An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed

An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed0%

An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed Author:
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An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed

Author: Muhammad Rida Ja'afari
Publisher: World Organization for Islamic Services (WOFIS)
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An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed

An Introduction to the Emendation of a Shiite Creed

Author:
Publisher: World Organization for Islamic Services (WOFIS)
English

Hisham Ibn Al-Hakam and his 'refutation of Hisham Al-Jawaliqi' and the 'refutation ofMu’minu 't -Taq' that is attributed to him

Opposition to al-Jawaliqi for what he statedwas not confined to the Imams, peace be upon them. Hisham ibn al-Hakam and his followers opposed al-Jawaliqi, as is stated in what ‘Ali ibn Ibrahim, with a sound chain of transmission, narrated from Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abi Nasr al-Bazanti – the hadith has been cited previously – and by Hisham ibn al-Hakam.1

The biographers of Hisham ibn al-Hakam mention in a list of his books a Kitabu 'r-radd ‘ala Shaytani’t-Taq.2 The book itself has not come down to us so that we might know whom Hisham intended by ‘Shaytanu’t-Taq,' and those who mention the book as his do not elaborate on it. Perhaps the explanation that suggests itself at first glance is that the person intended is Mu’minu 't-Taq, Abu Ja‘far al-Bajali, previously mentioned alongside Hisham al-Jawaliqi and al-Maythami; but I have ser- ious doubts about this explanation. Rather,I am almost certain of its incorrectness, and that it is a mistaken explanation.

The scholars of the Imamiyyah agreed that the naming by AbuJa‘far of al-Ahwal al-Bajali as 'Shaytanu't-Taq' came in the first place from the adversaries of the Imamiyyah, and that the Imamiyyah called him 'Mu’minu't-Taq'3 . Others apart from the Imamiyyah knew of this name of his, and related it on their authority.4 They cite other nicknames: 'Shah Taq/Shahu't-Taq' and 'Malaku't-Taq'.5 Ibnu 'n-Nadim said: "His followers called him Shaqu't-Taq as well." 6 Moreover, Ibn Hajar relates on the authority of Ibn Abi Tayyi’, the famous Imami scholar, one of the beliefs concerning his being named'Mu’minu 't-Taq', something only he quotes from him:

It is said that Hisham ibn al-Hakam, a shaykh of the Rafidah, on hearing that they [the adversaries of the Imamiyyah] had nicknamed him Shaytanu't-Taq, named him ‘Mu’minu’t-Taq'.7 This nickname, 'Mu’minu 't-Taq', was not maintained for him after his time, but his contemporaries called him by it, and it is stated on the authority of Hisham ibn Salim al-Jawaliqi himself,8 as also from Yunus ibn Ya‘qub9 Aban ibn ‘Uthman al- Ahmar10 Abu Malik al-Ahmasi,11 and Sharik ibn ‘Abdillah an-Nakha‘i.12

It isreally very unlikely that someone like Hisham ibn al- Hakam should give him this derisory nickname which the adversaries of the Imamiyyah invented for him, and that the followers of the Imamiyyah should counter them with another nickname which was appropriate for a man of his prestige and rank. Rather, Hisham himself would have been the one who began the opposition to them and chose ‘Mu’minu’t-Taq' for him, as previously mentioned in one of the beliefs regarding the reason for his being given this nickname. In addition to this, I have not found anything in the Imamihadith which demonstrates the presence of adversity between Hisham and Mu’minu’t-Taq, nor any sort of clearly distinguishable divergence between them similar to the evidence which demonstrates a divergence between Hisham ibn al-Hakam and Hisham al-Jawaliqi.

This sort of nicknaming has no justification, even when adversity and enmityis intensified , except in the case of insult and calumny. Indeed,I have previously mentioned, in a discussion about al-Jawaliqi, that Mu’minu't-Taq and al- Maythami followed al-Jawaliqi in his ideas; a refutation of him is a refutation of both of them, and that is what Hisham ibn al- Hakam did.

Further to all this, there are the numerous indications in what I have mentioned in the biography of Hisham ibn al-Hakam of his good character, that he befriended an Ibadi Kharijite in a way which lasted for years, which set an example of good companionship, and which was bestowed upon all opponents – as al-Jahiz states. This name-calling, arising from a level of character appropriate to someone who was not at Hisham's level, is quite inconceivable for him.

