History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)15%

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Publisher: ABWA Publishing and Printing Center
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ISBN: 978-964-529-257-5

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)
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History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

Author:
Publisher: ABWA Publishing and Printing Center
ISBN: 978-964-529-257-5
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought


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Chapter 3: The Farewell Pilgrimage and the Demise of the Prophet

The Farewell Pilgrimage

The founder of Hajj, the most prominent politico-religious ceremony, was Prophet Abraham. In the second chapter of this book, we discussed the chaotic status of religion and the power and influences of Quraysh prior to the rise of Islam. We also mentioned that until the appearance of Islam, Quraysh and all unbelievers performed Hajj and ‘Umrah ceremonies. However, it was not Hajj in the true sense of the word. They had altered the Abrahamic Hajj and performed it in a defective form mingled with superstitions.

We should mention here that Quraysh called themselves the true dwellers of God's shrine127 and since Mount ‘Arafat territory is located outside the shrine, Quraysh, contrary to all unbelievers, would not go to ‘Arafat in the Hajj seasons; rather, they would stay at al-Muzdalifah128 from where they headed for Mina. On the other hand, the people of Yathrib used to put on the Hajj uniform (ihram) next to the idol Manat, which was on the Mecca-Yathrib route at the seashore129 and those who put the Hajj form on from there would not cross the distance between Safa and Marwah, which they had to cross seven times.130 The unbelievers, contrary to the Abrahamic traditions, moved to al-Muzdalifah from ‘Arafat prior to sunset.131

All these had contributed to the deformation of the true features of the Abrahamic Hajj and to its mixing with all sorts of superstitions.

With the revelation of the verse on the obligation of Hajj (22:27), the Holy Prophet informed the Muslims in advance and headed towards Hajj with great numbers of the people of Medina and nomads.132 He taught the Muslims the genuine Abrahamic Hajj for the first time. He insisted that Muslims should learn the ceremony very carefully.133 He used to say, “Take good care of all the rituals of Hajj because they are handed down to us by Prophet Abraham.”134

During this journey, the Holy Prophet could abolish all the innovations of the unbelievers, especially those of Quraysh. Despite the fact that he himself was from Quraysh, he stayed at ‘Arafat and then moved to al-Muzdalifah.135 This was an order issued by Allah, stating,

Then, hasten on from the place from which the people hasten on and ask the forgiveness of Allah; surely Allah is Forgiving, Merciful. (2:199)

After sunset, the Holy Prophet left ‘Arafat.136

Due to its different aspects of significance, this pilgrimage is called by different titles: Farewell Pilgrimage (Hijjat al-Wada’), the Islamic Hajj (Hijjat al-Islam) and the Conveyance Pilgrimage (Hijjat al-Balagh).137

The Prophet's Historical Sermon

During his farewell pilgrimage on the day of ‘Arafah, on the desert of ‘Arafat, and among all pilgrims, the Holy Prophet delivered a very significant and historical sermon in which he spoke about important issues and declared specific recommendations. As the attendants testified to the sacredness of that month (Dhu’l-Hijjah) and the sacredness of that day (Yawm ‘Arafah), the Holy Prophet declared:

O people! Up to the day on which you will meet God, your blood and property are as sacred as this month and this day; making aggression against them is forbidden. The bloodshed at the era of negligence and ignorance could not be prosecuted at this time; furthermore, usury is forbidden now.

The Holy Prophet then considered as blasphemy the changing and delaying of the Forbidden Months.

Concerning women's rights, he emphatically said,

Act kindly to women since they are God's assets in your hands and are made legal for you through Divine laws.

Let those who are present inform others that there shall be no prophet after me and there shall be no ummah after you, Muslims.

Towards the end of his speech, the Holy Prophet declared null and void the customs and ceremonies of the Ignorance Era.138

A great virtue

Great scholars have pointed out that it was a great point of honor for these four persons; namely, ‘Ali, Fatimah, Hasan and Husayn to take part in that Mubahalah together with the Holy Prophet. This is because this event showed that Hasan and Husayn are the sons of the Holy Prophet and they, together with Imam ‘Ali, are his true life. Fatimah, his daughter, was the only woman who had taken part in the ceremony of Mubahalah and the word nisa' could only refer to her.

‘A'ishah is reported to have said that on the day of Mubahalah, the Holy Prophet asked these four persons to gather under his black clock. He then reciting this verse of the Holy Qur'an:

Allah only desires to keep away the uncleanness from you, O people of the house, and to purify you a thorough purifying. (33:33) 139

Both Sunni and Shi’ite scholars unanimously agree that these four persons took part in Mubahalah together with the Holy Prophet.140 Emphasized this great virtue, Sa’d ibn Abi-Waqqaz is reported to have said, “When the verse of Mubahalah was revealed to the Holy Prophet, he called ‘Ali, Fatimah, Hasan and Husayn, saying “O God, these are my Household.”141

Having reported the issue of Mubahalah and ‘A’ishah's narration, al-Zamakhshari says, “This issue is the most rationale for the virtue and righteousness of the Holy Prophet's Household.”142

After narrating the event of Mubahalah, al-Baydhawi, says, “This indicates the righteousness of the Holy Prophet and the virtue of his Household.”143

In his book entitled Sa’d al-Su’ud, Sayyid Ibn Tawus writes, “Muhammad ibn al-’Abbas ibn Marwan, in his book of Ma Nazala min al-Qur'an fi al-Nabi wa Ahli Baytihi, has narrated the event of Mubahalah on the authority of fifty-one reporters among whom were grand companions of the Holy Prophet.”144

At the end of this article, it is worth mentioning that there are disagreements concerning the year, month and day of the Mubahalah.145

The Event of Ghadir and the introducing of the future leader

On his return from the Farewell Pilgrimage on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah, and on the land of Ghadir Khumm146 which is three miles away from al-Juhafah, the following verse was revealed to Holy Prophet:

“O Apostle! Deliver what has been revealed to you from your Lord; and if you do it not, then you have not delivered His message (5:67)”

He therefore ordered the caravan of one hundred thousand pilgrims to stop on that arid land and in that extremely hot weather. Having performed the Noon Prayer, he climbed a high location and delivered a sermon in which he informed of his near death. Then, he asked the Muslims' views on his prophethood. Every one confirmed that he had perfectly conveyed the Divine Message. He then put stress on the Holy Book and his Household, recommending Muslims not to leave these two lest they would be misled. These two, he added, shall never depart one another until they join him on the Resurrection Day; therefore, Muslims should follow them closely.

Then, he took ‘Ali's hand, raised it and introducing him as the future leader of Muslims, saying:

“God is my Master and I am the master of the believers; so, anybody whose master is I, ‘Ali is now his master. O God, love and care for those who love and care for ‘Ali and be an enemy of those who are ‘Ali's enemies. O God, assist the friends of ‘Ali and make miserable the foes of ‘Ali. O God, let ‘Ali be in the pivotal center of righteousness.”

At this time, the following verse was revealed:

This day have I perfected for you your religion and completed My favor on you and chosen for you Islam as a religion. (5:3)

The perfection of religion has been thus declared through the appointment of ‘Ali as the successor of the Holy Prophet. After that, the Holy Prophet's companions congratulated ‘Ali for this sublime position.147

This was a sketch of the significant and famous event at Ghadir Khumm which has been discussed in reference books from different dimensions.

‘Allamah Amini, in his worthy book of al-Ghadir, has thoroughly dealt with this historic event. Here, we shall mention a few points:

(1) The event of Ghadir is the most significant document for Imam ‘Ali's Divinely commissioned leadership and succession to the Holy Prophet (Wilayah) although it was not the only document. In this book, we have alluded to the fact that the Holy Prophet, since the early days of his prophethood and on various occasions such as the event of calling his close relatives to the new faith, referred to Imam ‘Ali's Wilayah, because of the importance of leadership to the people's fate.

Because the succession to the Holy Prophet is a matter defined by none but God, we have seen that during the first years of his general and open invitation to Islam and at the time introducing Islam to the tribes and in an answer to the proposal made by the chief of Banu-’Amir ibn Sa’idah, the Holy Prophet declared,

“My successor is decided by God alone. God will appoint anyone for this position that He desires.”

For many years, the Holy Prophet always laid emphasis on the question of his succession. He used to bring to light a certain personality, making sacrifices for Islam the criterion in selecting his successor. All these factors entail one conclusion, which is that Imam ‘Ali was such a unique person that he deserved to be the Holy Prophet’s successor. If truth be told, none of the Holy Prophet’s companions preceded Imam ‘Ali in virtuous features that prepare him to be the one and only successor of the Holy Prophet.

(2) The authenticity of the announcement of Imam ‘Ali’s next leadership at Ghadir Khumm is undeniable; therefore, some Sunni scholars confess to this issue.148

As ‘Allamah Amini has proved in al-Ghadir, this historic event was reported by one hundred and ten companions of the Holy Prophet, eighty-four others, and three hundred and sixty Sunni narrators and scholars who recorded it in their books and confessed to its authenticity.149 As a matter of fact, the event Ghadir Khumm is the most famous and authentic of all events that took place during the Holy Prophet’s lifetime.

Narrators have reported the event of Ghadir Khumm and historians seem to have censored these narrators. Among historians, Ya’qubi has dealt with this event with a short description following the event of the Farewell Pilgrimage.150 Although this event is not mentioned in Tarikh al-Tabari, which is supposed to have dealt with all historical events of Islam, the author has written a book on the verification of the event of Ghadir Khumm in a book entitled Kitab al-Wilayah.151 This book existed up to eighth century - a fact confirmed by al-Najashi (450 AH)152 and Shaykh al-Tusi (385-460 AH).153

Stating that the event of Ghadir Khumm too soon after the Farewell Pilgrimage, Ibn Kathir (774 AH) adds, “Abu Ja’far Muhammad ibn Jarir Tabari, the historian, has shown interest in this hadith and collected its wordings in a two-volume book.”154 He then mentions some ways of narrating this event as recorded by Tabari.

He elsewhere writes, “The book of Tabari which I saw is of two big volumes comprising the narrations related to the event of Ghadir Khumm.155

Ibn Shahrashub (588 AH) writes, “Tabari wrote the book of Ghadir Khumm, in which he described this event; he gave it the title of Kitab al-Wilayah.156

Counting the number of narrators who reported the event of Ghadir Khumm, Ibn Tawus says, “Muhammad ibn Jarir, the historian, narrates the hadith of Ghadir in seventy-five different ways. He wrote a separate book entitled hadith al-Wilayah.157

Yahya ibn Hasan, known as Ibn al-Bitriq (523-600 AH) writes, “Muhammad ibn Jarir Tabari, the author of Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk, has described the event of Ghadir Khumm through seventy-five sources. He devoted an entire book to it entitled Kitab al-Wilayah.

