Knowing Islamic Sciences [Theology (Kalaam)]

Knowing Islamic Sciences [Theology (Kalaam)] Author:
Translator: Najim al-Khafaji
Publisher: www.alhassanain.org/english
Category: Fundamentals Of Religion

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Knowing Islamic Sciences [Theology (Kalaam)]

Knowing Islamic Sciences [Theology (Kalaam)]

Author:
Publisher: www.alhassanain.org/english
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Knowing Islamic Sciences

Murtadha Mutahhari

Knowing Islamic Sciences [Theology (Kalaam)]

Translated by:

Najim Al-Khafaji

Table of Contents

Introduction. 3

Foreword. 4

Lesson One: Scholastic Theology. 5

The origins of kalaam. 5

Researching or following? 6

The early issues 6

Rational and traditional debate 8

Lesson Two: Scholastic theology, a definition  9

The name 9

Schools of scholastic theology. 10

Lesson Three: The Mu’tazilites (1) 13

Monotheism. 14

Lesson Four: The Mu’tazilites (2) 16

The origin of Justice 16

Monotheism. 17

The middle way. 17

Enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong. 18

Lesson Five: The Mu’tazilites (3) 20

The Divine 20

Natural science 20

Man. 20

Social and political issues 21

The process of change and history. 21

Lesson Six: The Ash’arites 25

Lesson Seven: The Shia (1) 29

Lesson Eight: The Shia (2) 33

1. Monotheism: 34

2. Justice: 35

3. Freewill and choice: 35

4. Inherent good and repugnance: 35

5. Graciousness and opting for what is in the best interest of man: 36

6. Originality of the intellect, its independence and authoritativeness: 36

7. The aim behind God’s Actions: 36

8. Bada’, or change of mind, of the Divine Action is acceptable: 36

9. Seeing God: The Mu’tazilites vehemently deny this question. 37

10. The belief of the godless: 37

11. The infallibility of the Prophets and the Imams: 38

12. Forgiveness and intercession: 38

Introduction

For sometime now, we have been looking at giving the up and coming generation the attention that they deserve. Our aim is to make available to them the sort of things and literature that they identify with and like in different languages, amongst which is English. It is an undeniable fact that English has become the primary language of communication between our second generations living here in the West.

Accordingly, the Alul Bayt (a.s.) Foundation for Reviving the Heritage, London, U.K. has recognised the need for setting up a publishing house whose duty it is to translate the gems of our religious and cultural heritage to the main living languages. After discussing the idea with Hujjatul Islam as-Sayyid Jawad ash-Shahristani, the establishment of Dar Al-Hadi in London, U.K. has become a reality.

It is a known fact that many members of our younger generation aspire to become acquainted with and/or study the different disciplines taught in the conventional centres of religious learning and scholarship. And yet, it has been difficult for them to materialise this aim because of the complexity of the subject matter.

However, we have been lucky enough to come across a series of books intended to untangle these often highly complex fields and make them readily discernable by the layman. The author, Martyr Murtadha Mutahhari, who is among the luminaries of our school of thought, has been known for his original thought and vast contribution to the Islamic library.

This series has been chosen to inaugurate a project that we hope will grow to satisfy a pressing need for familiarisation with such complex material, which our younger generation have heard of but yet to understand its content and objectives.

Introducing these generations to Islamic sciences in this style, which aims to unravel the vague and make meaningful the ambiguous, is our main goal.

In the end, we pray to the Almighty to make this effort of ours beneficial to those who aspire to gain this type of knowledge, and bestow success on us to produce these booklets. Our aim and hopes are to gain happiness in this world and the hereafter. And Allah is the best friend and helper.

Fadhil Bahrululum

Dar Al-Hadi Publications

London, U.K.

Thul Hijja, 1423 H. (February 2003)

Foreword

It is not strange to raise the question of how can one make simpler a complex subject such as the science ofkalaam or (scholastic theology)? This is what we have set out to do. In this booklet we have attempted to make the subject accessible as well as seeking to be as concise as possible.

This booklet is not only introduces the science ofkalaam to the reader but attempts to answer the questions on the subject as well. As such, questions like what is exactly the science ofkalaam ? What is it trying to achieve? What does it deal with? Why is it called by this name? And how did it come into existence? are questions that the booklet will attempt to examine.

However, the final say is that of the reader.

Fadhil Bahrul Uloom

Lesson One: Scholastic Theology

The science of scholastic, or speculative, theology (kalaam ) is an Islamic science. It is concerned with discussing Islamic beliefs, or what should be upheld of such beliefs from an Islamic perspective. Thus,kalaam seeks to explain the matters relating to these beliefs, advancing the evidence in support thereof and defending the same.

Muslim scholars divide the body of Islamic teachings into three categories:

1. Beliefs: This category deals with the questions and knowledge that one has to be familiar with and subsequently believe in, such as monotheism, the Attributes of the Creator, universal and exclusive prophethood, etc. However, Islamic schools of thought differed as to what constitutes the fundamentals of religion and thereby have to be espoused as such.

2. Ethics: This category deals with the issues and teachings that discuss the “status of man”, i.e. those questions relating to moral qualities and spiritual characteristics, such as fairness, piety, courage, integrity, wisdom, rectitude, truthfulness, trustworthiness, etc.

3. Laws: This category takes care of matters relating to the performance and mechanics of acts of worship, such as prayer, fast, hajj (pilgrimage), jihad, enjoining good and forbidding evil, sale and hire, marriage, divorce, inheritance, etc. This category is known by another title, namely, jurisprudence.

According to such a division, Islamic teachings have become the main thrust of Islam, to the exclusion of Islamic sciences that discuss the preliminaries, such as humanities, logic, and to a certain extent philosophy.

Also, according to this dissection, there has been a focus on the relationship between Islamic teachings and man. That is, matters relating to man’s intellect have been given the name “beliefs”, whereas the title “ethics” has become synonymous with questions concerning man’s morals and spiritual welfare. As for the issues relating to how man goes about conducting his devotions, they have been given the name “jurisprudence”.