On the basis of all this, and for other reasons, I am con- vinced that Hisham, in this book of his, is refuting a person other than Mu’minu’t-Taq to whom this nickname ‘Shaytanu’t- Taq' was given before Mu’minu 't-Taq. This man's adversity towards the Imamiyyah reached a point where Hisham did not find it objectionable to nickname him with this sort of disgrace- ful nickname. However, the adversaries of the Imamiyyah took the nickname out of context, and directed it at Mu’minu’t-Taq, because he lived in Taq, in the region of Kufah. He was called 'at-Taqi' or ‘Sahibu’t-Taq'.13 The original holder of the nick- name has been neglected to the point where we have forgotten him and this sort of obscurity came to pass.

Another piece of evidence which shows that this nickname was not only applied to Mu’minu’t-Taq is that al-Khatib gives the biography of a non-Imami narrator, and says: "Ahmad ibn Harun, known as Shaytanu’t-Taq, from the people of Surra- man-ra’a." 14

Notes

1. Kitabu 'r-radd ‘ala Hisham al-Jawaliqi. at-Tusi, al-Fihrist, p.204; an- Najashi, p.304; Ibnu 'n-Nadim, p.224; Ma‘alimu 'l-‘ulama’, p.115; Majma‘u 'r-rijal, vol.6, pp.232, 233; Idahu 'l-maknun, vol.2, p.298; Hadiyyatu 'l-‘arifin, vol.2, p.508; adh-Dhari‘ah, vol.10, p.237.

2. at-Tusi, p.204; an-Najashi, p. 305; Ibnu 'n-Nadim, p.224; Ma‘alimu 'l-‘ulama’, p.115; Majma‘u 'r-rijal, vol.6, pp.233, 234; Hadiyyatu 'l-‘arifin, vol.2, p.507; adh-Dhari‘ah, vol.10, p.203.

3. al-Kishshi, p.185; al-Barqi, ar-Rijal, p.17; al-Mufid, al-lkhtisas, p.204; at-Tusi, al-Fihrist, p.157; ar-Rijal, p.359; an-Najashi, p.228; Ibn Shahrashub,Ma‘alimu 'l-‘ulama’, p.115.

4. Ibnu 'n-Nadim, p.224; adh-Dhahabi, Siyar a‘lami 'n-nubala’, vol.10, pp.553-4; as-Safadi, al-Wafi bi 'l-wafayat, vol.4, p.104; Ibn Hajar, Lisanu 'l- mizan, vol.5, p.300; ash-Shahristani, al-Milal wa 'n-nihal, vol.1, p.186.

5. at-Tusi, al-Fihrist, p.222; ar-Rijal, p.302; Majma‘u 'r-rijal, vol.6, p.7.

6. See al-Fihrist, Tajaddud ed., appendix, p.224, al-Istiqamah ed., p.258.

7. Lisanu 'l-mizan, vol.5, pp.300-1.

8. al-Kishshi, p.282; al-Bihar, vol.47, p.262. And in another hadith, al- Kishshi, pp.275-7; al-Bihar, vol.47, pp.407-8.

9. al-Kishshi, p.271.

10. al-Ihtijaj, vol.2, p.140; al-Bihar, vol.46, p.180.

11. al-Kishshi, pp.186-8 – in three hadith; al-Bihar, vol.47, pp.405-6.

12. al-Ihtijaj, vol.2, pp.144-8; al-Bihar, vol.47, pp.396-400.

13. 235 Refer to the sources already cited concerning his nickname.

14. Present-day Samarra’ in ‘Iraq: Tarikh Baghdad, vol.5, p.196.

The Imamis' position on Non-Imami hadith

From this urgently needed study of ours it appears that those of the Imamiyyah, who were accused of corporealism and anthropomorphism, whether correctly or not, were accusedon the basis of their belief in hadith which had leaked over to them from the non-Imami sects, and we have given examples bearing witness to this. These hadiths themselves were what led others to corporealism and anthropomorphism, knowingly or unknowingly; in this their views concurred, or at least those of their views which are narrated, although it is not proved that they, or some of them, believed in them.