The aforementioned scholars and historians have given us only a short report on Kitab al-Wilayah by Tabari. Others, such as Ibn Kathir, have only referred to some narrations mentioned therein. Al-Qadhi al-Nu’man al-Maghribi al-Mizri (363 AH) is the only historian who has collected more than seventy-five of Tabari's narrations on Imam ‘Ali's virtues in a book he entitled Sharh al-Akhbar fi Fadha'il al-A'immah al-Athar. Through this way, he presented Tabari’s narrations to the next generations.158 He writes:

“This is an interesting book in which Tabari describes ‘Ali's virtues in detail.”159

Mentioning Tabari's motive in writing this book,160 al-Nu’man adds:

In this book, Tabari has devoted one chapter to ‘Ali's successorship to the Holy Prophet. In this chapter, he mentions a hadith that the Holy Prophet repeated before and after the Farewell Pilgrimage:

“‘Ali is now the master of him who has considered me as his master. O Allah, be the confidant of him who confides with ‘Ali; and be the enemy of him who incurs the hostility of ‘Ali; and support him who supports ‘Ali; and disappoint him who disappoints ‘Ali.”

“‘Ali is the commander of the believers.”

“‘Ali is my brother.”

“‘Ali is my vicegerent.”

“‘Ali is my successor.”

“‘Ali is my representative on my nation after me.”

“‘Ali is superior in leadership over people after me.”

All these instructions and their likes clearly prove that ‘Ali would be the successor of the Holy Prophet.161

(3) The only spurious argument that some Sunni scholars have aroused against this issue mentionable doubt which is used concerning this issue is the purport of these prophetic instructions. For instance, al-Fakhr al-Razi and al-Qadhi ‘Adhud «ji have claimed the Arabic word mawla that the Holy Prophet used to refer to Imam ‘Ali might have indicated friendship and help, but not leadership of the Muslim nation and succession to the Holy Prophet! In other words, by all these statements, the Holy Prophet only wanted to say that ‘Ali is his friend! They further claim that the word mawla is different in meaning from awla, which means superior.162

‘Allamah Amini, with a thorough research employing ample Qur'anic witnesses and making use of morphological data and philological bases, has proven the futility of such a statement and has shown that it is very common in Arabic to use the word mawla in the sense of awla, meaning superior. For instance, in the following holy verses, the lexical item mawla cannot have any other sense except that of wali; that is successor and man of authority:

So, today ransom shall not be accepted from you nor from those who disbelieved; your abode is the fire; it is your friend, and evil is the resort. (57:15)

Therefore keep up prayer and pay the poor-rate and hold fast by Allah; He is your Guardian; how excellent the Guardian and how excellent the Helper. (22:78)

That is because Allah is the protector of those who believe, and because the unbelievers shall have no protector for them. (47:11)

Nay! Allah is your patron and He is the best of the helpers. (3:150)

Say: Nothing will afflict us save what Allah has ordained for us; He is our patron. (9:51)

He calls upon him whose harm is nearer than his profit; evil certainly is the guardian and evil certainly is the associate. (22:13)

In the aforementioned verses, the word mawla is taken to be guardian. Likewise, all traditionists and scholars of Muslim jurisprudence have unanimously agreed that the word mawla has been mentioned in definite hadiths to denote guardian.163

‘Allamah Amini has found twenty-seven different meanings for the word mawla proving that this word may be used to denote lie, blasphemy or indecency.164 He then presents the claims and reasoning of fourteen distinguished Sunni scholars who have not taken the true sense of this word as used by the Holy Prophet in the sermon at Ghadir Khumm. For example, Shams al-Din Abu’l-Mu¨affar Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi Hanafi (511-654 AH) writes:

“Biographers unanimously believe that the event of Ghadir Khumm took place on the Holy Prophet's return from the Farewell pilgrimage on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah in the presence of one hundred and twenty thousand companions during which the Holy Prophet declared, ‘‘Ali is now the master of him who has considered me as his master.’

He then mentions ten probable meaning for mawla nine of which he discards and only one he accepts citing as proof a verse in Surah al-Hadid in which the word mawla is used in a sense proving the Imamate of and acceptance of obedience to Imam ‘Ali. Moreover, Arab poets, such as Hassan ibn Thabit, have used this word to denote the same meaning involved.

Witnesses and signs

The Holy Prophet’s sermon at Ghadir Khumm comprises a number of signs and witnesses confirming that the word mawla has not been used to exclusively indicate befriending with Imam ‘Ali.

(1) The order of halting at that place and in that extremely hot weather, which was issued to one hundred thousand Muslims, is not appropriate for the announcement of an insignificant issue like recommending them to love Imam ‘Ali. As a matter of fact, brotherly terms among Muslims and caring for one another had now become so common among Muslims that the Holy Prophet did not need to announce it under such circumstances.

(2) As an introduction to his sermon, the Holy Prophet foretold the imminence of his passing away. This issue is strongly connected to the issue of the next leadership and succession to him. Besides, it has nothing to do with the recommendation of bearing love for ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.

(3) The Holy Prophet asked the attendants to witness that he was closer to them than their own selves; and they did. Immediately after that, he declared that ‘Ali would be closer to them than their own selves. This shows that he wanted to confirm a special position for ‘Ali; that is ‘Ali being his successor.165

(4) After the sermon, the attendants congratulated Imam ‘Ali. Of course, such congratulation could not be for any reason except appointing ‘Ali as the next leader and the successor to the Holy Prophet.

(5) After the Holy Prophet’s announcement of the next leader, the Holy Qur'an proclaimed the perfection of religion and the completion of the Divine Grace. Of course, these two things have nothing to do with the recommendation of bearing love for ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.

(6) Hassan ibn Thabit, the Holy Prophet’s poet and a famous literary personality of those days, was present at Ghadir Khumm. After he had been permitted by the Holy Prophet, Hassan composed a poem in which he used the same statements of the Holy Prophet’s sermon. He thus used the word mawla to express Imam ‘Ali’s Imamate and next leadership.

In one of his letters to Mu’awiyah, Imam ‘Ali demonstrated that he was appointed as the mawla of Muslims by the Holy Prophet during the event of Ghadir Khumm.166

(7) Connecting the Holy Prophet’s announcement of Ghadir Khumm to Imam ‘Ali’s journey to Yemen prior to the Farewell pilgrimage, Ibn Kathir claims that ‘Ali, during that journey, stopped his companions to divide the booties among themselves prior to giving them to the Holy Prophet. This incident, Ibn Kathir claims, made his friends feel that they were offended.167 For this reason, the Holy Prophet, at Ghadir Khumm, praised ‘Ali for his loyalty and justice and showed how much respect he had for him. In this way, Ibn Kathir contends, the Holy Prophet eradicated people's bad feelings towards ‘Ali!

This reasoning, however, does not have any firm basis, because in the event of ‘Ali's journey to Yemen, the Holy Prophet, on his first visit to those who were with ‘Ali, answered their criticism against ‘Ali by saying,

“Do not complain against ‘Ali. By God I swear, ‘Ali is firm in the way of obeying God; he is brave and audacious in this regard.”168

With the firm and decisive statement, the case was over for those who listened to the Holy Prophet. It is therefore nonsense to think that three hundred169 of those people were still at odds with ‘Ali and the Holy Prophet had to repeat it once more in front of one hundred thousand Muslims.

(8) Another doubt is aroused in the following way: If the Holy Prophet had appointed ‘Ali at Ghadir Khumm as his successor, the Companions would not have opposed to ‘Ali's manners and statements. This is because, the discussion goes on, the Holy Prophet's companions were sincere people; they had always been ready to sacrifice for Islam. It should be mentioned that the Holy Prophet's demise took place nearly seventy days after the announcement of Ghadir; thus, they say, the memories were still fresh.

To answer, we should be aware that a research of the events at the time of the Holy Prophet clearly shows that even some of the Holy Prophet's grand companions at times disobeyed him; so, disobedience to ‘Ali was justified. Whenever the Holy Prophet's commands contrasted their personal wishes or tribal and political inclinations, the companions tried to stop him from carrying out that decision. Sometimes, they refused to carry out these commands; and very often, they made oppositions. They objected to the Holy Prophet when he agreed to the Hudaybiyah Truce. They objected and disobeyed his order of dispatching the troops of Usamah. They disobeyed him in the final hours of his blessed life when he ordered them to bring him a pen and an inkpot. Besides too many other objections and disobedience to the Holy Prophet’s acts and ordered, books of history of Islam are full of such events.

Sayyid Sharaf al-Din al-Musawi has gathered all these cases in a book he entitled al-Naz wa’l-Ijtihad.

In addition, several verses of the Holy Qur'an emphasize obedience to the commands of the Holy Prophet, considering it part of faith. Others warn people against disobeying him. These verses prove that such cases of disobedience had actually taken place:

Therefore, let those beware who go against his order lest a trial afflict them or there befall them a painful chastisement. (24:63)

O you who believe! Be not forward in the presence of Allah and His Apostle, and be careful of your duty to Allah; surely Allah is Hearing, Knowing. (49:1)

And know that among you is Allah's Apostle: should he obey you in many a matter, you would surely fall into distress. (49:7)

And it behooves not a believing man and a believing woman that they should have any choice in their matter when Allah and His Apostle have decided a matter; and whoever disobeys Allah and His Apostle, he surely strays off a manifest straying. (33:36)

And We did not send any apostle but that he should be obeyed by Allah's permission' and had they, when they were unjust to themselves, come to you and asked forgiveness of Allah and the Apostle had also asked forgiveness for them, they would have found Allah of returning to mercy, Merciful. But no! By your lord! They do not believe in reality until they make a judge of that which has become a matter of disagreement among them, and then do not find any resistance in their hearts as to what you have decided and submit with entire submission.(4:64-65)

O you who believe! Obey Allah and His Apostle and do not turn back from Him while you hear. (5:20)

Although the Holy Prophet tried hard to remove the evil aspects of tribal prejudices and rivalries which were the source of all kinds of calamities during the Ignorance Era, the cultural aspects of the tribes still prevailed in society, demonstrating occasionally. As an example, as soon as the Holy Prophet passed away, the people of Aws and Khazraj enlivened their tribal inclinations.170 Thus, it was clear that some political figures of Quraysh would be rivals to Banu-Hashim and they would never tolerate a government headed by Banu-Hashim.