As shall, God willing, be explained, although jurisprudence is considered one science, from a juridical perspective, yet it consists of a number of sub sciences.

However,kalaam (speculative or scholastic theology) is the science that is concerned with Islamic beliefs or doctrines. It used to be called “fundamentals of religion” or “unity and attributes”.

The origins of kalaam

It is not possible to determine with absolute certainty when the science of scholastic theology started. Yet, the middle of the secondHijri (Islamic lunar calendar) century witnessed the beginning of the controversy between Muslims over issues of akalaam nature. Thus, questions of freewill, predestination, and justice, were debated. Perhaps, the first official seminary was that of al-Hassan al-Basri (d. 110 H.).

Two towering figures, who lived in the middle of the second century, come to mind, especially when one talks about vehement defence of man’s freewill. They are Ma’bad al-Juhni [d. 80/669] and Gheelan ad-Dimashqi

[of Damascus, d. 150/767]. On the other side of the ideological divide, there were the proponents of the doctrine of predestination. The latter were known as “jabri’ites ”, as opposed to the former, “qadri’ites”.

The differences between these two schools of thought had crept into other issues relating to divinity, natural and social sciences, man and resurrection. The qadri’ites were later known by the name, “mu’tazilites” [lit. the separatists, founded by Wasil bin Ata’ (130/748), the student of al-Hassan al-Basri after he had turned his back to his teacher] and thejabri’ites [from the Arabic rootjabr (necessity, compulsion)], “ash’ari’ites”, [i.e. named after the founder of the School, Abul Hassan Ali bin Ismail al-Ash’ari (d. 324/935)].

The orientalists and their disciples are adamant that the beginning of deductive work in the world of Islam started with that sort of debate.

Nevertheless, the truth is that deductive research in Islamic fundamentals emanated from the Holy Qur’an. The prophetic traditions and the sermons of Imam Ali (a.s.) used to provide the commentary on those Qur’anic passages. It has to be noted, though, that that scholarship varied in style and substance, pursuant to the calibre of Muslim speculative theologians (mutakalimeen).

Researching or following?

The Holy Qur’an has secured the pillars of belief according to reasoning. It has always aimed to make people reach conviction by way of intellection or rational judgement. The Holy Book does not consider worship in matters of belief sufficient. Therefore, fundamentals of religion have to be examined through logic.

Questions such as the existence of God and His unity should be resolved by way of rational judgement, so as the prophethood of Mohammad (s.a.w.). This is how the science of the fundamentals of religion emerged during the first century of the Islamic era.

The embracing of Islam by non-Arabs, the existence of different ideologies and principles, and the co-existence of Muslims with the followers of other religions, such as Jews, Christians, Magians, and Sabians, had precipitated debate between Muslims. Those developments and the interaction between all those peoples were instrumental in the appearance of groups, such as atheists, thanks to the general climate of freedom, especially at the time of the Abbasid caliphate. The latter did not mind the proliferation of such trends, provided that holding such views did not constitute any divergence from the ruling establishment’s general guidelines. Philosophy, which called for freethinking and the casting of doubt and false arguments, also came to the fore. All those developments called for scrutiny in the fundamental structures of Islam, with a view of consolidating them, hence the emergence of great speculative theologians (mutakalimeen) in the second, third and fourth centuries of the Islamic era.

The early issues

Perhaps, among the early issues, which became the bone of contention between Muslims, was the question of predestination and freewill. This was

quite natural, not least because it has a bearing on man’s destiny, hence, the importance attached to it by any sensible person.

There might not be a single intellectually mature society whose members do not engage in debate on these matters. Moreover, since the Holy Qur’an discussed these issues in many verses, it has become the driving force behind the dialogue on such questions between people.

Therefore, we should not go far in order to find a justification for the appearance of this issue in the world of Islam. As for the orientalists, they always seek to refute the originality of Islamic sciences and thought, in any way possible, above all, by tracing such knowledge and scholarship to domains outside the realm of Islam, especially, Christianity. That is why, they try to attribute the science ofkalaam (speculative theology) to some other ideology, i.e. not Islamic. After all, this is what they tried to do with even purely Arabic sciences, such as grammar, metrics, rhetoric, figures of speech, and Islamic gnosis, or mysticism (Irfan ).

The research in predestination and freewill also deals with the question of decree and destiny (qadha and qadr ). Insofar as its relationship with the human beings is concerned, it is called predestination and freewill (jabr and ikhtiyar ). And as far as its link with God is concerned, it is called decree and destiny. The research has been extended to cover the issue of [Divine] Justice (adl ) for the obvious correlation between predestination and injustice, on the one hand, and freewill and justice, on the other.

Justice, however, led to the study of the “inbuilt good and repugnance” (husn and qubh ) of the human actions; this in turn led to the study of reason (aql) and intellectual independence.

As a result of discussing all these topics, yet another subject came to the fore, viz. wisdom (hikma ), i.e. the wise intents and purposes of the Divine. The research had gradually developed to cover other topics, such as the unity of actions (Tawheed afa’ali ) and the unity of attributes (Tawheed sifati ). This will be discussed later on.

These scholastic theology issues and research had branched out into a plethora of subjects that have a philosophical dimension, such as the studies in the essence and manifestations of things and the composition of the body from inseparable parts. Scholastic theologians have considered carrying out those studies as necessary, i.e. preparing the ground for the discussions of the issues dealing with the fundamentals of religion, especially creation and resurrection (mabda’ and ma’ad ).

Thus, a number of issues, which used to be the exclusive domain of philosophy, had become part and parcel of the science of scholastic theology, hence the spanning of topics between philosophy andkalaam (speculative theology).

Reading speculative theology books, especially those written in the seventh century of the Islamic era onward, you will discover that mostkalaam issues were the ones discussed by philosophers, Muslims in particular.

Philosophy andkalaam had great impact on each other. One such influence was thatkalaam had introduced new subjects into philosophy. For its part, philosophy had widened the horizons ofkalaam , in that discussing

philosophical questions within a speculative theology setting had become necessary. Hopefully, we shall be able to expand on this subject by giving examples later on.