As a single example of the effect of these hadiths on the environment of the Imamiyyah, in addition to the examples already given, there is what as-Saduq narrates with a chain of authority originating with Ya‘qub as-Sarraj, who stated:

I said to Abu ‘Abdillah, peace be upon him: 'Some of our followers claim that Allah has a form like human form, and they also say that He is, in this form, beardless, with short,curly hair [refer to what has been stated previous-ly].' Abu‘Abdillah, peace be upon him, fallen to the ground, prostrated, and then he raised his head and said: 'Praisebe to Allah Who does not resemble anything, Who is not perceived by vision, and not bound by knowledge. He did not beget, because a son would resemble his father; He was not begotten, for whoever was before Him would resemble Him.'1

There is another factor, and it suffices that we mention just one piece of evidence for it without comment or explanation. This is what came from Ibn Abi ‘Umayr Muhammad ibn Ziyad al-Azdi al-Baghdadi (d. 217/832), the famous Imami Traditionist and scholar, concerning what al-Kishshi narrated from al- Fadl ibn Shadhan:

He questioned Abu Muhammad ibn Abi ‘Umayr, saying to him: 'You have met the non-Imami shaykhs, but how is it that you have not heeded them?' He said: 'I listened to them;however I saw that many of our followers had heard knowledge from the ‘ammah (non-Imamis) and from the khassah (the elite-Imamis), and that they had been con- fused to the point where they narrated a non-Imami hadith from Imami sources and vice versa. I dreaded the thought of becoming confused, so I abandonned this and focussed on that' [i.e., 'I stopped narrating non-Imami hadith and confined myself to Imami hadith'].2

These two factors, in addition to others, explain the confi- dence which emanated from the Imams, peace be upon them, and which their partisans had in taking their beliefs and rulings from them, as well as the reliance upon the truthful and trust- worthy people who narrated on their authority. May Allah forgive our brothers for explaining it as a rupture between Muslim brethren, and transforming it into an indictment, tobe added to the other indictments against us!

It is clear fromthis study of ours that the adversaries of the Imamiyyah, no matter how their views differed or their beliefs varied, did not cease to behave towards the Imamiyyah as they did, or as it was claimed they did, concerning what was between them.I have presented many examples of this, and have refrained from commenting on them.

However, hereI will relate the opinion of a non-Imami writer concerning one of the most famous books on treatises and sects, to which Muslims of all periods have accorded a high status among all books on the subject.The book is al-Farq bayna 'l-firaq wa bayanu 'l-firqatin-najiyyah minha by Abu Mansur, ‘Abdu 'l-Qahir ibn Tahir al- Baghdadi, al-Ash‘ari, ash-Shafi‘i (d. 429/1038), and in the same vein, his other book al-Milal wa 'n-nihal, both in print; and another book of no less importance, if not as successful, being al-Milal wa 'n-nihal by Abu 'l-Fath, Muhammad ibn ‘Abdi 'l- Karim ash-Shahristani (479/1086–548/1153). Fakhru'd-Din ar- Razi, the famous theologian and commentator, says of the book al-Milal wa'n-nihal by ash-Shahristani:

It is abook which , it claims, relates the doctrines of the world, but it is not relied upon because it draws Islamic beliefs from the book called al-Farq bayna 'l-firaq by Abu Mansur al-Baghdadi, and this teacher was severely bigoted against those who differed in belief and scarcely presented their beliefs in a truthful fashion.ash-Shahris-tani , then, drew the beliefs of the Muslim sects from this book, and for this reason slandered their honour in the process.3

* * * * *

Before concluding the investigation,I must say a word con- cerning the role of the Mu‘tazilah in this area. The Mu‘tazilah were confronted from the beginning by two sorts of adver- saries: one groupwere followers of hadith and the sunnah, or those who were called al-Hashwiyyah and an-Nabitah by the Mu‘tazilah, and the second group were the theologians who differed with them in their views. The Traditionists did not confront the Mu‘tazilah with the weapons of theology and debate and join the battle of argument with argument, but rather confronted them with accusations of heresy and unbelief, and the charge of atheism and going beyond the legitimate bounds of the religion.

With the influence they had on thegeneral public , their adversity was transformed into a mere 'physical struggle', in which the Mu‘tazilah were compelled to grasp the weapon of authority since they had failed to grasp the weapon of the backing of the general public. The most important manifestations were the tragedies in which the history of the time of the ‘Abbasids al-Ma’mun, al-Mu‘tasim, al-Wathiq, and al-Mutawakkil (198/813–247/861) abound. The Mu‘tazilah were victorious in the first period of the third caliphate, as they had the authority and the weapons of the sultan on their side.

