophisch-politischer Beitrag,” 15-31; Hassan Hanafi, “From Orientalism to Occidentalism,” 33-40; Ali Harb, “Philosophische Schriften in arabischer Sprache: Ihre Leistung—ihr Dilemma—ihre Zielsetzung,” 41-56; Mohamed Mesbahi, “In welchem Sinn könnte Ibn Rushd einen Zugang zum Dialog der Kulturen bietena,” 57-69; Fuad Zakariya, “Die Prinzipien der Menschenrechte in der Zeitgenössischen islamischen Welt,” 71-82; Fahmi Jadaane, “Féminisme et Islam,” 83-91; Fathi Triki, “Para una razonabilidad de la convivencia,” 93-101; & Mohamed Abed Al-Jabri im Gespräch, “Rationalismus, Politik und Erkenntnistheorie. Ein Beitrag zur arabisch-islamischen Philosophie der Gegenwart,” 103-16].

Islam & Science , 9.2 (Winter 2011) is dedicated to al-Ghazâlî. Articles by M. Iqbal, M. Hozein, Wan Abdullah and F. Shu’ayb. For detail see section on al-Ghazâlî.

Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010), is a special issue on Mullâ Sadrâ. Articles by M. Massi Dakake, D.B. Burrell, S. Kamada, Y. Eshots, Z. Moris & M. Rustom. For detail see section on Mullâ Sadrâ.

Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph celebrates one hundred years at the service of sciences (1906-2006) and so dedicates its volume 62 (2009) to two themes: 1. The Founders and 2. Just war in the ancient and medieval Near East: Historical, philosophical and juridical approaches.

Rue Descartes , 61 (Sept. 2008) is dedicated to Philosophizing Today in Tunisia [Patrick Vauday, Fathi Triki & Rachida Boubaker-Triki, Horizons, 1-7; Moez Mediouni, Les philosophes de Carthage, 10-15; Rachida Smine, L’École de Kairouan, 16-23; Souad Chaherli Harrar, Les Lumières et les réformistes tunisiens, 25-32; Tahar Ben Guiza, Pratiques de la philosophie en Tunisie, 33-41; Salah Mosbah, Spinoza et le problème du théologico-politique en Tunisie, 42-50; Fathi Nguezzou, La phénoménologie et l’herméneutique en Tunisie, 52-57; Fathi Triki, Penser l’Islam coutumier, 58-65; Mohamed Ali Halouani, Raison et laïcité, 67-75; interview with Abdelwahab Bouhdiba, L’arabisation de la philosophie, 78-81].

Greek, Persian, and Syriac Sources

Aouad , Maroun &Woerther , Frédérique, „Le commentaire par Averroès du chapitre 9 du livre X de l’Éthique à Nicomaque : pédagogie de la contrainte, habitude et lois,“Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 353-80 [with Latin text and French translation].

Arnzen , Rüdiger,Platonische Ideen in der arabischen Philosophie. Texte und Materialien zur Begriffsgeschichte von suwar aflâtûniyyaund muthul aflâtûniyya (Scientia Graeco-Arabica 6). Berlin & Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2011, viii-463 pp., ISBN 9783110259810 [includes a German translation of the anonymousRisâla fî l-muthul al-‘aqliyya al-aflâtûniyya , pp. 213-354 and of a text of Ibn Sînâ and of a passage in Mullâ Sadrâ].

------- , „On the Contents, Sources and Composition of Two Arabic Pseudo-Platonica:Multaqatât Aflâtûn al-ilâhî andFiqar ultuqitat wa-jumi’at ‚an Aflâtûn ,“Oriens , 37 (2009): 7-52.

Bertaina , David, “Science, Syntax, and Superiority in Eleventh-Century Christian-Muslim Discussion: Elias of Nisibis on the Arabic and Syriac Languages,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 197-207.

Berti , Vittorio, “L’angeologia siriaca,” inAngeli , pp. 1403-51 [Bar Ebreo].

Bertolacci , Amos, “Different Attitudes to Aristotle’s Authority in the Arabic Medieval Commentaries on the Metaphysics,” Antiquorum Philosophia , 3 (2009): 145-63 [al-Kindî, al-Fârâbî & Ibn Sînâ].

Bladel van , Kevin, “The Arabic History of Science of Abû Sahl ibn Nawbaht (fl. Ca 770-809) and Its Middle Persian Sources,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 41-62.

Bonmariage , Cécile &Moureau , Sébastien, “Corpus Dionysiacum Arabicum . “Étude, ed. critique et traduction desNoms Divins , IV, 1-9, Partie I,”Le Muséon , 124,1-2 (2011): 181-227; “Partie II,”Le Muséon , 124, 3-4 (2011): 419-59.

Boudignon , Christian, “Logique aristotélicienne etkalâm alâ-l-nasârâ : la Réponse à Abû Qurra dans leMugnî de Abd al-Djabbâr,”Arabica , 58.6 (2011): 519-544.

Buendia , Pedro, “Acerca del Ave Felix en las tradiciones islamicas,”Al-Qantara , 32.1 (2011): 7-26.

Burnett , Charles &Bohak , Gideon, “A Judaeo-Arabic Version of Tâbit ibn Qurra’sDe Imaginibus and Pseudo-Ptolemy’sOpus Imaginum ,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 179-200.

Cacouros , Michel, “Exégèse grecque et problèmes éditoriaux dans le Commentaire moyen d’Averroès auxSeconds analytiques (livre II, chap. 1-10), inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 213-43.

Chiaradonna , Riccardo &Rashed , Marwan, “Before and after the Commentators: An Exercise in Periodization. A Discussion of Richard Sorabji,The Philosophy of the Commentators, 200-600 AD ,”Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy , 38 (Summer 2010): 251-97 [section 3 by M. Rashed deals with “TheSourcebook and Islamic philosophy,” pp. 273-92].

Daiber , Hans, “Graeco-Arabica Christiana: The Christian Scholar ‘Abd Allâh ibn al-Fadl from Antiochia (11th c. A.D.) as Transmitter of Greek Works,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 3-9.

D’Ancona , Cristina, “Platonic and Neoplatonic Terminology for Being in Arabic Translation,”Studia graeco-arabica , 1 (2011): 23-45.

------- , “The Origins of Islamic Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity , ed. by Lloyd P. Gerson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 869-93 + 1170-78.

DiPasquale , David M., “The end of Aristotle’sTopics and the beginning of Islamic philosophy,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 245-54.

Doufikar-Aerts , Faustina,Alexander Magnus Arabicus: A Survey of the Alexander Tradition through Seven Centuries: from Pseudo-Callisthenes to Sûrî (Mediaevalia Groningana New Series 13). Paris-Louvain-Walpole, MA: Peeters, 2010, xxvi-416 pp., ISBN 9789042921832 [ch. 1.7 on the “Epistola Alexandri ad Aristotelem , pp. 74-76 & ch. 2 on Alexander in Wisdom Literature, pp. 93-133 are particularly relevant].

The Earliest Syriac translation of Aristotle’s Categories , Text, Translation and Commentary by Daniel King (Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus 21). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2010, x-327 pp., ISBN 9789004186606.

Forster , Regula,Das Geheimnis der Geheimnisse. Die arabischen und deutschen Fassungen des pseudo-aristotelischen Sirr al-asrâr, Secretum secretorum (Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter 43). Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2006, viii-329 pp., ISBN 9783895004957.

Genequand , Charles, “Ibn Rushd, Alexandre d’Aphrodise et le problème de la génération,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 311-18.

Gruendler , Beatrice, “In Aristotle’s Words …al-Hâtimî’s (a) Epistle on al-Mutanabbî and Aristotle,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 89-129.

Hansberger , Rotraud, “Plotinus Arabus Rides Again,”Arabic Sciencesand Philosophy , 21 (2011): 57-84.

Joosse , N. Peter, “Expounding on a Theme: Structures and Sources of Bar Hebraeus’ ‘Practical Philosophy’ in theCream of Wisdom ,” inThe Syriac Renaissance , ed. by Herman Teule & Carmen Fostescu Tauwinkl with Bas ter Haar Romany & Jan van Ginkel (Eastern Christian Studies 9) (Leuven: Peeters, 2010), pp. 135-50.

Kessler , Eckhard, “Alexander of Aphrodisias and his Doctrine of the Soul: 1400 Years of Lasting Significance,”Early Science and Medicine , 16.1 (2011): 1-93 [not much on the Arabic side].

McCollum , Adam Carter,A Greek and Syriac Index to Sergius of Reshaina’s Version of the De mundo (Gorgias Handbooks 12). Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009, xii-368 pp., ISBN 9781607245834.

Moawad , Samuel, “Die arabische Version derVita Dioscori ,”Le Muséon , 124,1-2 (2011): 149-80.

Rashed , Marwan, “Le prologue perdu de l’abrégé duTimée de Galien dans un texte de magie noire,”Antiquorum Philosophia , 3 (2009): 89-100.

Reinink , Gerrit J., “The ‘Book of Nature’ and Syriac Apologetics against Islam. The Case of Job of Edessa’sBook of Treasures ,” inThe Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages , ed. by Arjo Vanderjagt & Klaas van Berkel (Groningen Studies in Cultural Changes 16) (Leuven-Paris, Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2005), pp. 71-84.

Saccenti , Riccardo, “LaSumma Alexandrinorum . Storia e contenuto di un’epitome dell’Etica Nicomachea ,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 77.2 (2010): 201-34 [includes ed. of Latin version of ch. 7].

Sweeney , Michael, « Greek Essence and Islamic Tolerance : Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Rush’d, »The Review of Metaphysics , 65.1 (Sept. 2011) : 41-61.

Syros , Vasileios, « Forgotten Commentators Society: Aristotle’s Political Ideas in Arabic, Syriac, Byzantine, and Jewish Garb, » inWell Begun , pp. 1-16.

Ter Reegen , Jan G.J., “Virtudes, paixões e viciosNo segredo dos segredos do Pseudo-Aristoteles,” inDe las Pasiones , pp. 183-98.

Terrier , Matthieu, “De l’éternité ou de la nouveauté du monde: parcours d’un problème philosophique d’Athènes à Ispahan,”Journal Asiatique , 299.1 (2011): 369-421.

Vagelpohl , Uwe, “The ‘Abbasid Translation Movement in Context: Contemporary Voices on Translation,” in‘Abbasid Studies II: Occasional Papers of the School of ‘Abbasid Studies, Leuven 28 June-1 July 2004 , ed. by John Nawas (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 177). Leuven/Paris: Peeters, 2010, pp. 245-67.

------- , ‘Cultural Accommodation and the Idea of Translation,”Oriens , 38 (2010): 165-84.

Viano , Cristina, “Les alchimistes gréco-alexandrins et leur savoir: la transmutation entre théorie, pratique et “expériences’,” inExpertus sum , pp. 223-38.

Watt , John W., “Aristotle’sRhetoric and Political Thought in the Christian Orient and in al-Fârâbî, Avicenna and Averroes,” inWell Begun , pp. 17-47.

-------, “Graeco-Syriac Tradition in Arabic Philosophy in Bar hebraeus,” inThe Syriac Renaissance , ed. by Herman Teule & Carmen Fostescu Tauwinkl with Bas ter Haar Romany & Jan van Ginkel (Eastern Christian Studies 9) (Leuven: Peeters, 2010), pp. 123-33.

------- , “Syriac rhetorical theory and the Syriac tradition of Aristotle’sRhetoric ,” in Watt,Rhetoric , VII [originally 1994].

------- , “The Syriac reception of Platonic and Aristotelian rhetoric,” in Watt,Rhetoric , VIII [originally 1993].

-------- , “The philosopher-king in theRhetoric of Antony of Tagrit,” in Watt, X [originally 1992].

-------- , “From Themistius to al-Fârâbî: Platonic political philosophy and Aristotle’sRhetoric in the East,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XI [originally 1995].

------- , “From Synesius to al-Fârâbî: philosophy, religion, and rhetoric in the Christian Orient,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XII [originally 1998].

------ , “Syriac translators and Greek philosophy in early Abbasid Iraq,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XIII [originally 2004].