Rational and traditional debate

Despite the fact that the science ofkalaam is a deductive and analogous one, in the premises and principles it espouses to reaching logical conclusions, it consists of two parts, i.e. rational (aqli ) and traditional (naqli ).

Reason comprises the questions that are the exclusive preserve of reason, or intellect. Nevertheless, if tradition is resorted to in the process, it can be considered as an extra piece of evidence on the rational judgement. Issues of debate of this sort include monotheism, prophethood, and some topics relating to resurrection, where you cannot rely exclusively on tradition, i.e. the Holy Qur’an and Prophetic tradition (sunnah ). You have to count on reason.

Tradition is concerned with issues pertaining to the fundamentals of religion that one must believe and have faith in. However, since it is a branch of prophethood, and not above it, it is sufficient to prove the issues by way of divine revelation or authentic prophetichadith (tradition), such as those questions relating to imamate; according to Shiite doctrine, imamate is among the fundamentals of religion. The same goes for the majority of the topics that are relevant to the question of resurrection.

Lesson Two: Scholastic theology, a definition

It suffices to say that scholastic theology is a science that is concerned with studying the fundamentals of Islamic faith. In other words, it aims to clearly segregate the matters that relate to the fundamentals of religion, proving their veracity with demonstrative proofs and responding to scepticism and baseless arguments levelled against them.

In books that deal with logical and philosophical issues, there is a reference to the fact that for each and every science there is a special subject and that what sets any science apart from the other and makes it different is the uniqueness of the subject it discusses.

Of course, this is true. The sciences whose topics have realistic unity fit this description. However, there can be other sciences, whose topics are numerous, yet subjective, provided that there is a common goal to be served, which is the reason for such unity and subjectivity (I’itibar )

Scholastic theology is of the second type, in that the unity of its issues is not intrinsic and qualitative but a subjective one. Thus, it is not essential to look for one subject for the science ofkalaam (scholastic theology).

As for the sciences, whose subject matter can demonstrate a fundamental unity, there will not be a possibility of interlocking of their ingredients, i.e. interdependent co-existence. On the other hand, for sciences whose unities are subjective, there can be no harm if their issues intersect another science the unity of whose subject matter is central. This is the reason for the science ofkalaam having something in common with philosophy, psychology or sociology.

Some scholars tried to come up with a subject and a definition for the science ofkalaam , like those for philosophy. They advanced a number of theories in this regard. This is wrong. Having a unity of subject concerns the sciences that can demonstrate a natural unity of issues. Conversely, any science that lacks this intrinsic unity, in other words, it is subjective, there cannot be a single subject for it.

The name

There had been a debate concerning the name given to this science, i.e. why is it calledkalaam ? When was it given this name? Some attributed this name to the stature it gives the one who is familiar with it, in that he grows in stature the more he is involved in debate, or speech (kalaam ) and in reaching rational conclusions. Others say that the name was derived from the introductory phrase “Debating, or speaking of, this, or that issue..” scholastic theologians (mutakalimeen) used to start their writings or deliberations with. A third party said that it was named the science ofkalaam because it involves “debating, talking about, or discussing”, the issues the traditionists, or scholars of tradition, (ahlul hadith ) prefer to keep “quiet” about. A fourth group are of the opinion that the name can be traced back to the discussion in the context of this science about “God’s speech -kalaam ”, which led to untold conflict and killings; that is why that period was branded “the age of tribulation”, in that people of that time overindulged in argument and polemics about religious fundamentals and on whether God’s speech was eternal or created.

Schools of scholastic theology

As there was disagreement between Muslims on juridical issues and the branches of religion, ending in the setting up of different schools of thought, such as Jafari’ite, Zaidite, Hanafite, Shafi’ite, and Hanbali’ite, there was disagreement between them over doctrinal matters. Each group had adopted special principles. The most important amongkalaam (scholastic theology) schools of thought are Shiite, Mu’atazilite, Ash’arite, and Murji’ite.

At this juncture, a question, tinged with regret, may be posed about the disunity of Muslims over juridical and scholastic theology issues. Their differences inkalaam have given rise to their disunity in Islamic thought. Their differences over juridical matters have deprived them of the ability to show a united front in action.

Although posing the question and expressing regret are legitimate, yet the attention must be drawn to these two points:

1. The differences between Muslims over these issues are not so acute that they may shake the foundations of their doctrinal unity and joint programmes. The things they have in common are so many that they render the issues they disagree over insignificant.

2. Ideological and theoretical differences in a society that still demonstrate common ideological fundamentals are inevitable. So long as the differences stem from the same premises and principles and are a result of the different approaches to deduction, without compromising the main objects and aims, such differences are beneficial, in that they enhance research and scholarship. However, should these differences turn into entrenched positions, bigotry, and irrational inclinations, and the individual effort becomes obsessed with degrading others, without a real attempt to reform the approach, it would lead to disastrous results. The Shia (Shi’ite) school of thought makes it obligatory on themukallaf [compos mentis: The person obligated to observe the precepts of religion] to follow a living jurist (mujtahid). For their part, the jurists must exert themselves, through scholarship, to arrive at independent judgements, being vigilant as not to fall under the sway of the legal opinions of bygone generations of jurists and great personas. This ijtihad [lit. exertion: the process of arriving at judgements on points of religious law, using reason and the principles of jurisprudence “usul al-fiqh”] and independent thinking would inevitably cause difference in opinion. However, this particular issue is responsible for giving the Shia jurisprudence the extra edge, survival, and continuity. In its general outlines, difference is not a bad thing. What is condemnable is that difference resulting from ill intentions and evil ulterior motives of those who seek to sow discord among Muslims. Questions such as exploring the history of Islamic thought and the differences that came to the fore as a result of ill intentions and prejudice, the differences of opinion that emanated from rational thinking, and whether or not we should consider all issues ofkalaam as fundamental and juridical issues as peripheral are outside the scope of these lessons. Before starting to discuss the schools ofkalaam , we have to allude to the fact that a group of Muslim scholars were diametrically opposed to embarking onkalaam or rational study in the questions of fundamentals of religion. They branded this type of scholarship