This is a tragedy, which the historians hold to have been a struggle over the issue of the createness of the Qur’an. However the Mu‘tazilah lost their position after the authorities inclined towards their opponent theologians, and they lost the weapon of authority, just as their predecessors had lost the weapon of thegeneral public .

As for their theological adversaries – the most important of these were the Imami theologians – the controversy the Mu‘tazilah had with them took place merely in the intellectual arena, since the disputing parties were, as was pointed out, equal in strength, in posession neither of the weapon of the sultan or of the community. Rather, the Mu‘tazilah were, with respect to the Imamiyyah, closer to the heart of the sultan and his sympathy, and more able to seek the aid of his influence and arms! Here the Mu‘tazilah sought assistance by all reason and means, and pursued every avenue, which facilitated their victory.

It was fear of the public in the first instance, and follow- ing that, fear of both the public and the sultan, which shackled the hands of the Mu‘tazilah in front of the Traditionists; this did not shackle their hands before the Imamiyyah, and for this reason we do not find in the books of the Mu‘tazilah concerned with the Traditionists the offensive accusations, the continual biting criticism, and the bare-faced adversity which we find they have with respect to the Imamiyyah.

I think that what the Mu‘tazilah attributed to the Imamiyyah, which others adopted from them, they heard in the first instance from the Traditionists. Muqatil ibn Sulayman settled in Basrah towards the end of his life, and spread his views there,4 and so did his contemporary Hammad ibn Salamah al- Basri (88/707–167/784), the mufti and faqih of Basrah, and a famous Traditionist.

He was the one with whom are associated most of the hadith concerning the divine attributes which he used to demonstrate corporealism and anthropomorphism, and which it was said that his confederate ‘Abdu 'l-Karim ibn Abi 'l-‘Awja’, the well-known atheist, inserted in his own books, and which Hammad narrated and defended as true.5 Mu‘adh al-‘Anbari, the qadi and Traditionist of Basrah, and Dawud al-Jawaribi were either from Basrah or had connections with it. The Mu‘tazilah took everything from them, but they could not at first ridicule them using these narrations, so they used their statements against the Imamiyyah, attributing them to the Basrans in the first instance, and the using it to ridicule them afterwards.

Notes

1. at-Tawhid, pp.103-4; al-Bihar, vol.3, p.304.

2. al-Kishshi, pp.590-1; Majma‘u 'r-rijal, vol.5, p.118; Mu‘jam rijali 'l- hadith, vol.14, p.299.

3. MunazaratFakhru 'd -Din ar-Razi fi bilad ma warai 'n-nahr, ed. Dr. Fathullah Khalif, Daru 'l-Mashriq, Beirut, 1966, with English transl., p.39-99; and see the translation, p.62-99.

4. As was previously mentioned, according to adh-Dhahabi 'Basrah is a nest of predestination': Mizanu 'l-i‘tidal, vol.3, p.91.

5. Ibnu 'l-Jawzi, al-Mawdu‘at, vol.1, pp.37, 100, 122; Ibn Furak, Mushkilu 'l-hadith, p.169; al-Bayhaqi, al-Asma’ wa 's-sifat, p.445; adh-Dhahabi, Mizanu'l-i‘tidal, vol.l, p.593; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhibu 't-tahdhib, vol.3, p.15; as-Suyuti,al-La’ali 'l-masnu‘ah, vol.1, p.25; vol.2, p.468; etc.

Comparison of the Tashihu 'l I‘Tiqad with the I‘Tiqadatu 'l-Imamiyyah

The final point I wish to mention is that the comparison of Tashihu 'l-i‘tiqad by al-Mufid with I‘tiqadatu 'l-Imamiyyah by as-Saduq only reveals to us what the Imamiyyah Traditionist and theological schools shared, and what they differed in, and no more, during the period up to the fifth/eleventh century. However, to conclude this comparison by saying that the difference, which we find on al-Mufid's side, can be traced back to the influence of the Mu‘tazilah is an inference, which is refuted by many facts resting on correct deduction based on truthful and comprehensive study.

The Imamiyyah, from the beginning, contained these two schools of thought. We have stated that while they were different in style and form of demonstration, they were not adversarial opponents, as we have found them to be among the non- Imami. I have elsewhere written a continuous history of Imami theologians, in which I trace them up to the period of Shaykhu't-Taifah at-Tusi, and I have mentioned the books of theology that are cited as theirs; it will be published, Allah willing, as a preface to the English translation of "Kitabu 't-Tawhid" of Usul al-Kafi.