There are disagreements among scholars concerning the time of the revelation of the holy verses appertained to the Holy Prophet’s declaring Imam ‘Ali’s Imamate and succession to him. However, several documents prove the revelation of these two verses at Ghadir Khumm.171

The contents of these two verses show that they should have been revealed for an important topic, such as the succession to the prophethood. For instance, verse No. 3 of Surah al-Ma'idah puts emphasis on four topics, which are only related to the issue of Imamate:

a) The infidels who wrongly assumed that Islam was dependant on the Holy Prophet only and by his demise, it would come to an end are now despairing. However, with the adoption of a strong, just and distinguished man such as ‘Ali, it was clear that Islam would be ever-lasting.

b) Islam has been ultimately perfected. It could not have reached such perfection without the continuation of leadership.

c) The asset of guidance has been completed through the continuation of leadership.

d) God has accepted Islam as the perfect religion.172

The Brigade of Usamah

Zayd ibn Harithah was one of the three commanders of the Muslim troops that fought in the Battle of Mu'tah in which the Muslim army was defeated by the Romans and three commanders together with some soldiers were martyred.

A year after that, the Muslim army went forward as far as the land of Tabuk, but no armed conflict took place. As a result of these consequences, the Holy Prophet always worried about a war with the Romans who were aggressive and powerful.

Upon his return from the Farewell Pilgrimage and arrival at Medina, the Holy Prophet ordered an army headed by Usamah, son of Zayd ibn Harithah, to advance as far as the land of Ubna,173 where his father had been martyred, and to fight the Romans. He then gave the banner to Usamah along with orders and instruction. Usamah betook himself al-Jurf174 as headquarter at which troops would gather.175 Chief personalities of Muhajirun and Ansar, including Abu-Bakr, ‘Umar, Abu-’Ubaydah ibn al-Jarrah, Sa’d ibn Abi-Waqqaz,176 ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf, Talhah, al-Zubayr, Usayd ibn Hudhayr, Bashir ibn Sa’d,177 Sa’id ibn Zayd,178 Qatadah ibn al-Nu’man and Salamah ibn Aslam were among these troops.179

When the Holy Prophet was dispatching the army, he was in good health. However, the next day, he came down with fever which culminated in his death. On his death-bed, the Holy Prophet was informed that some of the troops did not accept Usamah's commandership claiming that he was too young. While he was completely weakened by illness, the Holy Prophet came to the mosque to encourage people to join Usamah, saying:

What is that I hear about your objection to Usamah's commandership? You are objecting to his commandership in the same way you did to his father. I swear to God, Zayd deserved commandership and so is his son.180

In his final days, the Holy Prophet was in a distressing position. Most of the time, he was unconscious. When he regained consciousness, he asked about Usamah's army. He was told that the troops were readying themselves to move. The Holy Prophet said,

“Help Usamah's army. May God curse those who lag behind this army.”181

His ailment lasted for two weeks;182 yet, this army did not move. This event is a clear indication of the cases of disobedience manifested by some Muslims to the Holy Prophet's distinct orders.

The Prophet's Supreme Objective

Concerning the Holy Prophet's trial to dispatch Usamah’s troops, there are important points to consider:

(1) In the mobilization of this army, the leadership was given to a young man who was less than twenty years old to fight against the most powerful army of those days away from the center of the Islamic government.

(2) In this army, senior commanders and grand Companions were put under the command of Usamah, the young. They considered themselves prestigious and expected greater ranks in that army.

(3) Although the Holy Prophet knew about his imminent death, as he had referred to this issue in the sermon of Ghadir, and that the dark, heavy clouds of disastrous events were hovering over the heads of Muslims, he sent the Muslim army to a far land and asked the grand personalities of Muhajirun and Ansar to join it on this mission. Considering the excellent managerial capacities of the Holy Prophet, we can never doubt that he had a great objective in mind to achieve.

Taking these notes into consideration, we can conclude that, in addition to carrying out military actions against the Romans to remove their danger, the Holy Prophet aimed at following two other objectives:

a) By appointing Usamah as the head of the army, the Holy Prophet wanted to make Muslims realize that the most important point in management and leadership is the leader's expertise and merits, but not his age. Hence, age has nothing to do with merits and capacities. For this reason, he replied to their objections by saying, “Zayd was a good leader, so is his son.”

Through this formal position, the Holy Prophet confirmed Usamah's merits and objected to the proposals of those who wanted to take age and racial issues into consideration. Wasn't this insistence on the Holy Prophet's side done to pave the way for ‘Ali's succession?

b) The Holy Prophet wanted ‘Ali's rivals to be away from Medina at the time of his demise. For this very reason, he ordered the chief personalities of Muhajirun and Ansar to join that army and leave Medina. He wanted ‘Ali to have control over things in the absence of his rivals who would not be able to do anything when they would see ‘Ali in power.183 For this reason, some personalities delayed the movement of the army waiting for the Holy Prophet’s demise.

The Unrecorded Will

On Thursday (four days prior to his demise), the Holy Prophet who was bedridden ordered,

“Bring me paper and pen so that I will write something saving you from going astray forever.”

One of the attendants said, “He is under severe pain; he is hallucinating! We have Qur'an; it suffices us.” Disagreement took place among the attendants; some accepted the statement of this person and others wanted to carry out the Holy Prophet's orders. There was now commotion. Then they asked the Holy Prophet, “Should we carry out your intentions?” he replied,

“After what has been done? Leave me alone; my pain is better than what you ascribe to me. Leave me alone.”

Narrators have reported this catastrophic event with little differences; yet, the sequence of the events is the same.184

We can now understand what the Holy Prophet had in mind. He wanted to appoint ‘Ali as his successor in a written form so that Muslims would not encounter any hardships after his demise. Some of the attendants had already concluded the matter; therefore, they exerted all possible efforts to prevent the Holy Prophet from writing down that document and from declaring his final will.

Considering this event with much pain, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Abbas used to say: “How disastrous that Thursday was! The Prophet asked for pen and paper to write something saving Muslims from going astray, but those present ones did not listen.”

This issue is one of the principles of the history of Islam; it was told and retold several times in the past; therefore, we shall not say anything more; rather, we ask the gentle reader to refer to the reference books mentioned in the footnotes.185

The Demise of the Great Leader of Islam

After twenty-three years of spreading the Divine Mission, and after tremendous amount of hardships and insurmountable obstacles, the Holy Prophet passed away on Monday the twenty-eighth Safar, in the eleventh year of Hegira186 after fourteen days of ailment.187 He was buried in his small residing-place next to the mosque that he had established. Later on, when the mosque was rebuilt by some caliphs, his sacred shrine was located in its eastern section.

Several years after Hegira, economic conditions improved for the Holy Prophet and Muslims and the revenues of the treasury became well-managed. Besides, the Holy Prophet's superficial power and spiritual influences increased. Despite all that, the Holy Prophet's life pattern did not change in comparison with his past; he preferred to have a simple life in his residing-place next to the mosque. He neither amassed wealth nor obtained a usual home. The bed where he rested was made of leather with linen made of date-palm leaves.188 He used to pray on a mat and that was the place he rested. At times, the effect of the straws could be seen on his sacred body.189 Towards his end, he ordered to distribute among the needy some Dinars left from the treasury and kept by one of his wives.190

He lived a simple life and passed away in a simple residing-place. However, when he passed away, there was left a great religion, there remained a Divine and holy Book and a nation, God-loving and dynamic. There had been established a new civilization in the history of the world.

A Perspective on the New Community of Muslims

Upon his residence in Medina, the Holy Prophet took advantage of a free space and appropriate social conditions to lay the stone for an Islamic society and to overcame, yet gradually, all hindrances and obstacles. He gave the Muslim nation (ummah) an independent religious and political identity and spread the Divine Messages. At the time of his demise, he believed that he had fulfilled his mission and gained bright and brilliant successes. However, there were some issues in the society of those days requiring discussions:

(1) In the light of Islamic instructions, the Holy Prophet could unite the diverse tribes of Arabs who were always at odds with one another with the common bonds of faith, belief and brotherly care. He could make a unified nation out of scattered tribes. With the assistance of such people, he could establish in Medina a Divine government under his own leadership.

In this government, he could find solutions for the unsolved issues through consultation with people. Everybody was free to express his/her ideas and to criticize. For the first time and in the light of Islam, the Arab nation could experience such unity, power and spiritualism. However, the continuation of this success needed a powerful leader to guide people politically and spiritually.

(2) At the time of the Holy Prophet's demise, idolatry was more or less uprooted in the Arabian Peninsula. Although there was no military victory for Islam beyond the borders of the Arabian Peninsula, the Holy Prophet's universal invitation to Islam had reached the ears of the governors of the world’s countries of those days. However, inside the Arabian Peninsula, some of those who had converted to Islam on the final days of the Holy Prophet's life, (especially those who had turned to Islam after the conquest of Mecca and the Battle Tabuk, had only superficially accepted the new faith that had not yet penetrated into their souls. The Holy Prophet never found a chance to send religious missionaries among them for cultural purposes. Most of them had even not seen the Holy Prophet face to face. Only their chiefs had some contact with him. So, with the temporary weakness in the power of Islam, their return to blasphemy was probable. This situation made the continuation of the Islamic leadership even more pertinent so that the cultural work of the Holy Prophet could have continued.

(3) Although the death of ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy, the head of the Hypocrites, in the ninth year of Hegira caused this dangerous group to lose some of their previous solidarity, they were around and inside Medina. They were always waiting for an opportunity to attack Muslims. In addition to the hypocrites who were considered internal enemies, there were two other external dangers for the newly-established government of Islam: the Iranian empire and the Romans. There were lots of signs for their enmity and negative attitudes towards Islam.

This vicious triangle made the Holy Prophet so concerned that he had to find solutions. This issue too made the presence of a strong leader absolutely necessary.

(4) Prior to the advent of Islam, the social life of the people inside the Arabian Peninsula was heavily reliant on the tribal system, which was based on racial and familial bonds. The social effects of such a system, including the blind tribal prejudices, nonsensical prides, revenge tacking and conflicts, had made life miserable for them.