------- , “Syriac and Syrians as mediators of Greek political thought to Islam,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XIV [originally 2004].

-------- ,Al-Farabi and the History of the Syriac Organon (Analecta Gorgiana 129). Piscataway N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2009, 29 pp., ISBN 978-1-60724-041-9 [a reprint of the same inMalphono : Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock, same press, 2008, pp. 751-78 but with 1 page of addenda et corrigenda].

Latin, Hebrew, Syriac, Byzantine, Renaissance, and Modern Translations and Influences

Barhebraeus ,Butyrum Sapientiae, Physics , Introduction, ed., transl. & Commentary by Jens Ole Schmitt (Aristoteles Semitico-Arabus 20). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, 325 pp., ISBN 9789004186514.

Beccarisi , Alessandra, “La morte e il filosofo: il ‘Liber de pomo seu de morte Aristotelis’,” inParva Naturalia. Saperi medievali, natura e vita , ed. by Chiara Crisciani, Roberto Lambertini & Romana Martorelli Vico (Pisa-Rome: Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 2004), pp. 171-87.

Bertolacci , Amos, “A New Phase of the Reception of Aristotle in the Latin West: Albertus Magnus and His Use of Arabic Sources in the Commentaries on Aristotle,” inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 259-76 + 491-500.

Biard , Joël, “La noétique de Jean de Jandun et son rapport à celle d’Averroès,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 495-506.

Bieniak , Magdalena,The Soul-Body Problem at Paris, ca. 1200-1250: Hugh of St-Cher and His Contemporaries (Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series I, 42). Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2010, xii-245 pp., ISBN 9789058678027 [discusses at length the influence of Avicenna].

Burger , Maria, “Albertus Magnus. Theologie als Wissenschaft unter der Herausforderung aristotelisch-arabischer Wissenschaftstheorie,” inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 97-114 + 451-63.

Burnett , Charles, “Experimentum andRatio in the SalernitanSumma de saporibus et odoribus ,” inExpertus sum , pp. 337-58 [includes Latin ed. & transl.]

Djedi , Youcef, “Spinoza et l’islam: un état des lieux,”Philosophiques , 37.2 (Fall 2010): 275-98.

Endress , Gerhard, « Kulturtransfer und Lehrüberlieferung Moritz Steinschneider (1816-1907) und « Die Juden als Dolmetscher », »Oriens , 39,1 (2011) : 59-74.

Federici Vescovini , Graziella, « Averroè e l’averroismo italiano, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 507-17.

Fidora , Alexander, « Aristotelische Wissenschaft als Netzwerk von Wissenschaften: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Wissenschaftstheorie bei al-Fârâbî und Dominicus Gundissalinus, » inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 77-96 + 442-51.

------- , « Die Wahrnemung des Anderen im Spiegel von mittelalterlichen Übersetzungtheorien, » inChristlicher Norden , pp. 81-92.

Fioravanti , Gianfranco, « Phantasia : tra Aristotele e i Peripatetici, » inImmaginario , pp. 163-77 [Gundisalinus].

Forster , Regula,Das Geheimnis der Geheimnisse. Die arabischen und deutschen Fassungen des pseudo-aristotelischen Sirr al-asrâr, Secretum secretorum (Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter 43). Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2006, viii-329 pp., ISBN 9783895004957.

Germann , Nadja, “Die ‘inneren Sinne’ imLiber Contemplationis ,” inGottes Schau und Weltbetrachtung. Interpretationen zum “Liber contemplationis” des Raimundus Lullus , ed. by Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, Viola Tenge-Wolf & Peter Walter (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 239-69 [Avicenna & Averroes].

Hackett , Jeremiah, “Ego Expertus Sum : Roger Bacon’s Science and the Origins of Empiricism,” inExpertus sum , pp. 145-73.

Hasse , Dag Nikolaus, „Der mutmassliche arabische Einfluss auf die literarische Form der Universitätsliteratur des 13. Jahrhunderts,“ inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 241-58 + 487-91.

------- ,Latin Averroes Translations of the First Half of the Thirteenth Century. Hildesheim: Olms, 2010, 38 pp., ISBN 9783487144320.

-------, „Arabic philosophy and Averroism,“ inThe Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Philosophy , ed. by J. Hankins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 113-36.

Hissette , Roland, „Des fragments de l’Averroes Latinus (Commentaires de la Logica Vetus) à Darmstadt Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Ms. 426,“ Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, 78.1 (2011): 1-24.

Jolivet , Jean, „L‘“augustinisme avicennisant“ au XIIe siècle: un effet de mirage,“ inChora , 2 (2004): 5-20.

McGinnis , Jon, „Aquinas‘ Arabic Sources on the Age of the Universe: A Response to Gerald J. Massey,“Divinatio , 26 (2007): 191-204.

Montero Cartelle , Enrique, „Deformaciones de términos árabes,“ inMedicina y filología: estudios de léxico médico latino en la edad media , ed. by Ana Isabel Martín Ferreira (Textes et Études du moyen Âge) (Porto: Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales, 2010), pp. 165-82.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, „Conocimiento de la filosofía árabe y musulmana parte de algunos judíos hispanos del siglo XI y comienzo del XII,“ inChristlicher Norden , pp. 59-68.

Reynolds , Philip, „Thomas Aquinas, Muslims, Angels and Happiness,“ inFrontiers in the Middle Ages , ed. by O. Merisalo with P. Pahta (Textes et Études du Moyen Âge 35). (Louvain-la-Neuve: Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Études Médiévales, 2006), pp. 87-103.

Rezazadeh , Reza, “Thomas Aquinas and Mulla Sadra on the Soul-Body Problem: A Comparative Investigation,”Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies , 4.4 (2011): 415-28.

Rubern-Hayoun , Maurice, „Moïse de Narbone (1300-1362) et l’averroïsme juif,“Chora , 2 (2004): 81-124.

Saccenti , Riccardo, “LaSumma Alexandrinorum . Storia e contenuto di un’epitome dell’Etica Nicomachea ,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 77.2 (2010): 201-34 [includes ed. of Latin version of ch. 7].

Schwartz , Yossef, « Celestial Motion, Immaterial Causality and the Latin Encounter with Arabic Aristotelian Cosmology, » inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 277-98 + 500-511.

Sidiropoulou , Chryssi, « Aquinas, Ghazali, and Averroes on the Age of the Universe. Response to Massey, »Divinatio , 28 (2008): 171-94.

Szpiech , Ryan, « Citas árabes en caracteres hebreos en elPugio Fidei del dominico Ramón Martí : entre la autenticidad y la autoridad, »Al-Qantara , 32.1 (2011) : 71-107.

Terrier , Matthieu, “De l’éternité ou de la nouveauté du monde: parcours d’un problème philosophique d’Athènes à Ispahan,”Journal Asiatique , 299.1 (2011): 369-421.

Tolan , John, «Ratio etexperientia dans la promotion de la science arabe dans le monde latin au 12e siecle, » inExpertus sum , pp. 257-68.

Vinciguerra , Antony, « L’ars alchimie de Michel Scot. Apprentissage, maîtrise et transmission des savoirs liés à la fabrication artificielle de l’or et de l’argent, » inExpertus sum , pp. 289-307.

General Studies

Adeline , Yves-Marie,La pensée médiévale en Occident et en Orient . Paris: Ellipses, 2011, 183 pp., ISBN 978-2-7298-6350-0 [Falsafa deals with al-Kindi, al-Farabi & Avicenna, pp. 53-64 and Rupture islamique treats of Algazel & Averroes, pp. 69-78].

Akasoy , Anna, “Al-Andalus in Exile. Identity and Diversity in Islamic Intellectual History,” inChristlicher Norden , pp. 329-43.

al-Khalili , Jim,The House of Wisdom: How Arabic Science Saved Ancient Knowledge and Gave Us the Renaissance . New York: The Penguin Press, 2011, xxxiv-302 pp., ISBN 978-1-59420-279-7.

Bennison , Amira K., “The Necklace of al-Shifâ: Abbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West,”Oriens , 38 (2010): 249-73.

Black , Deborah L., “Intentionality in Medieval Arabic Philosophy,”Quaestio , 10 (2010): 65-81 [Avicenna and Averroes].

Bladel van , Kevin, “The Arabic History of Science of Abû Sahl ibn Nawbaht (fl. ca 770-809) and Its Middle Persian Sources,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 41-62.

Bray , Julia, “Literary Approaches to Medieval and Early Modern Arabic Biography,”Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , 20 (2010): 237-53.

Brentjes , Sonja, “The Prison of Categories—‘Decline’ and Its Company,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 131-56.

Buendia , Pedro, “Acerca del Ave Felix en las tradiciones islamicas,”Al-Qantara , 32.1 (2011): 7-26.

Burnett , Charles, “Two approaches to Natural Science in Toledo of the twelfth century,” inChristlicher Norden , pp. 69-80 [De ortu scientiarum & al-Fârâbî].

Butterworth , Charles E., “The World of Logic and Its Detractors,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 297-308.

Chittick , William C., “Reason, Intellect, and Consciousness in Islamic Thought,” inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 11-35.

De Smet , Daniel, “Philosophie grecque et religion musulmane: Aristote comme exégète du Coran selon la tradition shi’ite ismaélienne,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 344-63.

-------, « The Sacredness of Nature in Shi’i Isma’ili Islam, » inThe Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages , ed. by Arjo Vanderjagt & Klaas van Berkel (Groningen Studies in Cultural Changes 16) (Leuven-Paris, Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2005), pp. 85-96.

Endress , Gerhard, “Der arabische Aristoteles. Traditionen, Institutionen und Enzyklopädien der Wissenschaften im arabisch-islamischen Mittelalter,” inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 141-91 + 467-74.

Escobar Gómez , Santiago, “El concepto de sufrimiento en la filosofía islámica clásica, » inFilosofía y dolor , ed. by Moisés González García (Madrid: Tecnos, 2006), pp; 121-57.

Evkuran , Mehmet, “The Problem of Causality in Islamic Thought,”Journal of Islamic Research , 2.2 (2009): 115-27.

Flasch , Kurt,Introduction à la philosophie médiévale , transl. by Janine de Bourgknecht, Ruedi Imbach & François Xavier Putallaz, 2nd ed. with a Postword (Vestigia 37). Fribourg: Academic Press & Paris: Cerf, 2010, 324 pp., ISBN 9782204072199 (Fribourg) or 9782825110520 (Paris) [ch. 8, Scepticisme et piété ou métaphysique et science: Averroès contre Al-Ghazali, pp. 123-52 & ch. 9, L’immortalité individuelle ou le retour à l’esprit universel: Albert le Grand contre Averroès, pp. 153-74].

Gannagé , Emma, « Médecine et philosophie à Damas à l’aube du XIIIème siècle: un tournant post-avicennien. »Oriens , 39.2 (2011) : 227-56 [focuses on Ya’qûb b. Ishâq al-Isrâ’îlî].

Gruendler , Beatrice, “In Aristotle’s Words …al-Hâtimî’s (a) Epistle on al-Mutanabbî and Aristotle,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 89-129.

Hasse , Dag Nikolaus, „Arabic philosophy and Averroism,“ inThe Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Philosophy , ed. by J. Hankins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 113-36.

Hechaimé , Camille, S.J., „Contributions des jésuites aux études orientales dans lesMélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph ,“Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 23-34.

Heck , Paul, “Language Theory and State Officials in the Reign of al-Muqtadir: The Case of Ibn Wahb al-Kâtib,” in‘Abbasid Studies II: Occasional Papers of the School of ‘Abbasid Studies, Leuven 28 June-1 July 2004 , ed. by John Nawas (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 177). Leuven/Paris: Peeters, 2010, pp. 271-82.

Hunsberger , Alice C., “Cosmos into Verse: Two Examples of Islamic Philosophical Poetry in Persian,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 343-67.

Jambet , Christian,Qu’est-ce que la philosophie islamiquea (folio essais 547). Paris: Gallimard, 2011, 472 pp., ISBN 978-2-07-033647-0.

Joose , N. Peter, « Between Enigma and Paradigm : The Reception of Aristotle’sPolitica in the Near East : The Arabic and Syriac-Aramaic Traditions, » inWell Begun , pp. 97-120.