However, thebooks which I have cited there have mostly perished, and only a trifling amount has reached us; nevertheless, they have titles, and what these titles suggest demonstrates that Imami theology is a continuous, uninterrupted chain, which thrived and was maintained up to the time of the Shaykh al-Mufid. Where we do not have actual examples, the least we can do is study their titles and what little remains of their contents.

Our study is, therefore, fragmented and incomplete, and it is not correct for us to judge that what we see as a distinctive feature of al-Mufid is something he picked up from the Mu‘tazilah. Rather, there are proofs, which demonstrate that this distinctive feature was something thathad been passed down to him from previous Imami theologians, in the same way as their doctrine, which he inherited with its special characteristics.

I have already presented some of the discussion surround- ing the methodological division between Traditionist and theological styles. It is apparent from this that these strong judgements, which have been stated both in the past and at the present, concerning the influence of the Mu‘tazilah on the Imamiyyah, are unfounded.I have made it clear that they were not influenced by the Mu‘tazilah in their beliefs; this was my intention in this introduction, and as for the study of other aspects, I leave that task to another time.

However,I would like to put forward here a single example of these biting judgements, being the least weighty of examples, and the least outrageous and arbitrary in its connection with as- Saduq and al-Mufid. M. McDermott mentions that the Kitabu 't- Tawhid by as-Saduq was composed later than his two other books, al-I‘tiqadatu 'l-Imamiyyah and al-Hidayah, and that as- Saduq was therein closer to the thinking of the Mu‘tazilah than he was in the other two, since after as-Saduq had emigrated to Rayy, he lived in the Buyid court there. Perhaps this difference was due to 'the pressure of the vizier as-Sahib ibn ‘Abbad1 or the influence of Mu‘tazilite arguments may well have changed his thinking.'2

But there is more weighty evidence from an earlier period.Al-Kulayni, the Shaykh Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Ya‘qub ar- Razi, then al-Baghdadi (d. 329/941), was a Traditionist shaykh of the Imamiyyah who lived in Rayy and then moved to Baghdad at the end of his life and died there.3 Al-Kulayni gave a chapter in the section on tawhid in al-Kafi the title Ta’wilu 's- samad (the interpretation of samad), and quoted there two hadith which explained samad as His eternal mastery over everything, great or small,4 and then went on to state:

This is the correct interpretation of as-samad, not what anthropomorphism holds about it: that the interpretation of as-samad is a solid, which has no void within it. That interpretation is nothing more than an attribute of bodies, and Allah, glorybe to His name, is above this; . if the interpretation of as-samad as an attribute of Allah were solidity, then it would contradict His words:

There is nothing like Him (ash-Shura, 42:11),

because solidity is an attribute of solid bodies which have no voids, like stone, or iron, or other solid objects . And as for what is stated in Tradition concerning this matter, the knower (i.e., the infallible Imam), peace be upon him, is more knowledgeable by what he said.

He then goes on to demonstrate the correctness of this explanation with a linguistic argument;5 in this way he anticipated the Shaykhu't-Tusi, the student of al-Mufid, by many centuries. At-Tusi said:

Whoever interprets as-samad to mean 'solid' is ignorant of Allah, because solidity is the compression of parts, and that, which has no voids; this is anthropomorphism and unbelief in Allah.6

Those Traditions which al-Kulayni indicates but does not quote and which explain as-samad as that which has no voids, as-Saduq cites and does not miss out in his Kitabu’t-Tawhid, in which, according to McDermott, he was more influenced by the Mu‘tazilah than in his Risalah, or his Hidayah,7 and he combines it with the meaning which al-Kulayni adopted as explaining as-samad, and takes on both of them. He interprets as-samad in a way, which does not lend itself to corporealism;8 from this it appears that al-Kulayni was more of a Mu‘tazilah than as-Saduq!

It may be that the reverential support given to these judgements which have been expounded about the Imamiyyah both ancient and modern, and which opine that they were dependant on the Mu‘tazilah who provided them with their views and arguments will lead some to claim that another Mu‘tazili circle existed or came into existence, and that al-Kulayni lived within it, and that another Mu‘tazili vizier put pressure upon him.