Through hard working and boundless attempts, the Holy Prophet annihilated such a system and put the common faith for the common blood or the common race, in the light of Islam's unifying instructions and the word of monotheism. In this way, he was to a great extent able to eradicate the tribal system. All this was the result of Islam, the Holy Qur'an and the Holy Prophet's Mission.

However, history shows that the cultural remnants of this arrogant and ignorant age still remained in the hearts and souls of these people who manifested their tribal thinking as soon as they found it possible. However, the Holy Prophet, with his skill and vigor, always tried to stop this trend; he did not let it turn into a crisis. This once again showed the vulnerability of Islamic unity in those days. An example of this is the tribal inclinations between two distinguished groups of Muslims in the event of the Saqifah immediately after the demise of the Holy Prophet.

These worries clearly depicted the duties of the great leader of Islam in those days and the whole issue was a great test to show who was after the unity of Islam and would sacrifice everything for that unity on the one hand and who would insist on the cultural aspects of the Ignorance Era on the other hand.

(5) After his migration to Medina, the Holy Prophet was both the religious and political leader for Muslims. He undertook these two missions simultaneously so much so that Muslims would listen to his words, perform the congregational prayers, and be so absorbed by his spiritual charisma that they would rub the water of his ritual ablution on their faces, participate in the military campaigns, slay the enemies, ready themselves to martyrdom, be appointed by him as governors of provinces, and carry out negotiations on his behalf with his political opponents. After his demise, it was not enough for his successor to be a political leader; rather, he had to perform the political leadership together with religious leadership so that he would be able to fill the Holy Prophet's empty place on the strength of his thorough awareness of the Islamic knowledge.

Notes

1. Muhammad al-Ghazzali, the Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 79-80.

2. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:258-262.

3. Miyanji, Makatib al-Rasul 1:31. Ibn Husham, in al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:254, states that the Holy Prophet sent ten letters to the rulers and kings of the world. According to Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:66-67, the Holy Prophet’s letters were thirteen. Mas’udi, in al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf pp. 236-237, states that they were six. A contemporary researchers, namely Ahmad Sabiri Hamadani, in his book of Muhammad wa-Zimamdaran, the Holy Prophet’s letters were only two or three!

4. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:434; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:360.

5. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 637-703. Al-Ya’qubi states that the number of these letters was twenty thousand (2:46).

6. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 637.

7. According to Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:266, the name was Yusayr ibn Rizam.

8. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:91-92.

9. Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:266-267.

10. Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 386.

11. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 634.

12. Al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 646.

13. Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:93; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:349; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:186.

14. The Holy Prophet’s statement and Imam ‘Ali’s mission were reported with some differences in the following reference books: Sahih al-Bukhari 1:5; Sahih Muslim 15:76-177; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:110-111; Shaykh al-Saduq, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 311; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:93; al-Qanaduzi, Yanabi’ al-Mawaddah 1:47; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:219; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 3:36; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 3:104; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:349; Ibn Hajar, al-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqah, pp. 121; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:635; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:46; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:186; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:733-736; Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 380.

15. Sahih Muslim 15:176.

Sa’d ibn Abi-Waqqaz (belonged to Banu-Zuhrah) was one of the early converts to Islam at the age of seventeen (Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 3:134) or fourteen (al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:434) in Mecca. In Medina, he was considered one of the great figures of Muhajirun. He was among ‘Ali's political rivals and one of the members of the six-member council who was set to select a caliph after ‘Umar’s assassination. He refused to vote for ‘Ali (Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:188). After the assassination of ‘Uthman, Imam ‘Ali was elected by all Muslims except a few group among was Sa’d who rejected to pay homage to Imam ‘Ali (Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:353; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 3:191). Despite his situation from Imam ‘Ali, he had to confess these three unmatched virtues of ‘Ali.

16. Saduq, al-Khizal, pp. 369, chapter 7.

17. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:32.

18. Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 473-475.

19. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:690; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 2:410.

20. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:352.

21. Yaqut al-Hamawi, op cit, pp. 410; al-Buladhari, Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 36-37.

22. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 42; Ibn Husham 2:352; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:224; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:707; Yaqut al-Hamawi, op cit, 4:236; Qasim ibn Sallam, al-Amwal, pp. 16.

23. Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:170-171; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:289-290.

24. Halabi writes: “The Holy Prophet sent a letter to Hercules, the Roman emperor, who resided in Damascus at that time.” See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:786.

25. Halabi, op cit, 2:786.

26. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:755; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:128.

27. Ja’far ibn Abi-Talib, having lived in Abyssinia for several years, returned to Medina in the seventh year of Hegira. After the conquest of Khaybar, he met the Holy Prophet there. The Holy Prophet was so delighted with Ja’far’s return that he said, “I do not know which news is more delightful; Ja’far’s return or the conquest of Khaybar!” See al-Hakim al-Naysaburi’s al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 2:624. For further information, refer to Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 4:35, Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:287; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 1:210; Abu’l-Faraj al-Izfahani, Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp. 30; Ibn Kathir: al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:206.

28. Tabrisi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 107. Although some reports state that Zayd had taken the commandership of the Muslim army during that battle before Ja’far, some Shi’ite narrations (according to Tabarsi) show that Ja’far was the first commander, as is confirmed by some details of the event. See Subhani, Furugh Abadiyyat 2:291-293. A narration reported by Ibn Sa’d deals with this issue. (Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:130). For further information, refer to Ja’far Murtadha’s Dirasat wa-Buhuth fi’l-Tarikh wa’l-Islam 1:210 and the following pages.

29. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:19-21; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:107-110; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:755-769; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:128-130; Halabi, op cit, 2:787-793; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara pp. 102-104; Zayni Dahlan, op cit, 2:68-72; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:50-63; Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 141.

30. al-Maghazi 2:769.

31. Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:30.

32. Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 501.

33. This city is situated in Jordan, in the southern province of Karak, which is 135 Kilometers away from the capital Amman.

34. Ja’far Subhani, A report of a journey made to Jordan (Mu'tah, the land of Memories), Lessons from the School of Islam Magazine, year 38, Issue No. 7, Mehr 1377 ASH.

35. Prior to Islam, these two tribes were on terms of enmity (Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:310). Since that time, Banu-Khuza’ah were the allies of ‘Abd al-Muttalib (al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:781).

36. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:33; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:783; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:47.

Ibn Husham writes, “An individual from Banu-Khuza’ah was killed in this attack.” (4:33) However, al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa’d mention that twenty individuals were killed in this event. (al-Maghazi 2:784; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:134).

37. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 744-800; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:135.

38. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:746-802; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:134.

39. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:787-796; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:134.

40. Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:34; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:134; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:47.

41. Ibn Husham 4:42, pp. 63; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:135; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:801.

42. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 42, 44, 46; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:817-819.

43. The casualties were between fifteen and twenty-eight. See Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 50; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:825; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:136.

44. Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:49; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:832; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:136. Also see Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 336; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:30; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:102; Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:322; Ibn Tawus, al-Tara’if 1:80-81; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 2:135-136; Zamakhshari, Tafsir al-Kashshaf 2:244.

Allamah Amini has reported this event from forty-one Sunni narrators. (al-Ghadir 7:10-13). On the basis of some reference books (such as: al-Khawarzmi’s al-Manaqib, Fara'id al-Simtayn, Yanabi’ al-Mawaddah, and Tadhkirat al-Khawazz) and in accordance with some narrations recorded in Bihar al-Anwar, this event had taken place one year prior to the Emigration and had taken part at night without letting Quraysh know about it Most probably, the event might have happened in both ways.

The ascent of ‘Ali over the Holy Prophet’s shoulders has been mentioned by some poets, such as Ibn al-’Arandas al Hilli, a poet of the ninth century, who composed the following:

‘Ali’s ascent on Ahmad’s shoulders was more a great virtue and a lofty point of honor for ‘Ali. This virtue is different from being a relative of the prophet.

In the same way, Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, in one of his elegies, which is related to Mecca’s conquest, composed the following:

You have ascended on the loftiest shoulders which were surrounded with the Qur’an-reciting angels. You have climbed the shoulder of the best of God’s prophets; the shoulder of the dearest and holiest person who has ever lived on the earth.

See Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 524-530.

45. Al-Hurr al-’Amili: Wasa'il al-Shi’ah 9:323, Narration 1.

46. The number is recorded to have been between eight and ten. (Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:51-53; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:825; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:136.) However, some of them were pardoned by the Holy Prophet.

47. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:49; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:48.

48. Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:58; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:50; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:844, with some alterations of words.

49. Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i, al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 19:246. This contract was convened after the revelation of the following holy verses:

O Prophet! When believing Women come to you giving you a pledge that they will not associate aught with Allah, and will not steal, and will not commit Fornication, and will not kill their children, nor commit a calumny which they have forged of themselves, and will not disobey you in what is good, accept their pledge, and ask forgiveness of them from Allah; surely Allah is Forgiving, Merciful. (60:11)

Because the content of this treaty was the same as that of the first ‘Aqabah, it is sometimes called bay’at al-nisa' (the pledge of women).

50. Al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Irab 3:11.

51. Al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:61.

52. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:303.

53. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 307.

54. Op cit, pp. 248; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 37.

55. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 326.

56. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 292; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 38.

57. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 330; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 89.

58. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 331; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 83.

59. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 352; al-Nuwayri, op cit, pp. 103.

60. Ibn Sa’d, op cit.

61. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:966.

62. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:889; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:125. Other reference books state another date for the conquest of Mecca.

63. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 125; Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:216.

64. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:50.

65. Qastalani, op cit, pp. 227; al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Irab 2:280-281; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:145-147.

66. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:80; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:126.

67. Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:82; Tabari, op cit, 2:127; al-Waqidi, op cit, 3:893.

68. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 889; Tabari, op cit, pp. 127.

69. Ibn Husham, pp. 83; Tabari, op cit, pp. 127; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:150; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 113; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:52.

70. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 843; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 150.

71. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 889; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 150; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 113; Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 74.

72. Hunayn was a valley, near Dhu’l-Majaz in a distance of three nights away from Mecca.

73. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 85; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 845; Tabari, op cit, pp. 128; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 14; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:169; Shaykh al-Mufid, op cit, pp. 75.

74. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 897; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 150.

75. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 900; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:52.

76. Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 74; concerning Imam ‘Ali’s bravery during this was, see Shaykh al-Tusi’s al-Amali, pp. 574-575.

77. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 151; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:52; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:150.

78. The Romans were neighbors to the northern part of the Arabian peninsula on the Damascus side.

79. al-Waqidi, al-Maghaz 3:440. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:165; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:99. This report was forged by the Nabataean tradesmen who also carried oil and flour to Medina (al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 989-990).

80. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 990.

81. al-Waqidi, op cit, Ibn Sa’d, op cit.

82. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 166.

83. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, Qastalan, op cit; Halabi, op cit, Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:142.

84. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 992; Tabari, op cit; Halabi, op cit; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:159.

85. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 990-991; Qastalan, op cit, 1:347; Halabi, op cit, Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 160, Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 122.

86. Tabuk was a famous place located between Medina and Damascus (Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:346; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:125). It is 540 kilometers away from Medina. It took a traveler twelve nights to reach there. (Mas’udi, pp. 235). In those days, it was on the border of the Roman-occupied territories in Damascus where Christians used to live. Today, Tabuk is one of the cities of Saudi Arabia near the Jordanian borders and the terrific sign on the northern side of Medina shows 600 Kilometers to Tabuk.

87. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 165-167; al-Waqidi, op cit; Qastalan, pp. 346; Tabarsi, op cit, Halabi, op cit, pp. 99; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 159.

88. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 991; Tabari, op cit, 3:142.

89. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 166; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 996, 1002; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 349; Halabi, op cit, pp. 102.

90. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1002; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 166.

91. Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235.

92. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 165-166; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 995.

93. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 993; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:160; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 342.

94. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 995; Ibn Husham, op cit, 4:162.

95. Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 82; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 122.

96. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 3:34; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:104; Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:348.

97. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 27; Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 4:193-196.

98. Al-Jurf is a place three miles away from Medina.

99. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:163; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 9:104).

100. Sahih al-Bukhari 6:304; al-Maghazi, chapter 95, pp. 857; Sahih Muslim 15:175. The Holy Prophet's words on ‘Ali can be found in the following reference books: al-Mawahib 1:348; al-Isti’ab 3:34; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:7 and 8:77; Musnad Ahmad 1:179; Kanz al-’Ummal, h. 14242, 32881, 36572, Sahih al-Tirmidhi, chap. 21, h. 3730; al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235; al-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqah, pp. 121; al-Izabah 2:509 No. 5688; Zayni Dahlan’s al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:126; Muruj al-Dhahab 3:14; Amali by Shaykh al-Tusi, pp. 599.

101. Despite this clear set of argumentations, among Sunni scholars, such as Halabi and Ibn Taymiyah, have doubted the authenticity of these narrations. For further information about the authenticity of this narration and similar ones, refer to al-Ghadir 3:197-201; Ihqaq al-Haqq 5:133-234; Leadership from Islamic Point of View by Ja’far Subhani, chapter 15.

102. There was one horse for every three men.

103. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:167; Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:346; Halabi, op cit, 3:106.

104. Sahih al-Bukhari 6:308; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 235; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346. This name and title is taken from the Holy Qur’an 9:117.

105. Al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1990-1991.

106. Halabi, op cit, pp. 99.

107. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:166, 168; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1015.

108. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 123; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 350; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:146.

109. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:165; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:159; Halabi, op cit, pp. 49; Qastalan, op cit, pp. 346.

110. Ja’far Subhani, Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:403-404.

111. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:205. Biographers of the Holy Prophet’s life have amassed a list of these treaties enumerating them as sixty; see Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:291-359; The History of the Prophet of Islam by Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, pp. 609-642.

112. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:190.

113. This event, with some variations, has appeared in the following reference books: Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:154; Sirat Ibn Husham 4:190; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:291, Majma’ al-Bayan 5:3; Tadhkirat al-Khawaz, pp. 57; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 537-38 and 7:358; Ruh al-Ma’ani; Tafsir al-Manar 10:157.

114. Circumambulating the Kaaba with naked body was one of the signs of the religious corruptions of the infidels. It had its roots in Quraysh’s control over the Kaaba.

115. The content of the Holy Prophet's warning, with some alterations, appears in the following reference books: Sirat Ibn Husham 4:191; Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 9:163, 165; Tafsir al-Manar 10:157; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 7:358, al-Ghadir 6:343, 348.

116. Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:154; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:291.

117. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:191; Ibn al-Athir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:37.

118. Najran is one of the Yemenite centers next to Mecca. (al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 5:266).

Abu’l-Fida (672-732 AH) in, Taqwim al-Buldan, pp. 127 writes: “Najran is a small town with palm-groves; the distance between Mecca and Najran is about a twenty-day journey.” This town might have developed in the following centuries, because Zayni Dahlan (1231-1304 AH) writes: “Najran is a large city, near Mecca, on the way to Yemen, consisting of seventy three villages.” (al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:144). As the maps of Saudi Arabia shows, Najran is now one of the cities of that country, near the boarders with the Yemen.

119. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:70-71; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:53; Bihar al-Anwar 2:285; al-Watha’iq, pp. 34; ‘Ali Ahmadi, Makatib al-Rasul 1:175.

120. Sayyid Ibn Tawus, Iqbal al-A’mal 2:311.

121. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:235-236; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:144; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:347. ‘Allamah al-Majlisi has gathered all reports and narrations about the Holy Prophet’s discussions with the missionary of Najran in volume 21 of Bihar al-Anwar, pp. 319-355.

122. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 129; Majma’ al-Bayan 2:452; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:337.

123. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-Athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144.

124. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:72; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 129.

125. Halabi, op cit; Zayni Dahlan, op cit; Zamakhshari, Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193; al-Fakhr al-Razi, Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:82; Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba’i, al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an 3:231; al-Baydhawi, Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74.

126. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:72; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:358, Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 75-76; al-Watha’iq, pp. 134-135; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-Athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:191; Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:182; Al-Mizan 3:232.

127. al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:176; Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:313.

128. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1102; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:143.

129. Husham Kalbi, al-Aznam, pp. 13. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:88; Mahmud Shukri al-Alusi, Bulugh al-Irab 2:202.

130. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:317.

131. al-Waqidi, op cit, 3:1104.

132. Shaykh al-Kulayni, al-Furu’ min al-Kafi 21:390.

133. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:181; Halabi, op cit, 3:327.

134. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1104.

135. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1102; Zayni Dahlan, op cit, 2:143; al-Majlisi, op cit, 21:392.

136. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 1104; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 379.

137. Zayni Dahlan, op cit 2:143.

138. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:250-252; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:312; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:186; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1111; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:380. It is worth mentioning that according to both Ibn Sa’d and al-Waqidi, the Holy Prophet delivered this sermon at the desert of Mina.

139. Zamakhshari, op cit. Fakhr Razi, without mentioning the name of ‘A'ishah, records this narration and adds, “Both Sunni and Shi’ite scholars consider this narration authentic.” (al-Tafsir al-Kabir 8:82). Al-Shablanji says, “Various reference books reckon this narration as valid.” (Nur al-Abzar, pp. 111).

140. The following reference books deal with this same topic: Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193; Mafatih al-Ghayb 8:82; al-Durr al-Manthur 2:231-233, as narrated by al-Hakim, Ibn Mardawayh, Abu-Na’im in al-Dala’il; Muslim, al-Tirmidhi, Ibn al-Mundhir, al-Bayhaqi, in al-Sunan, and Ibn Jarir; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:71; Sharaf al-Nabi, pp. 262; al-Baydhawi, Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74; Nur al-Abzar, pp. 111; Manaqib ‘Ali Ibn Abi-Talib by Ibn Mardawayh, pp. 226.

However, the most detailed description of this report can be found in Sayyid Ibn Tawus’s Iqbal al-A’mal 2:310-348.

Despite the existence of so many narrations concerning al-Mubahalah, some historians, influenced by their prejudices, have manipulated the narrations adding or subtracting materials according to their whims and desires. For instance, al-Buladhari, Ibn Kathir and al-Shi’bi have omitted the name of ‘Ali from the narration. (See Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 75, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:232.) Halabi and Zayni Dahlan both have put the names of ‘A'ishah and Hafzah among the participants; they have reported ‘Umar as having said, “If I wanted to partake in the Mubahalah with those people (i.e. the Christians), I would let ‘Ali, Hasan, Husayn, Fatimah, ‘A'ishah and Hafzah take part.” (al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:236; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-Athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:144-145). Al-Suyuti narrates from Ibn ‘Asakir that the Prophet invited Abu-Bakr and his children and ‘Ali and his children for Mubahalah! (Al-Durr al-Manthur 2:333).

The effects of forging and distortion are so obvious in these narrations that we do not need for further explanation of the issue. It only suffices to mention that if the word nisa'ana included the Prophet's wives, why should only two of them, namely ‘A'ishah and Hafzah were worthy of to take part in Mubahalah?

141. Sahih Muslim 15:176.

142. Tafsir al-Kashshaf 1:193.

143. Anwar al-Tanzil, pp. 74.

144. Al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 21:350.

145. For more information, see Makatib al-Rasul 1: 179; Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:441-445.

146. This was the final juncture of the pilgrims. The directions of the pilgrims of Egypt, Iraq and Medina were separated, each one taking their appropriate direction.

147. Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir fi al-Kitab wa’l-Sunnah wa’l-Adab 1:10.

148. They only doubt the reference of this event to ‘Ali. For instance, in the international symposium for the recognition of Shi’ism, which was held in Istanbul, Turkey, with the participation of great scholars of Islamic countries and with the presence of a group of distinguished Muslim scholars of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Dr. Muhammad Sa’id Ramadhan al-Buti, one of the distinguished scholars of the University of Syria criticized the statements of one speaker who had denied the event of Ghadir saying, “There is no doubt about the narration of Ghadir and his participation in it. However, it does not pertain to Shi’ites…” This claim was answered by an Iranian scholar. See Congresses and Scientific Circles of Ayatullah, pp. 21, 27.

149. Al-Ghadir 1:14-15.

150. Returning to Medina, the Holy Prophet traveled at night until he reached a placed close to al-Juhafah called Ghadir Khumm. That was on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah. Taking ‘Ali from the hand, the Holy Prophet delivered a sermon there in which he said, “Am I not superior to the believers than themselves?” The attendants answered affirmative. He then said, “‘Ali is now the master of him who has considered me as his master. O Allah, be the confidant of him who confides with ‘Ali and be the enemy of him who incurs the hostility of ‘Ali.” (2:102).

Contrary to what is commonly said, Mas’udi has referred to this event to have taken place on the Holy Prophet's return from Hudaybiyah:

On his return from Hudaybiyah, the Prophet said to the Commander of the Believers ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib (may Allah be pleased with him) at Ghadir Khumm, “‘Ali is now the master of him whose master was I.” That was on the eighteenth of Dhu’l-Hijjah. See al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 221.