an impermissible deed and a heresy, or innovation (bida’a ). This group is known as “ahlul hadith ”, or the proponents (scholars) ofhadith (tradition). On top of the list of outstanding scholars of this group was Ahmed bin Hanbal [d.245/833], the founder of the Hambalite Sunni juridical school of thought. The Hanbalites are archenemies of any sort ofkalaam , be it Mu’tazilite or Asha’rite, let alone Shiite. They are also known for their contraposition on philosophy and logic. The Hanbalite, Ibn Taymiyyah [d.728/1327], the well-known jurist passed a fatwa (edict) forbidding the involvement in scholastic theology (kalaam ) and logic (mantiq). Jalaluddin as-Suyuti, another member ofahlul hadith wrote a book entitled, “Sawn al-Mantiq wal kalaam an al-Mantiq wal kalaam ”, i.e. the “preservation of logic and speech from the encroachments of the sciences of logic and scholastic theology”. Malik bin Anas [d.179/795], the founder of the Malikite School of Thought, did not license any research into doctrinal issues. As we have already mentioned, the most important schools of scholastic theology are the Shiite, Mu’atazilite, Ash’arite, and Murji’ite. Some scholars considered the Kahrijite, and the Ismaelite among the schools of Islamic scholastic theology. However, we do not consider them as such. The Kahrijites have espoused a special brand of beliefs in the fundamentals of religion. Maybe, they were the first ones to do so. They have talked about some beliefs in the context of imamate, deeming those who reject it asfasiq (godless), whom they have branded unbeliever. Yet, (a) they did not establish an ideological school capable of deducing legal opinion; in other words, they did not set up an ideological system in the world of Islam; and (b) in our opinion, as Shia Muslims, their deviant ideological opinions have reached a proportion that they are considered outside the pale of Islam. However, this has made things palatable, in that the Khrijites have almost died out, except for a tolerant faction of them, i.e. the Abadhi’ites. The survival of the group is attributed to the broad-mindedness of its members. As for the Batinites (secretive), i.e. the Ismaelites, they have introduced so many unsavoury innovations into Islamic thought that it can be said that they left Islam in a state of topsy-turvy. For this reason, Muslims are not prepared to consider them as one of them any more. Some forty years ago, the Group for Rapprochement between Islamic Schools of Thought was established in Cairo, Egypt. The founding fathers were Twelver and Zaidite Shia, Hanafi’ites, Shafi’ites, Malikites, and Hanbalites. The Ismaelites tried very hard to be represented, but all Muslims gave them the cold shoulder. However, despite their apparent deviation from the right path, the Ismaelites, unlike the Kharijites – who did not have a distinct school of thought, have a school of thought, featuring scholastic theology and philosophy. Over the ages, famous intellectuals had emerged from their ranks, leaving behind an ideological heritage. Of late, the orientalists have shown keen interest in their opinions and books. Among the towering figures of the Ismaelites is Nassir Khisro al-Alawi, the Farsi famous poet (d. 841 H.). His known books are, Jami’ul Hukmain (the Compendium of the Two Rules), Wajhuddin (the Face of Religion), and Khawan (sic) Ikhwan (the Brothers). Abu Hatim ar-Razi (d. 332 H.), the author of A’alamun Nubbuwwah (The Beacons of Prophethood), is another great Ismaelite

figure. Another one is Abu Ya’qoub as-Sajistani (d. circa second half of the fourthHijri century), the author of Kashful Mahjoub (Unveiling the Concealed); the Farsi translation of this book was printed some ten years ago. Also, among other famous personalities of the Ismaelites is Hamiduddin al-Kirmani, the student of Abu Ya’qoub as-Sajistani. He was a prolific writer on the tenets of the Ismaelites. Abu Hanifa an-Nu’man bin Tahbit, known as Judge Nu’man and widely known as well by Abu Hanifa ash-Shii, i.e. the Ismaeli Shiite, [to differentiate him from the founder of the Sunni School of Thought, the Hanifi’ite ]. He undertook credible and good research in jurisprudence andhadith . His book, Da’a’imul Islam (the Pillars of Islam) is in circulation.

Lesson Three: The Mu’tazilites (1)

We embark on this study into the Mua’tazilites for a reason, which we will discuss later.

This group came into being towards the end of the first century of the Islamic era, or at the turn of the second century. Naturally, during this period,kalaam , or scholastic theology, had already developed into a fully-fledged science.

At the outset, we list down the Mua’tazilites’ distinctive systems of belief. We will then make reference to their famous personalities, stating some outstanding dates in their calendar, and ending with the process of change their doctrines had gone through before they took their final shape.

The issues the Mu’tazilites had discussed were diverse, in that they were not only interested in purely religious beliefs, which should be upheld from their perspective. Any thing that has a bearing on the religious, they did not hesitate to embark on discussing. Thus, issues of philosophical, social, humanitarian, and environmental dimensions were discussed. However, according to them, these issues have a relationship with issues of faith and conviction. They believe that discussing the latter was not going to come true unless the former subjects were discussed.

The Mu’tazilites hold five tenets, they consider fundamental to their core belief:

1. Monotheism, i.e. in Essence and Attributes.

2. Justice, i.e. God is Just and is incapable of doing injustice.

3. Promise and threat, i.e. God has promised those who obeyed Him with reward. By the same token, He has threatened those who disobeyed Him with punishment. And since the promised reward will not be revoked, so will the threat of punishment. However, forgiveness is feasible only with man’s repentance. Forgiveness will not be granted without it.

4. The middle way, i.e. thefasiq (godless), i.e. the person who has committed a cardinal sin, such as consuming alcohol, adultery, or lying, is neither a believer nor an unbeliever. That is, they are neither here nor there; in other words, half way between belief and unbelief.

5. Enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil; the Mu’tazilites argue that the way to know what is good and what is evil is not confined to sharia law, in that independent reasoning is capable of recognizing good and evil. Furthermore, they maintain that upholding this duty does not necessarily require the existence of an Imam, or leader, since it is the duty of all Muslims to uphold it. And yet, they also recognize that some aspects of this duty are the prerogatives of the leaders of Muslims, such as executing the Islamic penal code, preserving the integrity of Muslim territories, and other government affairs.

Mu’tazilite theologians discussed those fundamental tenets in detail, in works, such as alUsul al-Khamsa (the Five Fundamentals) by Judge Abdul Jabbar al-Mu’tazili, who was a contemporaneous to Sahib bin Abbad and as-Sayyid al-Murtadha Allamul Huda.

As is evident, monotheism and justice are the only tenets that can be considered as those of belief/faith. As for the remaining three fundamentals, they are distinctly Mu’atazilite. Even “Justice”, which is a religious

necessity, as is evident in the Qur’an, being one of the five fundamentals of religion, has been considered as one of their five tenets, because they deem it among the features of their school of thought. Otherwise, it is not different from the Divine Omniscience and Omnipotence that are among the necessities of religion and its beliefs.

According to the Shia School of Thought, Justice is one of the five fundamentals of religion. At this point, one may pose a question as to the uniqueness of this fundamental that made it one of the five fundamentals. That is, as God is Just, He is Omniscient, Living, Hearing, Seeing, and Omnipotent. Man has to believe in all those Attributes. So, why was Justice singled out with distinction above the rest?

The answer to this question is that Justice does not have any merit over and above any other Attributes. As for Shia theologians, they have made it one of the five fundamentals of the faith, whereas the Ash’arites, who constitute the majority of Sunnis, denied it, unlike the other Attributes, such as Omniscience, Life, and Will.

Accordingly, believing in Justice is one of the characteristics of Shia beliefs, as is the case with the Mu’tazilites.

Therefore, the five tenets are the main features of the Mu’tazilite School of Thought, despite the fact that not all their beliefs are reflected in those five tenets, for they put forward and discussed many subjects relating to divinity, natural sciences, sociology, and the humanities.

Monotheism

Monoteism is of different orders and categories. These include Unity of the Essence (Tawheed thati), Unity of the Attributes (Tawheed sifati ), Unity of the Actions (Tawheed afa’ali ), Unity of worship (Tawheed ibadi ).

Unity of the Essence means that the Essence of God is one, none is like Him and no similitude can apply to Him. Everything else is created by Him and thus lower than Him in status and perfection; rather, it cannot be compared to Him. The Qur’anic verses, “None is like Him ” and “And there is none like unto Him ” testify to this.

Unity of the Attributes means that God’s Attributes, such as knowledge, power, life, will, perception, hearing, and vision are not distinct from His nature. In other words, any of these Attributes could qualify for His Essence.

Unity of the Actions means that all actions, including those of man, are commissioned with the will of God.

Unity of worship means that there is no one besides God who is worthy of worship. Worshipping others amounts to polytheism (shirk ) and thus causes estrangement from the domain of Islamic monotheism.

Exclusively worshipping the One and Only God is different from other categories, in that the other three relate to God, whereas Unity of worship relates to man.

In other words, upholding (a) the integrity of His Essence, rendering it devoid of any peer or similitude, (b) the unity of His Attributes, and (c) the Unity of the Actions, are considered His exclusive preserve. As for the unity of worship, it means that one should worship the One and Only God. And yet, unity of worship can still be considered of His own affairs, in that it

involves calling no associates with Him and that He is worthy of worship, i.e. being the True and Only God that should be worshiped; the phrase, “There is no god but God ” consists of all classes of monotheism. Naturally, it suggests unity of worship.

Unity of the Essence and Unity of worship are the two ancient parts of fundamentals of belief in Islam. For any Muslim to experience any mix-up in these two parts, he would not be deemed Muslim. That is why Muslims are unanimous in upholding these two fundamentals.

However, the Wahhabi sect, founded by Mohammad bin Abdul Wahhab, a follower of Ibn Taymiyyah al-Hanbali ash-Shami maintains that some of Muslims’ beliefs, such as intercession, and some of their devotional works, such as pleading with the prophets and the good Muslims go against the grain of worship. And yet, the rest of Muslims do not share the Wahhabis their views.

Therefore, the disagreement of the Wahhabis with the rest of Muslims does not revolve around the issue of whether the true Unity of worship is exclusively God’s or others’, such as the prophets. This goes without saying. Rather, the argument concentrates on whether or not these intercessions and invocations are types of worship. Muslim scholars refuted the Wahhabi argument with detailed counterargument and plenty of evidence.

As regards Unity of the Attributes, there has been a rift between the Mu’tazilite and Ash’arites, in that the latter denied it, whereas the former upheld it. Another disagreement erupted between the two schools regarding Unity of the Actions, but this time the other way round; the Ash’arites upheld it, whereas the Mu’tazilites rejected it.

When the Mu’tazilites call themselves Ahlut Tawhid (the People of Monotheism), and deem monotheism one of their five tenets, they mean Unity of the Attributes, and not that of the Essence or of Worship – because both of them are not subject of disagreement. The exclusion also goes for Unity of the Actions, because they (a) deny it and (b) deal with their belief in it under the tenet of Justice, which is the second in the order of the five fundamentals they advocate.

Both the Ash’arites and the Mu’tazilites are diametrically opposed to one another regarding the categories of Unity of the Attributes and Unity of the Actions. The proponents of each school discussed their evidence in support of their respective arguments. In a separate chapter, we shall discuss the Shia belief regarding the two categories.

Chapter 2: Shi’ite commentators (Mufassirin) and their commentaries (Tafsirs)

The Sacred Text has been subject to interpretations (tafsir), hermeneutics (ta’wil) and mystical exegesis throughout Islamic history. The Shi’ite understanding of the Qur’an is founded on the doctrinal belief that the Shi’ite Imams possess the hidden, esoteric (batin) knowledge of the verses of the Qur’an.