I do not, in any way, deny that an Imami scholar can be influenced by a teacher of his who differs from him in belief, or by the atmosphere of adversity around him, but what I do not accept is what McDermott's opinion is inspired by, being that as-Saduq renounced some of his ideas, or covered up aspects of them in deference to his followers or to the Mu‘tazilah, and this continued reverence for these judgements which state that any modification of Imami opinion occured as a result of Mu‘tazili influence upon them. In the view of as-Saduq, as-Sahib ibn‘Abbad was not that Mu‘tazili whom the Mu‘tazili sources suppose him to be. Rather he was a Twelver Imami who eulogized the Imams, particularly ar-Rida, peace be upon him, in many qasidas, in which he explicitly refers to their Imamate. As-Saduq wrote his ‘Uyun akhbari 'r-Rida, ‘Alay-hi’s-salam for him, and explicitly mentions him in the beginning of the book. Moreover, he quotes the poems of as-Sahib therein.9

* * * * *

In issues of theology, it is necessary to distinguish betweenthose which touch directly upon belief, and those, which do not, such as those issues, which come under the heading of the latif (refinements) of kalam.Our Shaykh al-Mufid cites many of these kinds of elaborations at the end of his Awailu 'l- maqalat.10 My goal in this introduction is limited to stating that the Imamiyyah did not take their beliefs from the Mu‘tazilah, and that anthropomorphism and corporealism did not reign over them for a single day prior to their contact with the Mu‘tazilah.

As forbeing influenced in issues like these, or being influenced in the type of demonstration used in issues connected with them, I do not rule it out; rather, there is much evidence for its occurence, but there was a two-way influence. What is most distressing is the ignorance of the influence Hisham ibn al- Hakam had on the two Mu‘tazili scholars, an-Nazzam and Abu Tayyib, for example, and the importance given to al-Mufid's being influenced by the Mu'tazilah.

As for the extent of the Mu‘tazill influence on al-Mufid, in particular, in matters of the latifu 'l-kalam in questions which did not touch directly upon doctrine, and especially al-Mufid's pursuance of the ideas of al-Ka‘bi al-Balkhi, which McDermott uses freely in his book The Theology of ash-Shaikh al-Mufid, I shall not discuss anything he states, since I have discussed the principles which he relies upon and given my opinion of them; as for the details, a discussion of them would form another article.

Itshould also be pointed out that taking from a non-Imami theologian does not necessarily mean that a student follows his teacher's opinions, especially as far as doctrinal differences he has with him are concerned. The non-Imami theologians of the earlier time were Mu‘tazili, and following the period of the Shaykhu’t-Taifah at-Tusi, were mostly Ash‘ari;a group of our Imami theologians were involved with them. In addition, and in contrast to this, there is the recorded involvement of non-Imami with Imami theologians, such as the students of Nasiru’d-Din at-Tusi, the famoustheologian and philosopher.

This is only the acquisition of information from a non-Imami shaykh; how many non-Imami shaykhs of hadith there were from whom al-Mufid, al-Murtada, at-Tusi, and al-Karajiki learnt, not to mention those who preceeded them, like as-Saduq, and those who succeeded them, like the ‘Allamah al-Hilli. These men weighed the hadith they heard with the scales they held to be correct; in their view, it was a necessity for them to reveal the soundness or otherwise of a hadith. The result of this is that the lmami Traditionist sought the assistance of what he heard from his non-Imami shaykh in substantiating what he believed about the Imamate, and the qualifications of the Imams, peacebe upon them, or in the refutation of arguments of adversaries.

This is the case as well in the sciences of theology, Qur’anic commentary, positive law, and jurisprudence. This sort of involvement was beneficial, in the first instance, in learning the usefulness of what the two sides agreed upon, and secondly, in making use of the teacher's knowledge in defense of what the student believed to be true.

Notes

1. Vizier to the Buyids (326/938–385/995).

2. The Theology of ash-Shaikh al-Mufid, pp.323, 341-9.

3. For his biography see the forward to the English translation of "Kitabu 'l-‘Aql wa 'l-Jahl" from al-Kafi.

4. al-Kafi, vol.1, pp.123-4, nos.323/324.

5. al-Kafi, vol.1, p.124.

6. at-Tibyan, vol.10, p.431.

7. at-Tawhid, pp.93, 140, 171.

8. Ibid., p.197.

9. 'Uyunu 'l-akhbar, vol.1, pp.3-7.

10.p.72 ff.