In Muruj al-Dhahab 2:245, counting the virtues of ‘Ali, the author refers shortly to the event of the Divinely commissioned leadership of Imam ‘Ali by saying,

Things due to which the companions of Allah’s Messenger deserved favor are precedence to faith, migration, supporting Allah’s Messenger, nearness to him, satisfaction, self-sacrifice for him, knowledgeability with the Holy Book and the Revelation, strife for Allah’s sake, piety, asceticism, judicature, fair judgment, jurisprudence, and knowledge. In all these, ‘Ali (peace be upon him) had the biggest share and the greatest part. He was exclusively addressed by Allah’s Messenger when he associated as brothers each two of his companions, saying, “You are my brother.” Of course, Allah’s Messenger is matchless and incomparable. He also addressed ‘Ali by saying, “Your position to me is the same as Aaron’s position to Moses except that there will be no prophet after me.” He also said, “‘Ali is now the master of him whose master was I. O Allah, support him who supports ‘Ali and antagonize him who incurs the hostility of ‘Ali.”

151. Ibn Shahrashub, Ma’alim al-’Ulama’, pp. 106; Ibn Tawus, al-Tara’if; Ibn Bitriq, ‘Uyun Sihah al-Akhbar 1:157.

This book is referred to by other names, such as Kitab al-Fadha'il, hadith al-wilayah, and Kitab Ghadir Khumm. These titles might have been taken by authors with regards to the content of the book. Some others have put the name of a special section of the book for the whole book. As we will see in the next footnote, al-Najashi entitles it as al-radd ‘ala al-hurquziyyah (Refutations of Hurquz’s claims). Hurquz ibn Zuhayr was one of leaders of Khawarij. Most probably, the adoption of this title was to indicate and refer to the opponents of ‘Ali as apostates.

152. Al-Najashi, Fihrist Muzannaf al-Shi’ah, pp. 225. In his book of Iqbal al-A’mal 2:239, Sayyid Ibn Tawus refers to this name.

153. Tusi, al-Fihrist, pp. 281.

154. It is worth mentioning that while Ibn Kathir mentions the event of al-Ghadir, he distorts its relation to ‘Ali.

155. Ibn Kathir, op cit, 11:147. This belongs to the events of the year 310 which coincides with Tabari's death.

156. Ma’alim al-’Ulama', pp. 106.

157. Al-Tara’if 1:142.

158. This book has been printed in three volumes in Qum by the Foundation for Islamic Publications in 1414 AH. In its first volume, page 130 on, Tabari's narrations are recorded.

159. Op cit, 1:130.

160. Op cit, 1:130. His motive in writing this book was that he was informed that one of the experts in Baghdad has denied and rejected the event of Ghadir, claiming that on the Prophet's return from the Farewell Pilgrimage, ‘Ali was not with him; rather, he was in Yemen. Tabari was extremely moved by this lie and denial; so, he wrote the book of al-Wilayah to repudiate the view of that expert. In his book, he described the event of Ghadir and confirmed its authenticity. (Sharh al-Akhbar 1:130; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 18:84-85). According to Ibn ‘Asakir and al-Dhahabi, the expert mentioned above was Abu-Bakr ibn Abi-Dawud al-Sajistani, the author of Sunan Abi-Dawud. (Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 52:197-198; Tarikh al-Islam, pp. 213; Tadhkirat al-Huffa¨ 2:713.

Abu-Bakr Ibn Abi-Dawud is accused of having hatred against ‘Ali (Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 29:87; Mizan al-I’tidal 2:434; Tarikh Baghdad 9:467-468.

161. Sharh al-Akhbar 1:134-135. For more information on Kitab al-Wilayah, see Fadhl ‘Ali, by Rasul Ja’fariyan, 34.

162. Al-Ghadir 1:350, 354, 356.

163. For instance, the Holy Prophet is reported to have said, “The matrimonial contract of any woman that is married before obtaining the permission of her mawla (guardian) is void.”

164. Al-Ghadir 1:367-370.

165. According to a narration reported by Ahmad ibn Hanbal Musnad Ahmad 1:119 and Ibn al-Athir’s Usd al-Ghabah 4:28, the Holy Prophet said, “Am I not superior to the believers than their own lives? Aren't my wives their mothers?”

It is completely clear that when he refers to his wives as the mothers of the believers, the statement that is confirmed in verse 6 of Surah al-Ahzab is uttered to strengthen his prophethood. His reference to his status as superior to the lives of Muslims shows that he wanted to emphasize his own prophetic position and later on ‘Ali's position.

It is worth mentioning that Ibn Kathir considers its source as dubious, without presenting any reason whatsoever. (al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:211). This is while its first narrator, i.e.; ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Abi-Layla has been confirmed by Sunni scholars as trustworthy. Besides, this hadith has been narrated by many others. (see al-Ghadir 1:177-178).

166. For a complete list of these signers and witnesses, see al-Ghadir 1:370-385; Leadership in the Eyes of Islam, Ja’far Subhani, pp. 234-238.

167. For further information, see al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1081; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:208-209.

168. Nihayat al-Irab 3:168; al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 5:209; Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 1:386.

169. Historians and biographers mention the number of the troops under Imam ‘Ali’s mission to Yemen as three hundred. See al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:1019; al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:169.

170. Ibn Qutaybah al-Daynawari, al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, pp. 24-25.

171. For further information, see al-Ghadir 1: 214, 247.

172. For further information concerning this and also data related to the distance between the abovementioned two verses (in Surah al-Ma’idah) and the fact that what comes in the latter part of the 3rd verse deals with forbidden meats and not related to the issue of succession, see Tafsir Namunah 4:263-271.

173. A location in Syria between ‘Asqalan and Ramlah, close to Mu'tah. See Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:227.

174. A place three miles away from Damascus.

175. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:190; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121; Zayni Dahlan, 2:138; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227.

176. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 190; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 3:227; Zayni Dahlan, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-Athar al-Muhammadiyyah 2:138.

177. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 6:52.

178. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 190; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121.

179. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 190; al-Miqrizi, Amta’ al-Asma’ 2:124; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:121.

180. Ibn Sa’d, op cit; al-Miqrizi, op cit, 2:124; Zayni Dahlan, op cit; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, op cit; Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; According to Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, the words of the Prophet were:

If you impugn his commandership, you have already been impugning his father. By Allah I swear, he was very suitable for leadership. He was one of my dearest people. This one is also my dearest one after his father.

See Sahih al-Bukhari 6:326, H. 9; Sahih Muslim 15:195.

181. Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Shahristani, pp. 29.

182. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:178.

183. From the improper analysis that Ibn Abi’l-Hadid puts on this issue, we understand that this Shi’ite analysis has always been a controversial issue among historians.

184. Sahih al-Bukhari 1:120; al-Maghazi, pp. 317-318; Sahih Muslim 11:89; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:242; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, quoted from Abu-Bakr al-Jawhari, Kitab al-Saqifah.

185. For example, see the following sources: Ibn Tawus, al-Tara’if fi Ma’rifat Madhahib al-Tawa’if 2:431-435; Sharaf al-Din al-Musawi, al-Nazz wa’l-Ijtihad, pp. 162-177; Ja’far Subhani, Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:493-500; Mustafavi, al-Haqa'iq fi Tarikh al-Islam wa’l-Fitan wa’l-Ahdath, pp. 129-135; Yusuf Qulayni, pas az ghurub 1:38-53; Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat al-Nabi, pp. 501; Sahih Muslim commentary of al-imam al-nawawi 11:84-93.

186. Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 22:514; the date of the prophet's demise is reported differently in some sources. See op cit, pp. 514-521; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, 3:272-274; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, 3:454.

187. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, 2:178.

188. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, 3:454.

189. Ibid.

190. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, 2:237-239.

Chapter 3: The Holy Prophet’s Youth

Hilf al-Fudhul

Hilf al-Fudhul,60 the most important Qurayshi treaty,61 was held among some branches of Quraysh tribe, because one of the Banu-Zubayd tribe had entered Mecca and sold some goods to al-’Az ibn Wa'il of Banu-Sahm. The goods were delivered to al-’Az ibn Wa'il who refused to pay the price to the seller. A man from Banu-Zubayd then came to Wa'il to receive his money, but he received nothing. There was a strong tribal system in Arabia in those days and every tribe tried to defend its own interests and those of its members. If a foreigner was wronged, there was nobody to help or protect him. The Zubaydi man had to climb Abu-Qubays Mount and say passionate poems to let the leaders of Quraysh hear what injustice he had suffered.

At that time, these leaders had gathered below the mountain to have a meeting. Having heard the man's call for justice, Zubayr ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib encouraged the leaders of Banu-Hashim, i.e. ‘Abd al-Muttalib, Banu-Zuhrah, Banu-Tamim and Banu-Harith (who were among the prominent clans of Quraysh) to gather at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an al-Taymi. They convened a treaty according to which nobody, either weak or poor, was to be the subject of any act of injustice. Then they went to the home of al-’Az and received the money for the Zubaydi man.62 At that time, Muhammad (S) was twenty years old.63

The participation of Muhammad (S) in this treaty was a brave act. It is interpreted now as a symbolic act of protection of human rights in that backward and ignorant society. His brave and just act is appreciated when we notice that the youngsters of his age in those days were participating in pleasure-seeking parties and did not have any concept of protecting the oppressed or carrying out justice. After prophethood, he used to remember his participation in that treaty with a lot of joy. He said:

“I took part in a treaty at the home of ‘Abdullah ibn Jad’an which made me even more delighted than receiving red-haired camels. If at this era of Islam I am invited to such a pact, I will joyfully accept it.”64

Since this pact was superior to any other treaty, it had the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.65 This pact was a stronghold for the homeless and the miserable. Later on, it was repeatedly used to protect the oppressed ones in Mecca against tyrants and oppressors.66

Second Journey to Damascus

Khadijah, daughter of Khuwaylid, was a rich, honorable and dignified trader who used to employ men for trade purposes, provide them with capital and pay them wages in return.67 When Muhammad (S) was twenty-five years old,68 Abu-Talib said to him, “I have become broke and empty-handed. Now a caravan is on its way to Damascus. I wish you to go to Khadijah and ask for a job.”