2-1 The principles of Shi’i tafsir and the relation between the Imams and the Qur’an

Tafsir means “interpretation” in general but not always of the Qur’an. “The most significant usage of the word is its reference to the branch of Islamic learning concerned with the Qur’an.

A tafsir of the Qur’an is a work which provides an interpretation of the Arabic text of the scripture. In most cases, a work entitled tafsir will follow the text of the Qur’an from the beginning to the end and will provide an interpretation (tafsir) of segments of the text (word-by-word, phrase-by- phrase or verse-by-verse) as a running commentary.

The major exceptions to this fundamental characteristic are to be found in the formative and the contemporary periods of Islam. In the formative period, one finds works of tafsir, which cover only isolated segments of the text, and in the contemporary period, thematic tafasir (mawdu’i) have become quite popular.

Different mufassirun have different concerns and goals and this is reflected in the relative weight they put upon elements such as history, grammar, law, theology...”1 The commentaries of the Qur’an are useful for deciphering the message of the Qur’an. Many people who read the Sacred Book receive no more from it than the literal message.

It is in the commentaries, based on the clarification afforded by the hadith and written by those who are qualified in the true sense, that man comes to understand explicitly and in more extended form what is contained often implicitly and in a contracted form in the Qur’an.2

a) The principles of Shi’i tafsir

• The exoteric and esoteric aspects of the Qur’an

Among the principles of the Shi’i tafsir is that the Qur’an has an outer dimension (zahir) and an inner dimension (batin) and the simple surface text of a verse unfolds multiple meanings and exemplifies a feature to be found throughout the Qur’an.3

Indeed the Qur’an is meant for men and women of any level of intellect and from any social background, and “since the expounding of subtle knowledge is not without danger of misinterpretation, the Qur’an directs its teachings primarily at the level of the common man.

The Qur’an reveals itself in a way suitable for different levels of comprehension so that each benefits according to his own capacity.” Also certain verses contain metaphors which indicate divine gnosis far beyond the common man’s understanding but which nevertheless become comprehensible through their metaphorical form.4

These exoteric and esoteric aspects of the Qur’an have also been identified with the principles of tafsir and ta’wil respectively, Tafsir being the explanation of the external aspect and the literal exegesis of the Qur’an using different fields like Arabic grammar, poetry, linguistic, jurisprudence or history as references to elucidate the difficulties of the literal text, and Ta’wil signifying “to take back or reconduct something to its origin and archetype (asl)”.5

The basis in any case remains the corpus of teachings and hadith of the Imams who expounded the rules of the plurality of meanings in the Qur’an.6 In other words, Ta’wil or symbolic and hermeneutic interpretation enables penetration into the inner meaning of the Sacred Text, which in fact entails a reaching back to its Origin.

The idea of penetrating into the inner meaning of things can be seen everywhere in Islam. But it is particularly in the case of the Qur’an that ta’wil is applied, especially by the Sufis and the Shi’as7 .8

There is considerable disagreement as to the meaning of ta’wil, and it is possible to count more than ten different views. Tabatabai explains that ta’wil is not in opposition to the actual text but is used to extend the idea expressed to include a further meaning.9

Also, sufficient deliberation upon the Qur’anic verses and the hadith of the Imams will show that the Qur’an never uses enigmatic methods of explanation. “What has been rightly called ta’wil or hermeneutic interpretation of the Holy Qur’an is not concerned with certain truths and realities that transcend the comprehension of the common run of men”.

In fact, “the whole of the Qur’an possesses the sense of ta’wil, of esoteric meaning, which cannot be comprehended directly through human thought alone.” Only the Prophet and the pure among the saints can contemplate these meanings in this world. “On the Day of Resurrection, the ta’wil of the Qur’an will be revealed to everyone.”10

• The abrogating (nasikh) and the abrogated (mansukh) verses

Abrogating verses are those which are applicable and relevant at all times and abrogated verses are not relevant and have already been fulfilled.11

• The explicit (muhkam) and the implicit (mutashabih) verses

The verse 7 in the sura 3 of the Qur’an divides the Qur’an into two parts: the explicit and the implicit, the clear and the allegorical, or the muhkam and the mutashabih. The verses, which are explicit and immediate in their message, are incapable of being misinterpreted.

The implicit verses are not of this nature, but seem to express a meaning containing a further truer meaning whose interpretation is known only to God. This view is accepted by both the Sunnite and the Shi’ite scholars; however, the Shi’ites believe that the Prophet and the Imams of his family also understood the hidden meanings and maintain that the ordinary man must seek knowledge of the implicit verses from them (the Prophet and his family).12

Tabatabai relates from the Imams that each verse, even if its meaning is not apparent or explicit, can be explained by reference to other verses. Thus, the real meaning of the implicit verses can be found in relation to the explicit verses and the assertion that no means exist for understanding the implicit verses is fallacious.

He also reports a prophetic hadith (reported by al-‘Amili, in al-Durr al-Manthur, vol.2, p.8): “In truth, the Qur’an was not revealed so that one part may contradict the other, but rather was revealed so that one part may verify the other. You understand what you can of it, then, act accordingly; and that which is unclear for you, simply believe in it.”13

b) The Imams and the Ahl al-Bayt in relation to the Qur’an

The Shi’ites have agreed that God revealed to Muhammad both the Qur’an and its exegesis and appointed him as the teacher of the Book,14 while the Prophet appointed his progeny to carry on this work after him. In two places of the Qur’an, (33:33) and (56: 77-79), God has confirmed the Prophet's declaration that his progeny held real knowledge of the Book.15

In a long and well-known tradition (hadith al-Thaqalayn) related by both Shi’i and Sunni traditionists, the Qur’an is presented as the ‘greater weight’ (al-thaqal al-akbar) and the Imams as the ‘lesser weight’ (al-thaqal al-asghar).