Koetschet , Pauline,La philosophie arabe, IXe-XIVe siècle , selected and commented texts (Bibliothèque 660). Paris: Points, 2011, 298 pp., ISBN 9782757809372 [brief texts selected by theme].

Lettinck , Paul, “Science inAdab Literature,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 21 (2011): 149-63.

Lizzini , Olga, “Il nulla, l’inesistente, la cosa: note intorno alla terminologia e alla dottrina del nulla e della creazione dal nulla nel pensiero islamico,” inDiscussioni sul nulla tra medioevo ed età moderna ,ed. by Massimiliano Lenzi & Alfonso Maierù (Lessico Intellettuale Europeo 104). (Florence: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 2009), pp. 63-103.

Moulfi , Mohamed, “Philosophie etfalsafa . Oeuvre et mise en oeuvre de lafalsafa ,”Revue de Métaphysique et de Morale , s.v., n.4 (Oct.-Dec. 2009): 511-22.

Omar , Mohammad Nasir, « Christian and Muslim Philosophers’ Apologia for Greek Philosophy, »The Islamic Quarterly , 54.2 (2010) ; 83-93.

Osti , Letizia, « The Practical Matters of Culture in Pre-Madrasa Baghdad, »Oriens , 38 (2010): 145-64.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, « Legislador y poder en la filosofía política del Islam y del Judaísmo, » inEl pensamiento político en la Edad Media , ed. by P. Roche (Madrid : Editorial Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, 2010), pp. 191-213

------- , “Del amor en la filosofía árabe,” inDe las Pasiones , pp. 143-67.

Richter-Benburg , Lutz, « ‘God Created Adam in his likeness’ in the Muslim Tradition’, » inThe Quest for a Common Humanity : Human Dignity and Otherness in the Religious Traditions of the Mediterranean , ed. by Katell Berthelot & Matthias Morgenstern (Numen Book Series, Studies in the History of Religions 134) (Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. 67-82 [Ibn Hazm, al-Ghazâlî & Ibn Tufayl among others].

Samir , Samir Khalil, “La rivoluzione culturale introdotta a Bagdad dai Cristiani,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 35-57.

Spevak , Aaron, « Apples and Oranges : The Logic of The Early and Later Arabic Logicians, »Islamic Law and Society , 17 (2010) : 159-84.

Terrier , Matthieu, “De l’éternité ou de la nouveauté du monde: parcours d’un problème philosophique d’Athènes à Ispahan,”Journal Asiatique , 299.1 (2011): 369-421.

Toorawa , Shawkat M., « Proximity, Resemblance, Sidebars and Clusters : Ibn al-Nadîm’s Organizational Principles inFihrist 3.3, »Oriens , 38 (2010) : 217-47.

Yaman , Hikmet,Prophetic Niche in The Virtuous City : The Concept of Hikmahin Early Islamic Thought (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 81). Leiden-Boston : Brill, 2011, xii-316 pp., ISBN 9789004186620 [part IV focuses onhijkmah in philosophy, pp. 207-67 and covers al-Kindî, al-Fârâbî & Ibn Sînâ].

‘Abd al-Latîf al-Baghdâdî

Joosse , N. Peter &Pormann , Peter E., « Decline and Decadence in Iraq and Syria after the Age of Avicenna a: ‘Abd al-Latîf al-Baghdâdî (1162-1231) between Myth and History, »Bulletin of the History of Medicine , 84.1 (Spring 2010) : 1-29.

Abû Bishr Mattâ

Watt , John W., “Christianity in the Renaissance of Islam: Abû Bishr Mattâ, al-Fârâbî, and Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XVI [originally 2007].

Ashkevarî (Qutb al-Dîn)

Terrier , Matthieu, “LeMahbûb al-qulûb de Qutb al-Dîn Ashkevarî: une oeuvre méconnue dans l’histoire de la sagesse en Islam,”Journal Asiatique , 298.2 (2010): 345-87.

Averroes

Averroes Latinus. Commentum Medium Super Librum Praedicamentorum Aristotelis . Translation Wilhelmo De Luna Adscripta, ed. by R. Hissette, Arabic-Latin apparatus with notes by A. Bertolacci, glossaries by Hissette & Bertolacci and with † L.J. Bataillon (Averrois Opera. Series B. Averroes latinus 11). Leuven: Peeters, 2010, xvi-199*-8 ill.-270 pp., ISBN 9789042922822.

The Decisive Treatise , transl. by G.F. Hourani, in Philosophy in the Middle Ages, pp. 289-304.

The Decisive Treatise , transl. by Charles E. Butterworth, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 123-40.

Long Commentary on the Soul ,3.4, transl. by Arthur Hyman & 3.5, 3.18-3.20, transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 304-24.

The Incoherence of the Incoherence , On the Eternity of the World, transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 324-33.

Abrahamov , Binyamin, “Ibn Rushd and the Kalâm,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 481-86.

Aouad , Maroun &Woerther , Frédérique, „Le commentaire par Averroès du chapitre 9 du livre X de l’Éthique à Nicomaque : pédagogie de la contrainte, habitude et lois,“Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 353-80 [with Latin text and French translation].

Aroua , Mahmoud, „La douleur dans leColliget d’Averroès,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 125-33.

Atalay , Orhan, “Ibn Rushd and his Criticism for Esh’arism,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 82-97.

Baffioni , Carmela, “Averroes’ contribution to embryology,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 109-21.

Bauloye , Laurence, “Physique et métaphysique chez Averroès,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp.359-67.

Bellosta , Hélène, “Averroès commentateur d’Aristote ou lecteur d’Alhazen,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 23-37.

Biard , Joël, “La noétique de Jean de Jandun et son rapport à celle d’Averroès,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 495-506.

Black , Deborah L., “Intentionality in Medieval Arabic Philosophy,”Quaestio , 10 (2010): 65-81.

Bonin , Thérèse, “A Muslim Perspective on Philosophy and Religion: The ‘Decisive Treatise’ of Averroes,”Peripatetikos , 6 (2007): 1-25.

Butterworth , Charles E., “The World of Logic and Its Detractors,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 297-308.

Cacouros , Michel, “Exégèse grecque et problèmes éditoriaux dans le Commentaire moyen d’Averroès auxSeconds analytiques (livre II, chap. 1-10),” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 213-43.

Cerami , Cristina, “Generazione verticale, generazione orizzontale: il principio di sinonimia nelCommento grande di Averroè al Libro Z dellaMetafisica di Aristotle,”Chôra. Revue d’Études anciennes et médiévales , 7-8 (2009-2010): 133-62.

di Giovanni , Matteo, “Averroes and the Logical Status of Metaphysics,” inMethods and Methodologies: Aristotelian Logic East and West, 500-1500 , ed. by Margaret Cameron & John Marenbon (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 53-74.

Di Martino , Carla, “La memoria nell’Epitome deiParva Naturalia di Ibn Rushd,” inParva Naturalia. Saperi medievali, natura e vita , ed. by Chiara Crisciani, Roberto Lambertini & Romana Martorelli Vico (Pisa-Rome: Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, 2004), pp. 189-99.

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Averroes’s Long Commentary on Aristotle’sDe anima and Direct Knowledge of Separate Beings,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 371-79.

Elamrani-Jamal , Abdelali, “L’usage des enseignements de la philosophie dans le premier ouvrage juridique d’Ibn Rushd: l’Abrégé duMustasfâ d’al-Ghazâlî,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 471-80.

Endress , Gerhard, “In ansa’a Llâhu fî al-‘umr , The Project of Averroes,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 169-96.

Federici Vescovini , Graziella, « Averroè e l’averroismo italiano, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 507-17.

Fontaine , Resianne, “Averroes as a commentator of Aristotle: the case of theMeteorologica and theDe animalibus ,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 99-108.

Freudenthal , Gad, “Averroes’ changing mind on the role of the active intellect in the generation of animate beings,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 319-28.

Fraenkel , Carlos, “Maimonides, Averroes, and Samuel Tibbon on a Skandalon of Medieval Sciences,”Aleph , 8 (2008): 195-211.

Gatti , Roberto, „Lewi Ben Gershom (Gersonide) commentatore di Averroè: il tema dell’immaginazione nel supercommentario alDe Anima ,“ inImmaginario , pp. 203-18 [in fact on theEpitome of the De anima ].

Genequand , Charles, “Ibn Rushd, Alexandre d’Aphrodise et le problème de la génération,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 311-18.

Germann , Nadja, “Die ‘inneren Sinne’ imLiber Contemplationis ,” inGottes Schau und Weltbetrachtung. Interpretationen zum “Liber contemplationis” des Raimundus Lullus , ed. by Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, Viola Tenge-Wolf & Peter Walter (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 239-69.

Harvey , Steven, „Similarities and differences among Averroes‘ three commentaries on Aristotle’sPhysics ,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 81-97.

Hasnawi , Ahmad, „La topique de l’accident chez Averroès: de l’Abrégé de logique au Commentaire moyen sur lesTopiques ,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 255-95.

------- , „Topique et syllogistique: la tradition arabe (al-Fârâbî et Averroès),“ inLes Lieux de l’argumentation. Histoire du syllogisme topique d’Aristote à Leibniz , ed. by J. Biard & F. Mariani-Zini (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), pp. 191-226.

Hasse , Dag Nikolaus,Latin Averroes Translations of the First Half of the Thirteenth Century . Hildesheim: Olms, 2010, 38 pp., ISBN 9783487144320.

------- „Arabic philosophy and Averroism,“ inThe Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Philosophy , ed. by J. Hankins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 113-36.

Hissette , Roland, „Des fragments de l’Averroes Latinus (Commentaires de la Logica Vetus) à Darmstadt Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, Ms. 426,“ Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, 78.1 (2011): 1-24.

Hugonnard-Roche , Henri, „Vues sur la théorie de la science dans quelques commentaires d’Averroès, à propos de l’Épitomé de laPhysique , inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 197-206.

Ivry , Alfred L., „Averroes‘ Treatises on The Intellect,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 381-89.

Janssens , Jules, „Ibn Rushd et sa critique d’Ibn Bâjja (dans le Grand Commentaire sur leDe anima ),“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , p. 405-18.

Katouzian-Safadi , Mehrnaz, „Lois de la composition des médicaments: propriétés prévisibles et imprévisibles selon Averroès,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 135-45.

Kock , Ilona, „The Debate about God’s Simplicity: Reason and Spirit in the Eighth Discussion of al-Ghazali’sTahafut al-falasifa and Ibn Rushd’sTahafut t-tahafut ,“ inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 157-83.

Lay , Juliane, “L’Abrégé de l’Almageste : abrégé d’astronomie ou épitomé de l’Almageste a,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 63-79.

Lemay , Richard †, “LeDe substantia orbis d’Averroès: zénith et nadîr de lafalsafa ,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 329-44.

La lumière de l’intellect.

Maróth , Miklós, “Averroes on the void,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 11-22.

Martínez Lorca , Andrés,Averroes, el sabio cordobés que iluminó Europa . Cordoba: El Páramo, 2010, 133 pp., ISBN 9788492904037.

Martos Quesada , Juan, “Averroes como muftí,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 445-55.

Masoumi-Hamedani , Hossein, “La voie lactée: Ibn al-Haytham et Ibn Rushd,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 39-62.

Mensia , Mokdad Arfa, “Ibn Rushd et le zâhirisme pratique,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 457-70.

Mesbahi , Mohamed, “In welchem Sinn könnte Ibn Rushd einen Zugang zum Dialog der Kulturen bietena,”Concordia , 59 (2011): 57-69.

------- , „Rôle du paradigme médical dans le discours philosophique d’Ibn Rushd,“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 207-12.

Okumus , Mesut, “The Influence of al-Ghazzali on the Hermeneutics of Ibn Rushd,”Der Islam , 86.2 (2011): 286-311.

------- , “The Hermeneutics of Ibn Rushd,”Journal of Islamic Research , 2.2 (2009): 46-65.

Pavalko , Rima, “The Intention of the Law and the Lawgiver in Averroes’sDecisive Treatise ,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 487-92.