At this time, Khadijah had become aware of Muhammad's traits of honesty and good manners. She sent an errand to him saying, “If you accept the supervision of my caravan, I will pay you more than others and I would send my special servant, Maysarah, to help you.” Muhammad (S) accepted this offer69 and accompanied the caravan to Damascus accompanied by Maysarah.70 He could make more money than others.71

Maysarah observed such feats of magnanimity in Muhammad (S) that he was surprised. During this trip, Nustur the monk predicted his prophethood. He observed that Muhammad (S) had some arguments with a man over trade. That man said, “You should swear to Lat and ‘Uzza so that I could accept your statement.” Muhammad (S) replied, “I have never sworn to Lat and ‘Uzza in my whole life.”72 On his return to Mecca, Maysarah told Khadijah what he had seen in Muhammad (S).73

Marrying Khadijah

Khadijah was a farsighted, provident, honorable and dignified woman of noble lineage. She was superior to all women of Quraysh.74 Due to her high moral standards, she was nicknamed Tahirah (immaculate)75 and Sayyidah (doyenne) of Quraysh.76 She is said to have married twice but her previous husbands had died.77 Every Qurayshi nobleman desired to marry her.78 Some well-known persons such as ‘Uqbah ibn Abi-Mu’it, Abu-Jahl, and Abu-Sufyan had asked her for marriage but she always turned them down.79

On the other hand, Khadijah was a relative of Muhammad (S) and both of them had the common ancestor of Quzay. She had recognized the bright future for Muhammad (S),80 and was pleased to accept him as her spouse.81 She made an offer of marriage and he consulted with his uncles who accepted this marriage, which took place in a family gathering.82 It is said that at that time, Khadijah was forty years old and Muhammad (S) was twenty-five.83 She was his first wife.84

Installation of the Black Stone

Muhammad's excellent manners, honesty and decency had attracted the Meccan people so much that everybody called him amin meaning trustworthy.85 He was so reliable that they decided to use his good judgment in the installation of the Black Stone.86 He resolved their problem through high prudence and discretion. Due to the flood which descended from the mountains of Mecca, the walls of the Kaaba had broken on several sides. This event took place when he was thirty-five years old. Up to that day, the Kaaba had no ceiling and its walls were low. For this reason, its internal treasures were unprotected. People of Quraysh decided to build a roof; however, they were not able to carry out their plan. After the event of the flood, the leaders of the Meccan tribes decided to destroy the building to reconstruct it with a roof over it. At the time of the reconstruction, there were disagreements among the tribes over the location of the Black Stone. Once again, competitions and resorting to tribal pride surfaced. Each tribe desperately tried to have the honor of installing the stone. Some tribes, by thrusting their hands into a vessel full of blood, vowed not to let any other tribe have the honor of the installation.

Finally, upon the suggestion made by the eldest man of Quraysh, they decided to follow the opinion of the first person who would enter the Mosque from the entrance called Bab al-Safa. Suddenly, Muhammad (S) entered the mosque from that direction. Everybody declared that Muhammad (S) was trustworthy and they would listen to his judgment. A piece of cloth was brought in by the order of the trustworthy man of Quraysh i.e. Muhammad (S). He spread the piece of cloth, wrapped the stone inside it and asked the Qurayshi leaders to take each corner of it and collectively carry it to the wall. As soon as the stone was taken to the wall, Muhammad (S) installed it in its original location.87

With his delicate discretion and prudence, he solved their problem stopping a potentially huge amount of bloodshed.

‘Ali in the School of Muhammad

A devastating famine occurred in Mecca after the reconstruction of the Kaaba and several years before Muhammad's prophethood. Abu-Talib, the Holy Prophet's uncle, was insolvent. Muhammad made the proposal to his other uncle ‘Abbas who was one of the richest members of Quraysh that each one of them would take one of Abu-Talib's children to his home to protect them against famine. ‘Abbas accepted this proposal. Both of them went to Abu-Talib and offered so. Thus, ‘Abbas took Ja’far, and Muhammad (S) took ‘Ali home to protect and educate. ‘Ali stayed at Muhammad's home until he was promoted to the status of prophethood. Then, ‘Ali confirmed and followed him.88 At that time, ‘Ali (a.s) was six years old and his personality was in the making.89 Muhammad (S) wanted to compensate for the hardships Abu-Talib and his wife, Fatimah bint Asad, had gone through when he was young by adopting one of his children, namely ‘Ali. He saw ‘Ali as the most competent of Abu-Talib's children. This is evident by Muhammad's remark after he had adopted ‘Ali, “I have selected the one who has been selected by God to help me.”90 Muhammad (S) showed a lot of respect and affection to ‘Ali (a.s) and did everything possible to educate him well. Fadhl ibn ‘Abbas, one of ‘Ali's cousins, says:

I asked my father, “Which one of his children did the Prophet love the most?” He replied, “‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.” I said, “I have asked you of the Prophet's sons.” He replied, “The Prophet loves ‘Ali more than any of his sons and showed affection towards him more than others. The Prophet would never let go of ‘Ali except for those days when he attended Khadijah's caravan. We have never seen a father more affectionate towards his son than the Prophet and we have never seen a son more obedient to his father than ‘Ali to the Prophet.”91

After his prophethood, Muhammad (S) had so much emphasis over ‘Ali's education in the Islamic issues that if he received a Divine revelation at night, he would teach it to ‘Ali before dawn. If he received Divine revelation during the day, he would inform ‘Ali of it before sunset.92 Once, ‘Ali (a.s) was asked, “How come you learned more narrations from the Prophet than his other followers?” He answered, “Whenever I asked the Prophet anything, he would answer; and whenever I was silent, he used to start telling me a narration.”93

When ‘Ali (a.s) was the caliph, he referred to his religious education with the following remarks:

“You, followers of the Prophet, are well aware of my close relationship with him; and you know that when I was a small boy, he used to embrace me close to his breast and let me sleep in his bed in such a way that I could touch his body and feel his smell; he even used to put food into my mouth. I used to follow the Prophet like a child going after his mother. He used to teach me one of his ethical virtues each day and ordered me to adopt that virtue. Each year, he used to pray God at the Hara' Mountain; I was the only person to be with him. When he received the Divine revelation, I could vividly hear Satan's voice. I asked the Prophet what that noise was. He answered that it was Satan's noise and that it had a terrible sensation for not being obedient on the earth. He says that I could hear what he heard and see what he saw; the difference was that he was the Prophet and I was not; I was his vizier and representative for doing good on the earth.”94

This discourse might just refer to the Prophet's prayer at Hara’ after his prophethood, but since most of the Prophet's prayers were done at Hara’ prior to his prophethood, we can be sure that this issue is related to the era prior to his prophethood and Satan's noise of discomfort is related to the descent of the first revelations. Anyway, ‘Ali's spirit and continuous education from the Prophet prepared him to see and hear things which were not possible for ordinary people to hear or see. These were due to his sensitive mind, piercing eyes, sensitive ears and specific insight.

Notes

1. Tarikh al-Tabari 2:191; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:13; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 5-6.

2. Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 13; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah, pp. 118; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 195-196; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:33; Ibn ‘Anbah, ‘Umdat al-Talib, pp. 28.

3. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:56; Al-Kalbi, Jamharat al-Nasab, pp. 17.

4. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:155; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:105.

5. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 155; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, p28.

6. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 154; Ibn ‘Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 6; Ibn Qutaybah, al-Ma’arif, pp. 67; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:546; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:96; Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:312; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:84; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, Saba’ik al-Dhahab, pp. 62, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 1:204.

Some genealogists have considered the children of Fihr ibn Malik ibn Nizar as part of Quraysh. See Kalbi, op cit, pp. 21; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p55; Ibn Anbah, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 96; Muhammad Amin al-Baghdadi, op cit, pp. 62; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 204; Ibn Hazm, Jamharat Ansab al-’Arab, pp. 12; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:25-26.

There are some other statements regarding this issue. See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:27.

7. The Arab groups and tribes are given different names, such as sha’b, qabilah, ‘imarah, batn, fadkhdh and fazilah in accordance with their extension and size. For instance, Khuzaymah was a sha’b; Kinanah qabilah, Quraysh ‘imarah, Quzay batn, Hashim fakhdh, and ‘Abbas fazilah. See Ibn ‘Abd-Rabbih, al-’Iqd al-Farid 3:330; Husayn Mu'nis, the History of Quraysh.

On the basis of this typology, some researchers have attributed Quraysh to qabilah and some to ‘imarah. But the very nature of this typology is a suspect; some researchers would not accept it as such. See The History of Quraysh, pp. 215-216. Here, we will refer to Quraysh as a qabilah (tribe).

8. Mas’udi states that the tribe of Quraysh had twenty-five branches and he mentions them by names. See Muruj al-Dhahab 2:269.

9. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6.

10. op cit, p6; Shukri al-Alusi; Bulugh al-Irab 1:324.

11. Halabi, op cit, pp. 6, al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 323; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:15, al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:73.

12. Halabi, op cit, pp. 7; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:109.

13. al-Alusi, op cit, pp. 324, Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:7; Shaykh al-Saduq, al-Khizal 2:312-313.

14. Saduq, al-I’tiqadat, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:117; Uzul al-Kafi 1:445.

Among the issues concerning ‘Abd al-Muttalib is his vow to sacrifice one of his children for God. The report on this vow, despite its fame, suffers some documental considerations and needs further clarifications. See ‘Ali Dawani, The History Of Islam From The Start To Hegira, pp. 54-59; Shaykh al-Saduq, Man-La-Yahdhuruhu’l-Faqih 3:89.

15. Saduq, op cit, pp. 135; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 117; Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat, pp. 12; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 4:322.

Some researchers have interpreted this narration in the form of the cleanliness of the progenitor. See Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Some Lectures On The Analytic History Of Islam 1:64.

16. Mufid, op cit, Saduq, op cit.

Some Sunni distinguished scholars, such as al-Fakhr al-Razi and al-Suyuti, believe the same thing in this regard as the Twelver Shi’ah. See Bihar al-Anwar 15:118-122.

17. Saduq, Kamal al-Din, pp. 175; al-Ghadir 7:387.

18. For further information regarding these events, see Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 172-181; Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, The History Of The Prophet Of Islam, pp. 26-27.

19. Mas’udi, op cit, pp. 27.

20. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 80-82; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 94-97; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 44-55; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 67-69; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 70-77.

21. Prior to the event of the Elephant Army, Quraysh had appointed the death of Quzay as a historical point of reference. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4.

22. Shaykh al-Kulayni, Uzul al-Kafi 1:439; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:4; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:274; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:250-252; Halabi, op cit, pp. 95; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 72-73; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:201; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:101; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:14; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nubawiyyah 1:167; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, The Clarification Of The History Of Damascus; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 61.