In the presence of many of his Companions, the Prophet declared: “I am soon about to be received..... I am telling you before I am taken up that I shall leave with you, as representatives after me, the Book of my Lord, and my progeny, the people of my household, the ahl al-bayt that the All-Gracious, All-Knowing, told me that they shall not be separated until they meet me on the day of Resurrection..... Do not precede them, for you would go astray, and do not fall behind them, for you would perish. Do not teach them, for they are of greater knowledge than you.”16

Numerous traditions in several chapters describe the knowledge of the Imams, especially in the hadith collection of Kulayni. The Shi’ites consider the Imams as associates of the Qur’an. The Prophet and Imams are distinguished by the inheritance of divine knowledge and they alone know the full meaning of the Qur’an, since it was to them that it was primarily addressed and through them to the rest of humankind.

Also they possess all the revealed Books of the previous Prophets and knew their tafsir and ta’wil despite the number of languages in which they were written. Thus, the Imams have a unique relation to the Qur’an that gives Shi’i tafsir its unique character.

It is also believed that the Qur’an, which Ali wrote down from the dictation of Muhammad with its true exegesis (ta’wil), was passed down from one Imam to the next and is now with the hidden Imam who will disclose it and judge by it when he returns as the expected Mahdi.17

2-2 The historical development and method of Shi’i tafsir

The interpretation of the Qur’an (tafsir) began right at the time of its revelation and is one of the earliest activities in Islamic sciences. The first exegetes among the Companions of the Prophet were Ibn ‘Abbas, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Umar, Ubay ibn Ka’b and others.18 People used to ask the Prophet all sorts of questions as to the meaning of certain statements in the verses and the Prophet undertook the teaching and explanation of the Qur’an.

The Prophet’s answers were stored up in the memory of his Companions. After the Prophet's death, a group of his Companions were occupied with the science of commentary and its transmission. Just as they had heard the Prophet explaining the meaning of the verses, they would transmit it orally to other trustworthy persons.19

Exegesis in those days was confined to the explanation of literary aspects of the verse, the background of its revelation, and occasionally interpretation of one verse with the help of another. Sometimes a few of the Prophet's traditions were narrated.

Followers of these first Companions (Tabi’un), who lived in the first two centuries of hijra, used the same exegetic style. However, they relied more on traditions, and even Jewish sayings and dictums to explain the verses containing details of the previous nations present in Genesis20 because the tafsir transmission from the Prophet through the Companions and the Tabi’un did not cover all the verses in the Qur’an.

Some scholars relied on their knowledge of the language and historical facts of the Prophet's epoch.21 During the time of the Companions and the Tabi’un, the science of tafsir was part of the hadith and there was hardly any difference between mufassirun and muhaddithun (traditionists or narrators of hadith) until the complete separation of the two in the early third century,22 when exegesis became an independent, autonomous science.23

The activity of tafsir during the first two centuries is reflected by the tafsir of Ibn Jarir al-Tabari. His collections are said to have contained materials from various earlier works and his work is evidence of the general recognition of tafsir in early third century AH. It was the first attempt to comment on the whole of the Qur’an verse by verse.24

During the second century A.H., Muslim society split into four groups: the theologians, the philosophers, the Sufis, and the people of tradition. This divergence showed itself later in exegesis of the Qur’an.25 Indeed, after Tabari, the development of tafsir came to be associated with different fields of knowledge, doctrines and thought, and scholars attempted to make their field of knowledge a basis for their commentary in order to support their views from the Qur’an.

Scholars working in the field of philosophy considered philosophy a basis for their commentaries while scholars in the legal field employ the tafsir to project the doctrine of their particular school of thought, and so on.26

For Tabatabai, all these ways of exegesis are defective because they superimpose their conclusions on the Qur’anic meanings, making the Qur’an conform with their ideas. Thus, explanation turns into adaptation.27 Tabatabai stated that the only correct method of exegesis is that the exegete explains the verse with the help of other relevant verses, meditating on them together. The Prophet and the Imams descended from his progeny always used this method for explaining the Qur’an.28

Similarly Mutahhari explains that the Qur’an constitutes a coherent unified structure and some verses need to be explained with the help of other verses in order to prevent any misunderstanding about certain problems. If a solitary verse is studied without placing it in its proper context, it will give a different meaning from when it is compared with other verses dealing with a similar subject.29

Also, while Sunni commentators in the early period of tafsir relied primarily on prophetic traditions and those of the Companions and their successors, the Shi’ite commentators, in studying a verse of the Qur’an, viewed the explanation given by the Prophet as proof of the meaning of the verse, and did not accept the sayings of the Companions or their followers as indisputable proof that the tradition came from the Prophet.

The Shi’ite commentators only recognized as valid an unbroken chain of narration from the Prophet through members of his family. Accordingly, in using and transmitting the verses concerning Qur’anic commentary, they restricted themselves to the use of traditions transmitted by the Prophet and by the Imams belonging to the Prophet’s family.30

The first generation of Shi’ite commentators and authorities on tafsir were disciples of the Imams and others close to the disciples, who learned the traditions directly from the Prophet and the Imams of the Prophet’s family.

Among them were such scholars as Zurarah ibn A’yun and Muhammad ibn Muslim, Ma’ruf ibn Kharbudh and Jarir, who were Companions of the fifth and sixth Imams, or Abu Hamzah al- Thumali (a special Companion of the fourth and fifth Imams)31 . Their traditions have been preserved in the works of the second generation of commentators and compilers of commentaries. These were consecutively:

• Furat Ibn Ibrahim al-Kufi, who lived during the Imamate of the ninth Imam, Muhammad al-Jawad, and might have lived until the first years of the tenth century A.D. He was one of the foremost authorities in Shi’ite traditions and one of the teachers of the famous traditionist al-Qummi.

• Muhammad al-‘Ayyashi, a contemporary of Furat Ibn Ibrahim al-Kufi, was a Sunni scholar who accepted Shi’ism, and became a great Shi’a scholar.

• Ali Ibn Ibrahim al-Qummi (d. 307 AH/919-20 AD), who related traditions received from his father who had, in turn, learned them from many of the Imams' disciples.