Puig Montada , Josep, «Jawhar en el epítome averroico de laMetafísica , » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 419-29.

-------, “Averroes, sobre las pasiones,” inDe las Pasiones , pp. 209-21.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, «Veritas filia temporis en Averroes commentario aMetafísica II, 1, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 431-441.

Rashed , Roshdi, « Le concept de lieu : Ibn al-Haytham, Averroès, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 3-9.

Ricordel , Joëlle, « Ibn Juljul et Ibn Rushd : propos sur la thériaque, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 157-66.

Sidiropoulou , Chryssi, « Aquinas, Ghazali, and Averroes on the Age of the Universe. Response to Massey, »Divinatio , 28 (2008): 171-94.

Stephan , Nouha, « La théorie pharmacologique d’Ibn Rushd d’après leKitâb al-Kulliyyât fî al-tibb , V : principaux points de convergence et de divergence avec la théorie pharmacologique d’al-Kindî, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 147-55.

Sweeney , Michael, « Greek essence and Islamic Tolerance : Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Rush’d, »The Review of Metaphysics , 65.1 (Sept. 2011): 41-61.

Taylor , Richard C., « Averroes’ Philosophical Conception of Separate Intellect and God, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 391-404.

Terkan , Fehrullah, “Revisiting the Conflict between Religion and Philosophy in Islam: al-Ghazâlî’s Diagnosis of Onto-Theology,”Journal of Islamic Research , 1.2 (2008): 5-22.

Twetten , David B., “Where is Averroes’s physical proof of God’s existencea,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 345-57.

Watt , John W., “Aristotle’sRhetoric and Political Thought in the Christian Orient and in al-Fârâbî, Avicenna and Averroes,” inWell Begun , pp. 17-47.

Yazicioglu , Isra, “Redefining the Miraculous: al-Ghazâlî, Ibn Rushd and Said Nursi on Qur’anic Miracle Stories,”Journal of Qur’anic Studies , 13.2 (2011): 86-108.

Avicenna

The Cure, The Soul , 5.7, transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 261-64.

The Cure, Metaphysics , 6.1-6.2, transl. by Arthur Hyman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 249-55.

Healing, Metaphysics , 10, transl. by Michael E. Marmura, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 77-88.

Salvation, Psychology , 6.9, 6.12, 6.13, transl. by F. Rahman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 256-61.

Salvation, Metaphysics , 2.1-2.5, 2.12, 2.13, 2.18, 2.19, transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 244-49.

On the Division of the Rational Sciences , political science, transl. by Muhsin Mahdi, in Medieval Political Philosophy, pp. 74-76.

Brief eines tugendhaften Mannes an die Gelehrten Baghdâds inArnzen , Rüdiger, Platonische Ideen in der arabischen Philosophie. Texte und Materialien zur Begriffsgeschichte von suwar aflâtûniyya und muthul aflâtûniyya (Scientia Graeco-Arabica 6). Berlin & Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2011, pp. 355-73.

Avicena (Ibn Sînâ) ,Cuestiones divinas (Ilâhiyyât). Selection of texts, ed. and transl. by Carlos A. Segovia (Clásicos del pensamiento 37). Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2006, 195 pp., ISBN 8497425219.

“Avicena: El Libro de las definiciones ( Kitâb al-Hudûd ), 1a parte,” trasnl., notes and commentary by Ángel Poncela González & Jaime Coullaut Cordero,Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval , 17 (2010): 181-94 [covers intro. plus def. 1-16].

Bäck , Allan, “Avicenna’s Hermeneutics,”Vivarium , 49.1-3 (2011): 9-25.

Bahlul , Raja, “Avicenna and the Problem of Universals,”Philosophy and Theology , 21.1-2 (2009): 3-25.

Bennison , Amira K., “The Necklace of al-Shifâ: Abbasid Borrowings in the Islamic West,”Oriens , 38 (2010): 249-73.

Bertolacci , Amos, “The Distinction of Essence and Existence in Avicenna’s Metaphysics: The Text and Its Context,” inIslamic Philosophy, pp. 257-88.

------- , “The ‘Ontologization’ of Logic. Metaphysical Themes in Avicenna’s Reworking of theOrganon ,” inMethods and Methodologies: Aristotelian Logic East and West, 500-1500 , ed. by Margaret Cameron & John Marenbon (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 27-51.

Bieniak , Magdalena,The Soul-Body Problem at Paris, ca. 1200-1250: Hugh of St-Cher and His Contemporaries (Ancient and Medieval Philosophy, De Wulf-Mansion Centre, Series I, 42). Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2010, xii-245 pp., ISBN 9789058678027 [discusses at length the influence of Avicenna].

Black , Deborah L., “Intentionality in Medieval Arabic Philosophy,”Quaestio , 10 (2010): 65-81.

Chandelier , Joël, “Expérience, expérimentation et connaissance dans la médecine scolastique italienne du 14e siècle,” inExpertus sum , pp. 385-403.

De Souza Pereira , Rosalie Helena, “Avicena eO poema de medicina : A doutrina dos temperamentos de Galeno,” inDe las Pasiones , pp. 169-81.

El-Bizri , Nader, « Ibn Sînâ’s Ontology of the Question of Being, »Ishrâq , 2 (2011):222-37.

Fioravanti , Gianfranco, « Phantasia: tra Aristotele e i Peripatetici, » inImmaginario , pp. 163-77.

Freudenthal , Gad, « Samuel Ibn Tibbon’s Avicennian Theory of an Eternal World, »Aleph , 8 (2008) : 41-129.

Gannagé , Emma, « Médecine et philosophie à Damas à l’aube du XIIIème siècle: un tournant post-avicennien. »Oriens , 39.2 (2011) : 227-56 [focuses on Ya’qûb b. Ishâq al-Isrâ’îlî].

Germann , Nadja, “Die ‘inneren Sinne’ imLiber Contemplationis ,” inGottes Schau und Weltbetrachtung. Interpretationen zum “Liber contemplationis” des Raimundus Lullus , ed. by Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, Viola Tenge-Wolf & Peter Walter (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 239-69.

González Ginocchio , David, « Concepto, juicio y ser en Avicena, » inIn umbra intelligentiae. Estudios en homenaje al Prof. Juan Cruz Cruz , ed. by Ángel Luis González & Maria Idoya Zorroza (Pamplona: Eunsa, 2011), pp. 437-50.

------- ,La metafísica de Avicena : Arquitectura de la ontología (Cuadernos de Anuario Filosófico 224). Pamplona : Servicio de publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, 2010, 121 pp.

------- , « Creación natural y voluntaria: sobre Avicena y Escoto, » inMetafísica y libertad , ed. by David González Ginocchio (Cuadernos de Anuario Filosófico 214) (Pamplona : Servicio de publicaciones de la Universidad de Navarra, 2009), pp. 261-74.

Houser , R.E., « Aristotle and Two Medieval Aristotelians on the Nature of God, »International Philosophical Quarterly , 51.3 (2011) : 355-75 [Aquinas & Avicenna]..

Janssens , Jules, « Ibn Sînâ’sTa’liqât : The Presence of Paraphrases of and Super-Commentaries on theIlâhîyât of theShifâ’ , » inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 201-22.

Koutzarova , Tiana, « Wissenschaft als « Genesung » : Avicennas Konzept einer Enzyklopädie von Wissenchaften, » inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 192-205 + 476-81.

Lizzini , Olga,Fluxus (fayd). Indagine sui fondamenti della metafisica e della fisica di Avicenna (Biblioteca filosofica di Quaestio 14). Bari : Pagina, 2011, 679 pp., ISBN 9788874701230.

------- , “Vie active, vie contemplative et philosophie chez Avicenne,” inVie active et vie contemplative au Moyen Âge et au seuil de la Renaissance , ed. by Christian Trottmann (Collection de l’École Française de Rome 423) (Rome: École Française de Rome, 2009), pp. 207-239.

------- , “L’angelologia filosofica di Avicenna,” in Angeli, pp. 1845-63 [transl from Libro delle definizioni; from Epistola sulle divisioni delle scienze intellettuali; from Indicazione dell’inconsistenza dell’astrologia giudiziaria; Epistola del Trono; Epistola in cui si stabiliscono l’esistenza e la validità delle profezie e l’interpretazione dei simboli e delle immagini che i profeti utilizzano; from Libro delle indicazioni e degli avvertimenti, VI, Sui fini, sui loro principi e sull’ordinamento & from Gemme della sapienza].

------- , “Critica dell’emanazione e creazione dal nulla in Yahyâ Ibn ‘Adî,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 225-44.

McGinnis , Jon, « The Ultimate Why Question : Avicenna on Why God Is Absolutely Necessary, » inThe Ultimate Why Question : Why Is There Anything at All Rather than Nothing Whatsoever a , ed. by John F. Wippel (Studies in Philosophy and the History of Philosophy 54). (Washington, D.C. : The Catholic University of America, 2011), pp. 65-83.

------- , « Avicenna (Ibn Sina), » inThe History of Western Philosophy of Religion , ed. by Graham Oppy & Nick Trakakis, vol. 2 :Medieval Philosophy of Religion (Durham, UK : Acumen, 2009), pp. 61-72.

-------- , « What Underlies the Change from Potentiality to Possibilitya A Select History of the Theory of Matter from Aristotle to Avicenna, »Cadernos de História e Filosofía de Ciência , ser. 3, 17 (2007): 259-78.

Moureau , Sébastien, «Ratio et sensus : les sens au service de l’acquisition des connaissances dans leDe anima in arte alchemiae du pseudo-Avicenne, » inExpertus sum , pp. 269-88.

Perrone Compagni , Vittoria, « « Artificiose operari ». L’immaginazione di Avicenna nel dibattito medievale sulla magia, » inImmaginario , pp. 271-96.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Avicena: sobre el amor,”Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía , 25 (2008): 243-60.

Sahin , Eyüp, “Existentialism and Ibn Sînâ (Avicenna),”Journal of Islamic Research , 2.2 (2009): 101-14.

Street , Tony, “Medieval and Modern Interpretations of Avicenna’s Modal Syllogistic,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 233-55 [i.e., al-Tûsî & Thom; includes English translations of passages in al-Tûsî].

Treiger , Alexander,Inspired Knowledge in Islamic Thought: Al-Ghazâlî’s Theory of Mystical Cognition and Its Avicennian Foundation (Culture and Civilization in the Middle East). London & New York: Routledge, 2012, xii-182 pp., ISBN 9780415783071.

------- , “Avicenna’s Notion of Transcendental Modulation of Existence (tashîk al-wudjûd, analogia entis ) and Its Greek and Arabic Sources,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 327-63 [Aristotle, Alexander of Aphrodisias, Porphyry, Elias, Ibn al-Tayyib, al-Fârâbî, al-Shahrastânî].

Watt , John W., “Aristotle’sRhetoric and Political Thought in the Christian Orient and in al-Fârâbî, Avicenna and Averroes,” inWell Begun , pp. 17-47.

Yavuz , Zikri, “Divine Knowledge and Human Freedom,”Journal of Islamic Research , 1.2 (2008): 65-73.

Baghdad Philosophers

Watt , John W., “The strategy of the Baghdad philosophers: the Aristotelian tradition as a common motif in Christian and Islamic thought,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XV [originally 2005].

Bahmanyar Ibn al-Marzuban

Sebti , Meryem, “Intellection, imagination et aperception de soi dans leLivre du résultat (Kitâb al-Tahsîl ),”Chora , 3-4 (2005-2006): 189-210.

al-Bîrûnî

Samian , A.L., “Reason and Spirit in al-Biruni’s Philosophy of Mathematics,” in Rreason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 137-46.

Azarnûsh , Azartâsh &Farzâneh , Bâbak. “Notes on Some Persian Words in the Works of al-Djâhiz,”Arabica , 58.5 (2011): 436-45.

al-Fârâbî

L’armonia delle opinioni dei due sapienti il divino Platone e Aristotele , intro., ed., transl. & commentary by Cecilia Martini Bonadeo; Foreward by Gerhard Endress (Greco, Arabo, Latino. Le vie del sapere). Pisa: Plus-Pisa University Press, 2008, xviii-270 pp., ISBN 978-88-8492-547-3 [rejects the view that this text isn’t by al-Fârâbî].