23. ‘Ali Akbar Fayyadh, the History of Islam, pp. 62; ‘Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 86-87; Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi, Tarikh Tahlili Islam ta Payan Umawiyyan, pp. 37.

Concerning the exact date of the Holy Prophet's birthday, whether it occurred in the Elephant Year or prior or after it, the matter is not clear. For Further information, see Muhammad The Last Of The Prophets 1:176-177; the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi in Rasuli Mahallati’s Lessons from the Analytical History of Islam 1:107; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:203; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:281-282; Sayyid Hasan Taqizadah, From Parviz to Genghis, pp. 153; Husayn Mu’nis, the History of Quraysh, pp. 153-159.

Furthermore, some European historians explained the motive behind Abraha's military campaign to be an ambition for territorial expansion against Iran via the northern part of Arabia, which took place due to the Roman instigations. In Muslim reference books, the motive is said to be religious due to the competition between the Church in Yemen and the Kaaba in Hijaz. See Fayyadh, op cit, pp. 62; Abu’-l-Qasim Payandeh, introduction of the translation of Qur’an into Persian.

24. Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, pp. 439; Ibn Wadhih, op cit, pp. 6. al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 2:167.

The age of the Holy Prophet at his father's death is also recorded as eleven months and twenty-eight days. See Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:100.

25. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 17:282; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:99; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:176; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:10.

26. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; Halabi, op cit, 1:143.

27. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:6; I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 110; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 1:15; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:384.

28. Halabi, op cit, 1:146.

29. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 196, Muruj al-Dhahab, 2:274; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 6; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 101-102; Ibn Kathir, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 49.

30. Al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:94; al-Maqdisi, al-Bad’ wal-Tarikh 4:131; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:401; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:112.

31. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:33; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 44; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:275.

32. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:203; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 401.

33. Ja’far Subhani, Forugh Abadiyyat 1:159; Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:81.

34. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah, 1:176; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 113; Halabi, op cit, pp. 146; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 146.

It is said while the Holy Prophet was living with Halimah al-Sa’diyyah in the desert when the case of opening his chest took place. However, experts in the history of Islam regard this as invented and false for many reason. See Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:82; Sayyid Hashim Rasuli Mahallati, Lessons From The Analytical History Of Islam 1:189, 204; Sheikh Muhmud Abu-Rayyah, Adhwa'un ‘Ala al-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah 1:175-177.

35. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:171-172; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 93, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 110-111.

36. Ibn Shahrashub, a distinguished narrator, has dealt with this issue but has not dealt with the Holy Prophet’s orphanage. See al-Manaqib 1:33.

37. Salma, the mother of ‘Abd al-Muttalib was from Yathrib and from Banu’l-Najjar. See al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:121.

38. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, p65; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 94 Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 116; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 177; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, p121; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 9; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:172; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:7; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:223.

39. Halabi, op cit, 1:172.

40. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:178; Saduq, op cit, pp. 171; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:9.

41. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 189; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 406; Tabari, op cit, 2:194.

42. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, pp. 1; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; al-Suhayli, al-Rawdh al-Anif 1:193.

43. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Jawad ‘Ali, al-Mufazzal 4:82.

44. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:219.

45. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:119; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:36; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 407; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:285.

46. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 1:14; Uzul al-Kafi 1:453.

47. A village in Hawran, a province of Damascus. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 1:441.

48. This issue is brought up by the following Muslim historians and narrators: Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:191-193; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:90, h. 2620; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 73; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:121; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:286; Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:182-186; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:96; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 1:195; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 17-18; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:15; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:270, 354; Ibn Kathir, Sirat al-Nabi 1:243-249, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 2:229-230; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:141; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:409.

49. Qur’an 2:41, 42, 89, 146; 7:157; 6: 20; 61: 6.

50. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:193; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 195; Sunan al-Tirmidhi 5:590; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:278; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:245; Saih al-Bukhari 5:28.

51. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:11; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:81; Uzul al-Kafi 1:447.

52. Gustav Le Bon, The Islamic And Arab Civilization, pp. 101, Ignáz Goldziher, Doctrine and Law in Islam, pp. 25; Muhammad Ghazzali, Trial of Goldziher the Zionist, pp. 47; Karl Brockleman, History of Muslim Peoples, pp. 34; Treason in Historical Accounts 1:220-225

53. Will Durant, The Story of Civilization, pp. 207.

54. Qur’an 4:47,51,171; 5:72-73; 9:630.

55. Shaykh ‘Abbas al-Qummi, Safinat al-Bihar 2:727; Ibn al-Athir, al-Nihayah fi Gharib al-hadith wa’l-Athar 5:282.

56. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih mi Sirat al-Rasul al-A’¨am, pp. 106.

57. Halabi, op cit, 2:332.

58. Muhammad, a prophet who should be re-evaluated, pp. 5. This book includes weak points, errors and distortions which decrease the scientific value of its content. The style of the translator, too, is quite peculiar; see Nashr Danish Magazine, eighth year, Issue, 2, pp. 52, Article: a phenomenon called Zabihollah Mansuri, written by Karim Emami.

59. Muhammad, the last of the prophets 1:188, the article of Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi. Some contemporary Iranian historians have raised some doubts on the issue of the Holy Prophet’s visit to Bahira, such doubts and disturbances should be taken care of. We shouldn’t that even if we superficially believe that this visit has not taken place, nothing is taken away from the grandeur of the Holy Prophet, because there were numerous other predictions of the coming prophet beside Bahira. The reason why we have brought up the claims of the Orientalists here is to show that they have used this issue to make some distortions in the history of Islam.

60. One of the events in which the Holy Prophet is said to have participated in while he was young was the war of al-Fujjar. It is said that this war had taken place prior to Hilf al-Fudhul when the Holy Prophet was 14-20 years old. However, since his participation in this war is doubtful, we will not follow it up here. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:95-97; Some analytical lessons of the history of Islam 1:303-503.

61. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:128; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Munammaq, pp. 52.

62. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 52-53; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 128; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:142; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:12.

63. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit. It is recorded that the age of the Holy Prophet was even older at this time. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:13; al-Munammaq, pp. 53; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:225.

64. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 142; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, op cit, pp. 13; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 16; Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 188.

65. Muhammad Ibn Habib, op cit, pp. 54-55

66. al-Buladhari 2:13. The memory of this treaty was still fresh at the start of Islam. For instance, during the reign of Mu’awiyah al-Walid ibn ‘Utbah ibn Abi-Sufyan was the governor of Medina. He quarreled with Imam al-Husayn on a financial issue about the grove of Dhu’l-Marwah. Imam al-Husayn said, “Is al-Walid acting arrogantly against me because he has ruling authority? I swear by Allah, if he does not give me my due, I shall take my sword and stand in the Mosque of Allah calling by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul.” When his word was conveyed to ‘Abdullah ibn al-Zubayr, he cried out, “By Allah I swear, if al-Husayn calls by the name of Hilf al-Fudhul, I shall certainly take my sword and support him; and then, either he will be given his due or we die altogether.” When al-Walid was informed of these situation, he had to give al-Husayn his due until he pleased him. See Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:142; al-Buladhari, op cit, 2:14; Halabi, op cit, 1:215; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:226; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:42.

67. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:199; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 81. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, in Tadhkirat al-Khawazz pp. 301, says “Khadijah used to employ them in the form of limited partnership.” Ibn al-Athir, in Usd al-Ghabah 1:16, says: “She used to employ either in the form of limited partnership or on a wage-system.”

68. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:129.

69. There are some pieces of evidence which show that the Holy Prophet’s job was in the form of limited participation and not on the basis of wage-earning system. See al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:112.

70. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 199; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 81.

71. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 130.

72. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 130.

73. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, p131; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39; Tarikh al-Tabari 2:196; al-Bayhaqi, Dala’il al-Nubuwwah 1:215; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Dulabi, al-Dhurriyyah al-Tahirah, pp. 45-46.

74. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:200-201; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:131; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:215; al-Dulabi, op cit, pp. 46; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

75. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Halabi, op cit, 1:224; ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah 4:281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:279.

76. Halabi, op cit, 1:224.

77. Her previous husbands were ‘Utayq ibn ‘A’idh and Abu-Halah Hind ibn Nabbash. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434; Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 281; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 280; Halabi, op cit, 1:229; Khargushi, Sharaf Al-Nabi, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302.

According to some documents, Lady Khadijah had never married before the Holy Prophet who, accordingly, was her first and last husband. Some contemporary experts emphasize this point. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:121.

78. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 215; Tabari, op cit, 2:197; Halabi, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, op cit, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40.

79. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 16:22.

80. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 20-21; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:203; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:41.

81. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 21-23.

82. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 82; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:98; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:16; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:40; Dulabi; op cit, pp. 46; Halabi, op cit, pp. 227; al-Majlisi, op cit, 16:19.

83. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 98; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:132; Tabari, op cit, 2:196: Halabi, op cit, pp. 228; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:280; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:435; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:39.

Regarding Lady Khadijah’s age, there are various statements and records. See Amir Muhanna al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 53-54.

84. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:201; Dulabi, op cit, pp. 49; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:216; Khargushi, op cit, pp. 201; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:302; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:434.

85. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:121; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:210; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:211; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:369.

86. This stone, being the most sacred component of the Kaaba, is introduced as a heavenly stone which became a component of Kaaba by Prophet Abraham due to God's command. See al-Majlisi, op cit, 12:84, 99; al-Azraqi, Akhbar Makkah 1:62-63. Al-Hajar al-Aswad is a reddish-black, oval piece of stone set in the eastern side of the Kaaba at a height of one meter and a half from the ground. It is the center of circumambulation.

87. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:145-146, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:14-15; al-Majlisi, op cit, 15:337-338; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:99-100; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:271-272. Some historians have given other reasons for the reconstruction of the Kaaba. However, every historian has referred to the Holy Prophet’s Judgment. See Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 103; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:205; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah.

88. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:262; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:213; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:58; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 2:90; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:119, and 1:15.

89. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 1:15; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, 2:180.

90. Abu’l-Faraj al-Izfahani, Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, pp. 15.

91. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 13, pp. 200.

92. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 624.

93. Al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 170.

94. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 192.

Section 3: From Prophethood To Migration

Chapter One: Prophethood and Promulgation of the Religion

Chapter Two: The Public Propagation and the Start of Oppositions

Chapter Three: The Consequences and Reactions of Opposition to the Qur'an


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