The Attainment of Happiness , transl. by Muhsin Mahdi, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 56-71 [partial translation].

The Book of Religion , transl. by Charles E. Butterworth, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 24-35

The Enumeration of the Sciences , ch. 5, transl. by Charles E. Butterworth, in Medieval Political Philosophy, pp. 18-23.

Plato’s Laws , introduction, transl. by Muhsin Mahdi, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 72-73.

The Principles of Existing Things , transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 223-38 [only the first part of theSiyâsat ].

The Political Regime , transl. by Charles E. Butterworth, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 36-55 [only the second part of theSiyâsat ].

Al-Fârâbî ,De l’obtention du bonheur , transl. by Olivier Sedeyn & Nassim Lévy, intro. by Olivier Sedeyn. Paris: Allia, 2010, 135 pp., ISBN 284485186x [in fact simple reprint of 2005, same transl. etc.].

Burnett , Charles, “Two approaches to Natural Science in Toledo of the twelfth century,” inChristlicher Norden , pp. 69-80.

Çevik , Mustafa, “Farabi’s Utopia and its Eschatological Relations,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 173-78.

Deniz , Gürbüz, “Al-Farabi on Divine Knowledge,”Journal of Islamic Research , 2.2 (2009): 24-33.

Fidora , Alexander, « Aristotelische Wissenschaft als Netzwerk von Wissenschaften: Die Rezeption der aristotelischen Wissenschaftstheorie bei al-Fârâbî und Dominicus Gundissalinus, » inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 77-96 + 442-51.

Günther , Sebastian, “The Principles of Instruction are the Grounds of our Knowledge: Al-Fârâbî’s Philosophical and al-Ghazâlî’s Spiritual Approaches to Learning,” inTrajectories of Education in the Arab World: Legacies and Challenges , ed. by Osama Abi-Mershed (London & New York: Routledge), 2010, pp. 15-35.

Hasnawi , Ahmad, „Topique et syllogistique: la tradition arabe (al-Fârâbî et Averroès),“ inLes Lieux de l’argumentation. Histoire du syllogisme topique d’Aristote à Leibniz , ed. by J. Biard & F. Mariani-Zini (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009), pp. 191-226.

Janos , Damien, “Al-Fârâbî on the Method of Astronomy,”Early Science and Medicine , 15.3 (2010): 237-65.

Lizzini , Olga, “L’angelologia di al-Fârâbî: il cosmo, l’anima, l’uomo,” inAngeli , pp. 1779-1843 [transl. fromLibro dei principi delle opinioni degli abitanti della città eccelente & fromLibro del governo della città ].

Mian , Ali Altaf, “Muslim Political Philosophy & the Affective Turn: Farabi on Language, Affect, and Reason,”Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies , 4,1 (2011): 47-70.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “La “Ciudad Excellente” de al-Fârâbî,” inMedievo utópico: sueños, ideales y utopías en el imaginario medieval , ed. by Martín Alvira Cabrer & Jorge Díaz Ibáñez (Madrid: Silex, 2011), pp. 127-40.

------- “Al-Fârâbî. El silencio de la imagen o el no ser de lo que es,” in Imagem e silêncio. Atas do I Simpósio Ibero-Americano de Estudos Neoplatónicos. Tomo I. Do Neoplatónismo pagâo ao Neoplatónismo medieval (Natal, RN (Brasil): Editora do UFRN, 2009), pp. 239-347.

Sweeney , Michael, « Greek Essence and Islamic Tolerance : Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Rush’d, »The Review of Metaphysics , 65.1 (Sept. 2011) : 41-61.

Watt , John, “Aristotle’sRhetoric and Political Thought in the Christian Orient and in al-Fârâbî, Avicenna and Averroes,” inWell Begun , pp. 17-47.

------- . “From Themistius to al-Fârâbî: Platonic political philosophy and Aristotle’sRhetoric in the East,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XI [originally 1995].

------- , “From Synesius to al-Fârâbî: philosophy, religion, and rhetoric in the Christian Orient,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XII [originally 1998].

------- ,Al-Farabi and the History of the Syriac Organon (Analecta Gorgiana 129). Piscataway N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2009, 29 pp., ISBN 978-1-60724-041-9 [a reprint of the same inMalphono : Studies in Honor of Sebastian P. Brock, same press, 2008, pp. 751-78 but with 1 page of addenda et corrigenda].

------- , “Christianity in the Renaissance of Islam: Abû Bishr Mattâ, al-Fârâbî, and Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XVI [originally 2007].

Woerther , Frédérique, “LaRhétorique d’Aristote comme moyen de diffusion des idées politiques aristotéliciennes dans la philosophie politique arabe: lesDisdascalia in Rethoricam ex glosa Alpharabii ,” inWell Begun , pp. 49-71.

------- , “Les passions rhétoriques chez Aristote et Al-Farabi: formes discursives et mécanismes d’induction,”Organon , n. 36 (La logique des émotions) (2007): 55-74 [based only on theDidascalia ].

Hunayn ibn Ishâq

Budelli , Rosanna, “L’epistola di Hunayn Ibn Ishâq e la critica alle fonti arabe della medicina,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 205-24.

Swanson , Mark N., “A Curious and Delicate Correspondence: theBurhân of Ibn al-Munajjim and theJawâb of Hunayn ibn Ishâq,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 173-83.

Ibn ‘Adî

Baffioni , Carmela, “Le cosidette “mawjûdât” in Yahyâ Ibn ‘Adî,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 245-71.

Lizzini , Olga, “Critica dell’emanazione e creazione dal nulla in Yahyâ Ibn ‘Adî,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 225-44 [also speaks of Avicenna].

Nahli , Ouafae, “Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî sulla differenza fra la logica e la grammatica araba,”Studia graeco-arabica , 1 (2011): 47-67.

Ramón Guerrero , “Aproximación a la literatura cristiana oriental en árabe. Yahya b. ‘Adi, teólogo y filósofo cristiano,” inCristianismo e Islam. Génesis y actualidad , ed. by M. Lázaro Pulido (Cáceres: Instituto Teológico San Pedro de Alcántara, 2009), pp. 141-63.

Watt , John W., “Christianity in the Renaissance of Islam: Abû Bishr Mattâ, al-Fârâbî, and Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî,” in Watt,Rhetoric , XVI [originally 2007].

Wisnovsky , Robert, “New Philosophical Texts of Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî: A Supplement to Endress’Analytical Inventory ,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 307-26.

Zilio-Grandi , Ida, “Il “Kitâb tahdhîb al-akhlâq” di Yahyâ Ibn ‘Adî (d. 974/363): riflessioni sul tema dell’etica nel periodo abbaside,” inLa letteratura , pp. 273-83.

Ibn Bâjjah (Avempace)

The Governance of the Solitary , 1, 7, 12, 13, 17, partial transl. by Lawrence Berman, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 97-104.

Abbès , Makram, “Le statut de la raison pratique chez Avempace,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 21 (2011): 85-109.

Douib , Sarhan, « Das gute Leben in der arabisch-islamischen Philosophie. Die Glückseligheit des Einzelnen bei Ibn Bajja,» in Gutes Leben als humanisiertes Leben in den Kulturen und ihre Bedeutung für Politik und Gesellschaft heute. Good life as Humanized Life. La vida buena come vida humanizante. Dokumentation des VIII. Internationalen Kongresses für Interkulturelle Philosophie [Seoul, 1-4 Juli 2009], ed. by Raúl Fornet-Betancourt (Denktraditionen in Dialog. Studien zur Befreiung und Interkulturalität 30). (Achen: Wissenschaftverlag Mainz, 2010), pp. 101-16.

Forcada , Miquel, “Ibn Bâjja on Medicine and Medical Experience,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 21 (2011): 111-48.

Janssens , Jules, „Ibn Rushd et sa critique d’Ibn Bâjja (dans le Grand Commentaire sur leDe anima ),“ inLa lumière de l’intellect , p. 405-18.

------- , „Ibn Bâjja and Aristotle’s Political Thought,“ inWell Begun , pp. 73-95.

Wirmer , David, “Das natürliche Begehren des einsamen Philosophen. Bildung durch Wissenschaft bei Ibn Bâjja und Ibn Tufail,” inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 206-40 + 482-86.

Ibn al-Haytham

Bellosta , Hélène, “Averroès commentateur d’Aristote ou lecteur d’Alhazen,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 23-37.

Masoumi-Hamedani , Hossein, “La voie lactée: Ibn al-Haytham et Ibn Rushd,” inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 39-62.

Rashed , Roshdi, « Le concept de lieu : Ibn al-Haytham, Averroès, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 3-9.

Ibn Jamâ’ah

A Memorandum for Listeners and Lecturers: Rules of Conduct for the Learned and the Learning (abridged), transl. by Michael Fishbein, in Classical Foundations, pp. 156-207+156-207 Arabic.

Ibn Kammûna

Naji , Hamed, “Ibn Kammûna: A Jewish Philosopher in the School of Illumination,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 144-49.

Roggema , Barbara, “Epistemology as Polemics: Ibn Kammûna’s Examination of the Apologetics of the Three Faiths,” inThe Three Rings , pp. 47-68.

Ibn Khaldûn

Selections from the Muqaddimah , transl. by Franz Rosenthal, inClassical Foundations , pp. 208-241+210-41 Arabic.

Calasso , Giovanna, “Penser le changement: Ibn Khaldûn et ses contemporains. Analyse historique et mentalités,”Al-Qantara , 32.1 (2011): 109-28.

Fromherz , Allen James,Ibn Khaldun, Life and Times . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011, xiv-190 pp., ISBN 9780748644834.

Vivanco Saavedra , Luis, “Las diversas clases de percepcíon según Abderrahmán Ibn Jaldún,”De las Pasiones , pp. 223-32.

Whittingham , Martin, « The Value oftahrîf ma’nawî (Corrupt Interpretation) as a Category for Analysing Muslim Views of the Bible : Evidence fromAl-radd al-jamîl and Ibn Khaldûn, »Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011) : 209-22.

Ibn Masarra

Garrido Clemente , Pilar, “aEra Ibn Massara de Córdoba un filósofoa,”Anaquel de Estudios Árabes , 21 (2010): 123-40.

Stroumsa , S. &Sviri , S., “The Beginnings of Mystical Philosophy in al-Andalus: Ibn Masarra and hisEpistle on Contemplation ,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 201-54.

Ibn al-Muqaffa’

Puig Montada , Josep, “Ibn al-Moqaffa’ y el orgullo sasánida,”Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofia , 24 (2007): 85-94.

Ibn Ridwân

Reisman , David C., « Professional Medical Ethics from a Foreign Past, » inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 25-39.

Ibn Sab’în

Akasoy , Anna, « Themuhaqqiq as Mahdia Ibn Sab’în and Mahdism Among Andalusian Mystics in the 12th/13th Centuries, » inEndzeiten. Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen , ed. by Wolfram Brandes & Felicitas Schmieder (Millenium-Studien 16) (Berlin : Walter de Gruyter, 2008), pp. 313-37.

Ibn Sahnûn

The Book of Rules of Conduct for Teachers , transl. by Michael Fishbein, in Classical Foundations, pp.1-19+1-19 Arabic.

Ibn Tufayl

Hayy the Son of Yaqzan , partial transl. by George N. Atiyeh, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 105-22.

Ben-Zaken , Avner,Reading Hayy Ibn-Yaqzân: A Cross-Cultural History of Autodidacticism . Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011, xvi-191 pp., ISBN 9780801897399 [deals 1. with struggles over mysticism in twelfth-century Marrakesh, 2. with controversy over pedagogy in fourteenth-century Barcelona; 3. with quarrels over astrology in Renaissance Florence and 4. with debates over experimentalism in seventeenth-century Oxford].

Deniz , Gürbüz, “Hayy ibn Yaqzan and its Qur’anic References,”Journal of Islamic Research , 1.2 (2008): 33-50.

Kukkonen , Taneli, “Ibn Tufayl and the Wisdom of the East: On Apprehending the Divine,” inLate Antique Epistemology: Other Ways to Truth , ed. by Panayiota Vassilopoulou & Stephen R.L. Clark (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 87-102.

Puerta Vílchez , J.M. &Lirola Delgado , J., “Ibn Tufayl, Abû Bakr,” inBiblioteca de al-Andalus: De Ibn Sa’âda a Ibn Wuhayb , vol. 5, ed. by Jorge Lirola Delgado (Almería: Fundación Ibn Tufayl de Estudios Árabes, 2007), pp. 498-503.

Wirmer , David, “Das natürliche Begehren des einsamen Philosophen. Bildung durch Wissenschaft bei Ibn Bâjja und Ibn Tufail,” inAlbertus Magnus , pp. 206-40 + 482-86.

Ikhwân as-Safâ’

The Epistles of the Brethern of Purity ,On Music , an Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation ofEPISTLE 5 , ed. and transl. by Owen Wright. Oxford: Oxford University Press with The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011, xvii-224 pp., ISBN 978-0-19-959398-9.

The Seventh Epistle of the Propaedeutical Part on the Scientific Arts and What they Aim At, transl. by Rüdiger Arnzen, in Classical Foundations, pp. 20-37+20-37 Arabic.

Baffioni , Carmela, “Ibda’, Divine Imperatiev and Prophecy in theRasâ’il Ikhwan as-safa,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 213-26.

Hamdani , Abbas, “The Ikhwan as-Safa’: Between al-Kindi and al-Farabi,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 189-212, plus table 200.

Lizzini , Olga, “L’angelologia nelle Epistole dei Fratelli della purezza: l’esempio della natura,” inAngeli , pp. 1965-2012 [transl. ofSulla quiddità della natura , epistle 20].

Maukola , I., “Creation in Miniature: Varieties of the Microcosm in the Rasâ’il Ikhwân as-Safâ’,”Studia Orientalia (Finnish Oriental Society), 107 (2009): 229-56.

Quintern , Detlev, “On the Harmony of Spirituality and Rational Wisdom According to the Opus Rasâ’il Ikhwân as-Safâ’:A Path to Overcome the Crisis in Sciences ,” inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 51-67.

Jâhiz al-Basrî

Azarnûsh , Azartâsh &Farzâneh , Bâbak. “Notes on Some Persian Words in the Works of al-Djâhiz,”Arabica , 58.5 (2011): 436-45.

Llamas Fraga ,Laura &Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Algunas técnicas modernas de traducción en un texto árabe del siglo IX: un pasaje del Kitâb al-Hayawân de al-Jâhiz al-Basrî,” Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval, 17 (2010): 103-13 [includes a translation of the passage].

al-Kindî

al-Kindî ,Die Erste Philosophie , Arabisch-Deutsch, transl. and intro. by Anna Akasoy (Herders Bibliothek der Philosophie des Mittelalters 26). Freiburg-Basel-Vienna: Herder, 2011, 198 pp., ISBN 9783451340383].

Endress , Gerhard, “Höfischer Stil und wissenschaftliche Rhetorik: al-Kindî als Epistolograph,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 289-306.

Groff , Peter S, “Al-Kindî and Nietzsche on the Stoic Art of Banishing Sorrow,”Journal of Nietzsche Studies , n. 28 (2004): 139-73.

Lizzini , Olga, “La cosmologia di al-Kindî,” in Angeli, pp. 1741-78 [transl. of Sull’esistenza delle sostanze incorporee; Sulla prosternazione del corpo estremo dell’universo davanti a Dio e sulla obbedienza a Dio & Sull’agente vero, primo e completo e sull’agente manchevole che è tale per estensione (o metafora)].

Stephan , Nouha, « La théorie pharmacologique d’Ibn Rushd d’après leKitâb al-Kulliyyât fî al-tibb , V : principaux points de convergence et de divergence avec la théorie pharmacologique d’al-Kindî, » inLa lumière de l’intellect , pp. 147-55.

Mîr Dâmâd

Rizvi , Sajjad H., « Mîr Dâmâd in India : Islamic Philosophical Traditions and the Problem of Creation, »Journal of the American Oriental Society , 131.1 (2011) : 9-23.

Miskawayh

From the Second Discourse of The Refinement of Character , transl. by Constantine K. Zurayk, in Classical Foundations, pp. 75-87+75-87 Arabic.

Miskawayh ,Traité d’Ethique , transl. intro. & notes by Mohammed Arkoun, reprint (Textes philosophiques). Paris: Vrin, 2010, ISBN 9782711622795 [original ed. 1969 & 1982].

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Al-Hikma al-jâlida (La sabiduría eterna) de Miskawayh come fuente de literatura sapiencial,” inMemorabilia. Boletín de literatura sapiencial , 12 (2009-2010): 351-59.

Mullâ Sadrâ

Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi ,Conception and Belief in Sadr al-Dîn al-Shîrâzî (ca 1571-1631).Al-risâla fî tasawwur wa-l-tasdîq , Intro., transl. & commentary by Joep Lameer. Tehran: Iranian Institute of Philosophy, 2006, xiii-281 pp., ISBN 9648036284.

Verifikation der Platonischen Formen und Urbilder (Asfâr, Maslak I: Marhala 4, Fasl 9) inArnzen , Rüdiger, Platonische Ideen in der arabischen Philosophie. Texte und Materialien zur Begriffsgeschichte von suwar aflâtûniyya und muthul aflâtûniyya (Scientia Graeco-Arabica 6). Berlin & Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2011, pp. 371-406.

Ashtari , Hossain Kalbasi, „Spiritual Paradigm as Origin of the Life’s Capacity in the Sadraian Philosophy,“ inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 93-107.

Burrell , David B., “Mullâ Sadrâ’s Ontology Revisited,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 45-66.

Dakake , Maria Massi, “Hierarchies of Knowing in Mullâ Sadrâ’s Commentary on theUsûl al-kâfî ,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 5-44.

Eshots , Yanis, “ “Substantial Motion” and “New Creation” in Comparative Context,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 79-92.

Haidar , Mahmoud, “La grande sagesse dans la sagesse transcendante—le rôle du Coran dans la philosophie de Sadr ad-Dîn ash-Shîrâzî,”al-Machriq , 85,1 (2011): 46-69 [in Arabic].

Jambet , Christian, “ “L’essence de Dieu est toute chose”: identité et différence selon Sadr al-Dîn Shîrâzî (Mullâ Sadrâ),” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 269-92.

Kamada , Shigeru, “Mullâ Sadrâ’simâma/walâya : An Aspect of His Indebtedness to Ibn ‘Arabî,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 67-78.

Khamenei , Seyyed Mohammed, “In the Name of God, The Compassionate, The Merciful: Reason and Spirit,” inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 71-81.

Marcotte , Roxanne D., “Al-Masâ’il al-qudsiyya and Mullâ Sadrâ’s Proofs for Mental Existence,”Journal of Islamic Studies , 22.2 (2011): 153-82.

Moris , Zailan, “Mullâ Sadrâ’s Eschatology inal-Hikma al-‘arshiyya ,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 93-107.

Rezazadeh , Reza, “Thomas Aquinas and Mulla Sadra on the Soul-Body Problem: A Comparative Investigation,”Journal of Shi’a Islamic Studies , 4.4 (2011): 415-28.

Rustom , Mohammed, “The Nature and Significance of Mullâ Sadrâ’s Qur’ânic Writings,”Journal of Islamic Philosophy , 6 (2010): 109-30.

al-Nayrîzî

Pourjavady , Reza,Philosophy in Early Safavid Iran: Najm al-Dîn Mahmûd al-Nayrîzî and His Writings (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 82). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, xii-224 pp., ISBN 9789004191730.

al-Qâbisî

A Treatise Detailing the Circumstances of Students and the Rules Governing Teachers and Students (abridged), transl. by Michael Fishbein, in Classical Foundations, pp. 38-74+38-74 Arabic.

al-Râzî

Saruhan , Mufit Selim, “Praise for Reason and Love in Zakariyâ al-Râzî,’Hamdard Islamicus , 33, 1 (2010): 21-29.

al-Shahrazûrî

Cottrell , Emily, “Adam and Seth in Arabic Medieval Literature. The Mandean Connections in al-Mubashshir Ibn Fâtik’sChoicest Maxims (11th Century) and Shams al-Dîn al-Shahrazûrî al-Ishrâqî’sHistory of the Philosophers (13th Century),”ARAM , 22 (2010): 509-47.

al-Suhrawardî

Aawani , Gholamreza, “A Comparative Analysis of the Method of Historiography of Philosophy, As Envisaged by Suhrwardi, Aristotle and Hegel,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 189-201.

Aminrazavi , Mehdi, “How Avicennian was Suhrawardî’s Theory of Knowledgea,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 119-30.

Eskhevari , Mohammad Fanaei, “Sohravardi and the Question of Knowledge,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 131-43.

Hämeen-Anttila , Jaakko, “Suhrawardî’sWestern Exile as Artistic Prose,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 105-18.

Hathem , Jad, “Suhrawardi’s Phenomenology of Ipseity,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 61-67.

Marcotte , Roxanne D., “Suhrawardî’s Realm of the Imaginal,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 68-79.

Pazouki , Shahram, “The East of Suhrawardî and the West of Heidegger: A Comparative Study of Heidegger and Suhrawardî’s Views on the Ancient Philosophers,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 98-104.

Walbridge , John, “The Devotional and Occult Works of Suhrawardî the Illuminationist,”Ishrâq , 2 (2011): 80-97.

al-Tûsî

Street , Tony, “Medieval and Modern Interpretations of Avicenna’s Modal Syllogistic,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 233-55 [i.e., al-Tûsî & Thom; includes English translations of passages in al-Tûsî].

al-Zarnûjî

Instruction of the Student: The Method of Learning , transl. by G.E. von Grunebaum & Theodora M. Abel, inClassical Foundations , pp. 108-55+108-55 Arabic.

Modern and Current Scholars

Ali-de-Unzaga , Omar, “A Biographical Sketch [ofFarhad Daftary ],” and “A Bibiography of the Works of Farhad Daftary,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 1-31 & 33-57.

Stewart , Frank H., “Etan Kohlberg ,” and “Works of Etan Kohlberg,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 11-23 & 25-31.

Schmidtke, S., “Moshe Perlmann (1905-2001): A Scholarly Biography,” and “A Biliography,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 1-31 & 33-62.

Section II. Kalâm

General Studies

Adang , C., “Intra- and Interreligious Controversies in 3rd/9th Century Qayrawân: The Polemics of Muhammad b. Sahnûn,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 281-310.

Akoglu , Muharrem, “Major Breaks in the History of Mutazilism,”The Islamic Quarterly , 54.3 (2010): 191-205.

Almbladh , Karin, “The “Basmala ” in Medieval Letters in Arabic Written by Jews and Christians,”Orientalia Suecana , 59 (2010): 45-60.

Amir-Moezzi , Mohammad Ali, “Persian, the Other Language of Islam: Some Brief Notes,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 59-75.

------- , “Note bibliographique sur leKitâb Sulaym b. Qays , le plus ancien ouvrage shi’ite existant,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 33-48.

Ansari , Hassan, “Une version incomplète duKitâb al-nubuwwa d’al-Sadûq,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 49-53.

Bar-Asher , Meir M., “Le rapport de la religion nusayrite-‘alawite au shi’isme imamite,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 73-93.

Bertaina , David,Christian and Muslim Dialogues: The Religious Uses of a Literary Form in the Early Islamic Middle East (Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies 29). Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2011, xii-285 pp., ISBN 9781617199417.

------- , “Science, Syntax, and Superiority in Eleventh-Century Christian-Muslim Discussion: Elias of Nisibis on the Arabic and Syriac Languages,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 197-207.

Block , C. John, “Philoponian Monophysitism in South Arabia at the Advent of Islam with Implications for the English Translation of ‘Thalâtha’ in Qur’ân 4.171 and 5.73,”Journal of Islamic Studies , 23.1 (2012): 50-75.

Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, Volume 2 (900-1050) , ed. by David Thomas & Alex Mallett with Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala, Johannes Pahlitzsch, Mark Swanson, Herman Teule & John Tolan (The History of Christian-Muslim Relations 14). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2010, xvi-782 pp., ISBN 9789004169760.

Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, Volume 3 (1050-1200) , ed. by David Thomas & Alex Mallett with Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala, Johannes Pahlitzsch, Mark Swanson, Herman Teule & John Tolan (The History of Christian-Muslim Relations 15). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, xiv-785 pp., ISBN 978904195158.

Crone , Patricia, “’No complusion in religion’: Q. 2:256 in medieval and modern interpretations,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 131-78.

Décobert , Christian, “Ascéticisme etjihâd ,”Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 253-82.

De Smet , Daniel, “L’impuissance de Dieu. Un débat récurrent en théologie musulmane,”Revue philosophique de la France et de l’étranger , 135, t. CXCX (2010): 321-37.

------- , « Adam, premier prophète et législateur a La doctrine chiite desulû al-‘azm et la controverse sur la pérennité de lasharî’a , » inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 187-202.

------- , « The Sacredness of Nature in Shi’i Isma’ili Islam, » inThe Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages , ed. by Arjo Vanderjagt & Klaas van Berkel (Groningen Studies in Cultural Changes 16) (Leuven-Paris, Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2005), pp. 85-96.

El Omari , Racha, “Kitâb al-Hayda : The Historical Significance of an Apocryphal Text,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 419-51.

Gay-Canton , R., “Lorsque Muhammad orne les autels. Sur l’utilisation de la théologie islamique dans la controverse autour de l’Immaculée Conception de la fin du XIVe au début du XVIIIe siècle,”Revue des Sciences philosophiques et théologiques , 94.2 (2010): 201-48.

Goldstein , M., « Sa’adya’sTafsîr in Light of Muslim Polemic against Ninth-Century Arabic Bible Translations, »Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 173-200.

Jackson , Sherman A., «Jihâd : Between Law, Fact and Orientalism, »Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 307-24.

Keating , Sandra Toenis, “Some Reflections on the Early Discussion Concerning thesifât Allâh : ‘Cross-fertilization and Cooperation in the Islamic Milieu’,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,1 (2011): 23-35 [Jahm ibn Safwân, Ibn Hanbal & Abû Râ’ita al-Takrîtî].

Lahoud , Nelly, « The Early Kharijites and their Understanding ofJihâd , »Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 283-305.

Lev , Y., “Thejihâd of Sultan Nûr al-Dîn of Syria (1146-1174): History and Discourse,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 35 (2008): 227-84.

Lory , Pierre, “Souffrir pour la vérité selon l’ésotérisme chiite de Rajab Borsî,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 315-23.

Madelung , Wilferd &Schmidtke , Sabine,Rational Theology in Interfaith Communication: Abu l-Husayn al-Basrî’s Mu’tazilî Theology among the Karaites in the Fâtimid Age (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture 5). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2006, x-144 pp., ISBN 9789004151772 [includes: 1. Yûsuf al-Basîr’s Refutation of Abu l-Husayn al-Basrî’s Proof for the Existence of God, Arabic & English, pp. 37-59; 2. Excerpt from Part II of Sahl b. al-Fadl al-Tustarî’s Response to ‘Alî b. Sulaymân al-Maqdisî, Arabic & English, pp. 67-73; 3. Excerpt from al-Tustarî’s Book of Intimation, Arabic & English, pp. 83-90; and 4. Excerpt from the Book of Revision of the Book of Aristotle on Metaphysics by al-Tustarî, Arabic & English, pp. 100-07].

Madelung , Wilferd &Walker , Paul E., “The Kitab al-Rusum wa’l-izdiwaj wa’l-tartib Attributed to ‘Abdan (d. 286/899): Edition of the Arabic Text and Translation,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 103-65.

Mourad , Suleiman A.,”The Revealed Text und the Intended Subtext: Notes on the Hermeneutics of the Qur’ân in Mu’tazila Discourse As Reflected in theTahdhîb of al-Hâkim al-Ghishumî (d. 494/1101),” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 367-95.

------- , “The Survival of the Mu’tazila Tradition of Qur’anic Exegesis in Shî’î and Sunnî tafâsîr,”Journal of Qur’anic Studies , 12 (2010): 83-108.

Noble , Samuel &Treiger , Alexander, “Christian Arabic Theology in Byzantine Antioch: ‘Abdallâh ibn al-Fadl al ‘Antâkî and hisDiscourse on the Holy Trinity ,”Le Muséon , 124.3-4 (2011): 371-417.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “ “Por qué Dios sólo quiere salvar a los sarracenos o a los que saben árabea” Algunos hitos en la visión histórica del Islam,” inMiradas a los otros. Dioses, culturas y civilizaciones , ed. by José Carlos Bernal Pastor (Madrid: Arena Libros, 2011), pp. 291-323.

Reinink , Gerrit J., “From Apocalyptics to Apologetics: Early Syriac Reactions to Islam,” inEndzeiten. Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen , ed. by Wolfram Brandes & Felicitas Schmieder (Millenium-Studien 16) (Berlin : Walter de Gruyter, 2008), pp. 75-87.

------- , “The ‘Book of Nature’ and Syriac Apologetics against Islam. The Case of Job of Edessa’sBook of Treasures ,” inThe Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages , ed. by Arjo Vanderjagt & Klaas van Berkel (Groningen Studies in Cultural Changes 16) (Leuven-Paris, Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2005), pp. 71-84.

Schmidtke , Sabine, “The Doctrinal Views of the Banû al-‘Awd (early 8th/14th century): An Analysis of MS Arab. F. 64 (Bodleian Library, Oxford),” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 373-96.

Simelidis , Christos, “The Byzantine Understanding of the Qur’anic Termal-Samad and the Greek Translation of the Qur’an,”Speculum , 86.4 (2011): 887-913.

Soffer , Yossef, “The TheologicalMajlis and Religious Otherness in Medieval Islam,” inThe Quest for a Common Humanity : Human Dignity and Otherness in the Religious Traditions of the Mediterranean , ed. by Katell Berthelot & Matthias Morgenstern (Numen Book Series, Studies in the History of Religions 134) (Leiden : Brill, 2011), pp. 219-35.

Szilágyi , K., « A Prophet like Jesusa Christians and Muslims Debating Muhammad’s Death, »Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 131-72.

Thiele , Jan,Kausalität in der mu’tazilitischen Kosmologie. Das Kitâb al-Mu’aththirât wa-miftâh al-mushkilât des Zayditen al-Hasan ar-Rassâs (st. 584/1188) (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 84). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, xii-155+57 pp., ISBN 9789004207479 [includes critical edition].

“Errata” to “Propagating Mu’tazilism in the VIth/XIIth Century Zaydiyya,”Arabica , 58 1/2 (2011): 165 [applies to article published inArabica , 57 (2010): 536-58].

Thomas , D., “Christian Voices in Muslim Theology,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 357-80.

Tolan , John V., “ “Ipsius gladio occidere”: The Use and Abuse of Scripture in Iberian Religious Polemics,” inChristlicher Norden , pp. 201-13 [Ibn Hazm, Petrus Alfonsi & Dominicans].

Tumer , J.P., “The End of the Mihna,”Oriens , 38 (2010): 89-106.

Vishanoff , David R.,The Formation of Islamic Hermeneutics: How Sunni Legal Theorists Imagined a Revealed Law (American Oriental Series 93). New Yorka: American Oriental Society, 2011, 344 pp., ISBN 9780940490314 [‘Abd al-Jabbâr, al-Bâqillânî, Ibn Hazm]..

Abd al-Jabbâr

Boudignon , Christian, “Logique aristotélicienne etkalâm alâ-l-nasârâ : la Réponse à Abû Qurra dans leMugnî de Abd al-Djabbâr,”Arabica , 58.6 (2011): 519-544.

Chiesa , B., “’Abd al-Jabbâr on Christianity according to the originalKitâb al-muhît ,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 255-80.

Heemskerk , Margaretha, “A Mu’tazilite Refutation of Christianity and Judaism: Two Fragments from ‘Abd al-Jabbâr’sal-Mughnî fî abwâb al-tawhîd wa-‘l-‘adl ,” inThe Three Rings , pp. 183-201.

Abu l-Husayn al-Basrî

Tasaffuh al-adilla ,extant parts introduced and ed. by Wilferd Madelung & Sabine Schmidtke (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes lvii,4). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006, xxiii-145 pp., ISBN978-3-447-05392-1.

Abû al-Mundhir Bashîr

Abû l-Mundhir Bashîr b. Muhammad b. Mahbûb ,Early Ibâdî Literature: Kitâb al-Rasf fî l-Tawhîd, Kitâb al-Muhâraba andSîra , intro. and ed. by Abdulrahman al-Salimi & Wilferd Madelung (Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 75). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2011, xii-80 pp., ISBN 978-3-447-06435-4.

Abû Qurrah

Boudignon , Christian, “Logique aristotélicienne etkalâm alâ-l-nasârâ : la Réponse à Abû Qurra dans leMugnî de Abd al-Djabbâr,”Arabica , 58.6 (2011): 519-544.

Burnett , Charles &Bohak , Gideon, “A Judaeo-Arabic Version of Tâbit ibn Qurra’sDe Imaginibus and Pseudo-Ptolemy’sOpus Imaginum ,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 179-200.

Nasry , Wafik, ‘The Place of Reason in an Early Arab-Christian-Muslim Dialogue,’ inLa Letteratura , pp. 179-89.

Pizzo , Paola, “La geografia religiosa a Edessa al tempo di Teodoro Abû Qurrah. Notizie dal “Trattato sull’esistenza del creatore e sulla vera religione”,” inLa Letteratura , pp. 163-78.

Abû Râ’ita al-Takrîtî

Keating , S.T., “An Early List ofsifât Allâh in Abû Râ’ita al-Takrîtî’s “Firstrisâla ‘On the Holy Trinity’,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 36 (2009): 339-56.

al-‘Ash’arî

Contra heterodoxos (al-Luma’). O lo que deben creer los musulmanos , ed. & transl. by Carlos A. Segovia (Clásicos del pensamiento 38). Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2006, 253 pp., ISBN 84-9742-522-7.

al-Ghazâlî

The Deliverer from Error , partial transl. by Richard J. McCarthy, inMedieval Political Philosophy , pp. 89-96.

The Incoherence of the Philosophers , On the Eternity of the World, transl. by Jon McGinnis & David C. Reisman and Concerning the Natural Sciences, transl. by Arthur Hyman, inPhilosophy in the Middle Ages , pp. 268-84.

O Son! , transl. by David C. Reisman, inClassical Foundations , pp. 88-107+88-107 Arabic.

Al-Ghazâlî ,L’éducation de l’âme (Kitâb riyadat an-nafs wa tahzîb al-‘akhlâq wa mu’âlajat ‘amrâd al-qalb) , transl. & notes by Idrîs De Vos (Revivification des sciences de la religion 22). Paris: Dar Albouraq, 2011, 103 pp., ISBN 978-2-84161-494-3.

Al-Ghazâlî ,Les merveilles du coeur (‘ajâ’ib al-Qalb) , transl. & notes by Idrîs De Vos (Revivification des sciences de la religion 21). Paris: Dar Albouraq, 2010, 141 pp., ISBN 978-2-84161-464-6.

Al-Ghazâlî, De la condamnation de la vanité , transl. & notes by Lyess Chacal (Revification des sciences de la religion 20). Paris: Dar Albouraq, 2010, 95 pp., ISBN 978-2-84161-414-1.

Altintas , Hayrani, “Is There any Similarity between “al-Munqidh min al-Dalâl” and ‘Discourse on the Method”,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 66-81.

Beaumont , Mark, “Appropriating Christian Scriptures in a Muslim Refutation of Christianity: The Case ofAl-radd al-jamîl attributed to al-Ghazâlî,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,1 (2011): 69-84.

Çapak , Ibrahim, “The Formation of Knowledge and Disputation (al-Jadal) in Ghazâlî’s Logic,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 129-42.

Ceylan , Hadi Ensar, “Ghazali’s Account of Signification,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 98-114.

Deniz , Gürbüz, “The Method of Understanding Ghazali,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010); 5-21.

Farid , Wajdi, “La méthode d’al-Ghazalî pour traiter l’hypocondrie,”al-Machriq , 84.2 (2010): 427-37 [in Arabic].

Görmez , Mehmet, “Ghazali’s Understanding of the Sunnah,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 22-35.

Günther , Sebastian, “The Principles of Instruction are the Grounds of our Knowledge: Al-Fârâbî’s Philosophical and al-Ghazâlî’s Spiritual Approaches to Learning,” inTrajectories of Education in the Arab World: Legacies and Challenges , ed. by Osama Abi-Mershed (London & New York: Routledge), 2010, pp. 15-35.

Hozien , Muhammad, “Ghazali and his Early Biographers,”Islam & Science , 9.2 (2011): 95-122.

Iqbal , Muzaffar, “Al-Ghazali’s Enduring Legacy” & “Visiting the Grave of Imam al-Ghazali,”Islam & Science , 9.2 (2011): 91-94 & 123-30.

Kock , Ilona, „The Debate about God’s Simplicity: Reason and Spirit in the Eighth Discussion of al-Ghazali’sTahafut al-falasifa and Ibn Rushd’sTahafut t-tahafut ,“ inReason, Spirit and the Sacral , pp. 157-83.

Kukkonen , Taneli, “The Self as Enemy, the Self as Divine: A Crossroad in the Development of Islamic Anthropology,” inAncient Philosophy of the Self , ed. by Pauliina Remes & Juha Sihvola (The New Synthese Historical Library 64) (New York: Springer, 2008), pp. 205-24.

Macit , Muhittin, “Some Remarks on Ghazâlî’s Crisis inThe Rescuer from Error (al-Munqidh min al-dalâl) ,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 36-50.

Okumus , Mesut, “The Influence of al-Ghazzali on the Hermeneutics of Ibn Rushd,”Der Islam , 86.2 (2011): 286-311.

------- , “On the Authenticity of al-Ghazâlî’sal-Madnûn al-Kabîr ,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 115-28.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Algazel: Crisis del califato abasí y teoría del poder,” inHistoria del análisis político , ed. by Pablo Sánchez Garrido & Consuelo Martínez-Sicluna Sepúlveda (Madrid: Tecnos, 2011), pp. 189-99.

Rayan , Sobhi, “Al-Ghazali’s Concepts of Ceertitude of the Intellect versus Certitude of the Post-Intellect,”Islamic Quarterly , 55.2 (2011): 141-60.

Saruhan , Müfit Selim, “On the Ethical Rationalism of al-Ghazali,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 51-65.

Shu’ayb , Fiazuddin, “Al-Ghazzali’s Final Word on Kalam,”Islam & Science , 9.2 (2011): 151-72.

Sidiropoulou , Chryssi, « Aquinas, Ghazali, and Averroes on the Age of the Universe. Response to Massey, »Divinatio , 28 (2008): 171-94.

Sweeney , Michael, « Greek Essence and Islamic Tolerance : Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Ibn Rush’d, »The Review of Metaphysics , 65.1 (Sept. 2011) : 41-61.

Terkan , Fehrullah, “Revisiting the Conflict between Religion and Philosophy in Islam: al-Ghazâlî’s Diagnosis of Onto-Theology,”Journal of Islamic Research , 1.2 (2008): 5-22.

Treiger , Alexander,Inspired Knowledge in Islamic Thought: Al-Ghazâlî’s Theory of Mystical Cognition and Its Avicennian Foundation (Culture and Civilization in the Middle East). London & New York: Routledge, 2012, xii-182 pp., ISBN 9780415783071.

van Leeuwen , Richard, “ “Yâ Rahîl!” : Reasons for Travelling in al-Ghazâlî’sIhyâ’ ‘ulûm al-dîn ,”Annali di Ca’ Foscari (3 9s. or. 40), 2009: 165-79.

Vural , Mehmet, “Classic Logic of al-Ghazâlî’s Methodology” & “Al-Ghazâlî’s Letter to Abdul Hassan Mas’ud bin Muhammad bin Ghanam,”Journal of Islamic Research , 3.2 (2010): 143-66.

Wan Abdullah , Wan Suhaimi, “Al-Ghazzali’s Method of Proof in HisAl-iqtisad fi-l-i’tiqad ,”Islam & Science , 9.2 (2011): 131-150.

Whittingham , Martin, « The Value oftahrîf ma’nawî (Corrupt Interpretation) as a Category for Analysing Muslim Views of the Bible : Evidence fromAl-radd al-jamîl and Ibn Khaldûn, »Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011) : 209-22.

-------, “Al-Ghazâlî on Jews and Christians,” inThe Three Rings , pp. 203-16.

Yazicioglu , Isra, “Redefining the Miraculous: al-Ghazâlî, Ibn Rushd and Said Nursi on Qur’anic Miracle Stories,”Journal of Qur’anic Studies , 13.2 (2011): 86-108.

Ibn al-Fadl

Daiber , Hans, “Graeco-Arabica Christiana: The Christian Scholar ‘Abd Allâh ibn al-Fadl from Antiochia (11th c. A.D.) as Transmitter of Greek Works,” inIslamic Philosophy , pp. 3-9.

Ibn Hazm

Tolan , John V., “ “Ipsius gladio occidere”: The Use and Abuse of Scripture in Iberian Religious Polemics,” inChristlicher Norden , pp. 201-13.

Ibn Khallâd

Basran Mu’tazilite Theology: Abû ‘Alî Muhammad b. Khallâd’s Kitâb al-usûl and Its Reception: A Critical Edition of the Ziyâdât Sharh al-usûl by the Zaydî Imâm al-Nâtiq bi-l-haqq Abû Tâlib b. al-Husayn b. Hârûn al-Buthhânî (d. 424/1033) ed. by Camilla Adang, Wilferd Madelung & Sabine Schmidtke (Islamic History and Civilization 85). Leiden-Boston; Brill, 2010, iv-318 pp., ISBN 9789004188723.

Ansari , Hassan &Schmidtke , Sabine, “The Zaydî Reception of Ibn Khallâd’sKitâb al-Usûl . TheTa’lîq of Abû Tâhir b. ‘Alî al-Saffâr,”Journal Asiatique , 298.2 (2010): 275-302.

Ibn al-Munajjim

Swanson , Mark N., “A Curious and Delicate Correspondence: theBurhân of Ibn al-Munajjim and theJawâb of Hunayn ibn Ishâq,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 173-83.

Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawziyya

Accad , Martin, “Muhammad’s Advent as the Final Criterion for the Authenticity of the Judeo-Christian Tradition: Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya’sHidâyat al-hayârâ fî ajwibat al-Yahûd wa-‘l-Nasârâ ,” inThe Three Rings , pp. 217-36.

Hoover , Jon, “The Apologetic and Pastoral Intentions of Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jawziyya’s Polemic against Jews and Christians,”The Muslim World , 100.4 (2010): 476-89.

Ibn Qutayba

Schmidtke , Sabine, “The Muslim Conception of Biblical Materials; Ibn Qutayba and hisA’lam al-nubuwwa ,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22.3 (2011): 249-74.

Ibn Taymiyyah

Ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1328), “Participazione al djihâd,” transl. by Euginia di Gregorio inAl-Fatâwâ al-islâmiyya: Les Consultations Juridiques Islamiques (Etudes Arabes 106-107). Rome: PISAI Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e d’Islamistica, 2010, pp. 80-84 [includes Arabic text].

Michot , Yahya, “From al-Ma’mûn to Ibn Sab’învia Avicenna: Ibn Taymîya’s Historiography ofFalsafa ,”Islamic Philosophy , pp. 453-75 [includes translations].

------- , “Ibn Taymiyya’s “New Mardin Fatwa.” Is Genetically Modified Islam (GMI) Carcinogenica,”The Muslim World , 101,2 (2011): 125-368.

Rayan , Sobhi, “Ibn Taymiyya’s Criticism of Aristotelian Definition,”American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences , 27.4 (Fall 2010): 68-91.

Sarrio , Diego R., “Spiritual Anti-elitism: Ibn Taymiyya’s Doctrine of Sainthood (walaya),”Islam & Christian-Muslim Relations , 22.3 (2011): 275-91.

Sarrió Cucarella , D.R., “La fetua sobre los monjes de Ibn Taymiyya,”Miscelánea de Estudios árabes y hebraicos, sección árabe-islam , 59 (2010): 171-90.

Ibn Tumart

Norris , H.T., “Ibn Tumart and the Almoravides: ‘The Evil Deeds of themujassimûn from Kâkudam’, Selected Passages from Ibn Tumart’sA’azz mâ yutlab ,”Journal of Qur’anic Studies , 13.2 (2011): 155-64.

al-Lawkarî

Marcotte , Roxanne D., “Preliminary Notes on the Life and Work of Abû al-‘Abbâa al-Lawkarî (d. ca. 517/1123),Anaquel de Estudios Árabes , 17 (2006): 133-57.

Shaykh Mufîd

Bayhom-Daou , Tamima,Shaykh Mufid (Makers of the Muslim World). Oxford: Oneworld, 2005, x-149 pp., ISBN 1-85168-383-6.

al-Nîsâbûrî

Ansari , H. &Schmidtke, , S., “Mu’tazilism after ‘Abd al-Jabbâr: Abû Rashîd al-Nîsâbûrî’sKitâb Masâ’il al-khilâf fî l-usûl (Studies on the Transmission of Knowledge from Iran to Yemen in the 6th/12th and 7th/13th C., I),”Studia Iranica , 39.2 (2010): 225-76 [includes ed.].

al-Nu’mân

Daftary , Farhad, “Al-Qâdî al-Nu’mân, Ismâ’îlî law and Imâmî Shi’ism,” inShî’isme Imâmite , pp. 179-86.

De Smet , Daniel, “TheRisala al-Mudhhiba Attributed to al-Qadi al-Nu’man: Important Evidence for the Adoption of Neoplatonism by Fatimid Ismailism at the Time of al Mu’izza,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 309-41.

Poonawala , Ismail K., “Al-Qadi al-Nu’man and His Refutation of Ibn Qutayba,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 275-307.

al-Rassâs

Thiele , Jan,Kausalität in der mu’tazilitischen Kosmologie. Das Kitâb al-Mu’aththirât wa-miftâh al-mushkilât des Zayditen al-Hasan ar-Rassâs (st. 584/1188) (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science 84). Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2011, xii-155+57 pp., ISBN 9789004207479 [includes critical edition].

al-Râzî (Fakhr al-Dîn)

Elkaisy-Friemuth , Maha, “God and the Trinity in Fakhr al-Dîn al-Râzî,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 113-26.

Nickel , Gordon, “’Self-evident Truths of Reason’: Challenges to Clear Thinking in theTafsîr al-kabîr of Fakhr al-Dîn al-Râzî,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 22,2 (2011): 161-72.

Opwis , Felicitas, “Attributing Causality to God’s Law: The Solution of Fakhr ad-Dîn ar-Râzî,”Islamic Philosophy , pp. 397-418.

Pagani , Samuela, “Esegesi coranica,” inAngeli , pp. 1645-1740 [Gli angeli e la creazione di Adamo , transl. fromTafsîr ].

al-Saffâr

Ansari , Hassan &Schmidtke , Sabine, “The Zaydî Reception of Ibn Khallâd’sKitâb al-Usûl . TheTa’lîq of Abû Tâhir b. ‘Alî al-Saffâr,”Journal Asiatique , 298.2 (2010): 275-302.

al-Shahrastânî

Lewisohn , Leonard, “From the ‘Moses of Reason’ to the ‘Khidr of the Resurrection’: The Oxymoronic Transcendent in Sharastani’sMajlis-i maktub…dar khwarazm,” inFortresses of the Intellect , pp. 416-29.

al-Tarsûsî

Eddé , Anne-Marie, “ “Le paradis à l’ombre des sabres”. Discours sur lejihâd à l’époque de Saladin,Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph , 62 (2009): 325-52 [with partial ed. and transl.].

Yahyâ ibn ‘Adî, see Falsafa, Ibn ‘Adî