• Muhammad al-Nu’mani, who survived into the tenth century AD. Al-Nu’mani (d.360 AH/971 AD) was one of al-Kulayni's students. He left an important tafsir that he related on the authority of the sixth Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq. These two generations represent the pre-classical period of Shi’ite tafsir.32 They avoided any kind of ijtihad or passing of judgement. The Imams were indeed living among Muslims and availabl for questioning for a period of almost three hundred years.

The third generation of Shi’ite commentators extended over a very long period, well into the sixteenth century AD. They included: al-Sharif al-Radhiy (d.405 AH/1015 AD) and his well-known brother al-Sayyed al-Murtadha (d.436 AH/1044 AD); Abu Ja’far al-Tusi (d.460AH/1067AD) who was a student of al-Murtadha and whose commentary, al-Tybian fi tafsir al Qur’an, represents an important approach in Shi’i tafsir; and his disciple Abu al-Fadl Ibn al-Hasan Ibn al-Fadl al-Tabarsi (d.548 AH/1153 AD).

They represent what may be considered as the classical period of Shi’i tafsir. These commentators took a broad approach to tafsir using Shi’i as well as Sunni traditions and also rejected Shi’i popular claims regarding the inauthenticity of the ‘Uthmanic recension of the Qur’an.33

Included, too, were later commentators such as al-Maybudi al-Gunabadi (sixth century A.H) and his gnostic commentary, Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi (d.1050 AH/1640 AD), Hashim al-Bahrani (d.1107 AH/1695 AD) who composed al- Burhan, ‘Abd Ali al-Huwayzi (d.1112 AH/1700 AD) who composed the Nur al-Thaqalayn, and Mulla Muhsin Fayd al- Kashani (d.1191 AH/1777 AD) who compiled the work known as al-Safi.34

Other works of Shi’ite gnostics, such as the 8th AH/14th AD century figure Haydar Amuli, were also included.

The Qur’anic commentaries of Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi, known as Mulla Sadra “are the most important by an Islamic philosopher or theosopher (hakim) and also the most voluminous by a representative of the Islamic philosophical tradition” until Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i (d.1983) wrote the tafsir al-Mizan. “In the same way that Mulla Sadra’s “Transcendent Theosophy” marks the synthesis of the various schools of gnosis, theosophy, philosophy and theology within a Shi’ite intellectual climate, his Qur’anic commentaries mark the meeting point of four different traditions of Qur’anic commentary before him, the Sufi, the Shi’ite, the theological and the philosophical.”35

The final stage of the development of Shi’i tafsir is the contemporary one. Among modern works, the most important are al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an by Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i, al-Bayan fi tafsir al-Qur’an by al-Sayyed Abul- Qasim al-Khui, and Tafsir-e Nemune by Nasser Makarem Shirazi, this last being oriented more towards youth readership.

2-3 Three mufassirin

a) Shaykh Tabarsi

Shaykh Abu Ali Fadl al-Tabarsi was a Shi’ite theologian who produced a tafsir of the Qur’an which enjoys wide acceptance, even among non Shi’ite scholars. Al-Dhahabi describes Shaykh Tabarsi as a moderate Shi’i scholar, who does not indulge in exaggeration and refrains from cursing any of the Companions.36

Very little has been written about him and his works by modern scholars and nothing at all by Western scholars, and even the Encyclopaedia of Islam is silent on his account. Musa O. A. Abdul seems to be the only author who has dedicated a book in English to Shaykh Tabarsi and his commentary.

Shaykh Tabarsi was born in 468 AH/1075 AD in Iran during the Seljuq period. He lived for many years in Mashad where he engaged himself in public teaching until the year 523 AH/1128-29 AD and wrote many valuable works concerned with the propagation and defense of the Shi’ite doctrine, the Imams, their qualities and sayings, theology, ethics, grammar, etc.

He then moved to Sabzawar where, at an advanced age, he wrote his famous commentary on the Qur’an Majma’ al-Bayan li ‘ulum al-Qur’an. He noted in the preface to Majma’ al-Bayan that he began writing the book when he was over sixty.

He also produced two other minor tafsir works: al-Kafi al- shafi and Jawami al-Jami. In Sabzawar, he devoted twenty- five years to teaching and writing and died there in the year 548 AH/1153 AD.

Shaykh Tabarsi’s fame both as a scholar and as a theologian rests on his tafsir works, the major one of which is Majma’ al- Bayan li-‘ulum al-Qur’an. In the preface to this work, Shaykh Tabarsi gives the reasons for his writing it and for his choice of title. He also describes the methodology used in the commentaries on every verse.

At the time of the work’s preparation, there were already some tafsir works in circulation, written by both Sunnite and Shi’ite scholars. The Jami’ al-Bayan by Tabari and al-Tibyan by al-Tusi had impressed him most. Shaykh Tabarsi combined these two titles, both having the same meaning, and entitled his own tafsir Majma’ al-Bayan.

The tafsir was completed in 534 AH/1139 AD but was not published for the first time until 1268 AH/1851 AD. Tabarsi divides his commentary on every passage into five sections: introductory discourse, reading guide, language discourse, revelation and circumstances surrounding it, and meaning. He employs ta’wil in many cases to deduce the inner or implied meaning of a verse.

When a passage relates to a theological, jurisprudential or philosophical issue, Tabarsi gives the views of all sides and then gives his own judgement and standpoint when it differs from that of his school of thought. Indeed, the originality of Tabarsi’s commentary is that he gives his readers an opportunity to see the varying opinions on different issues mentioned in the Qur’an. He then discusses these views and declares his own stand.

Al-Dhahabi says that his tafsir, apart from what it contains of his Shi’ite and Mu’tazilite views, indicates the deep penetration of its author into different branches of knowledge. He draws upon the statements from his predecessors among the mufassirin and declares his choice among them.37 His tafsir has a wide coverage of historical facts, of the statements and opinions of philologists, traditionists, commentators and poets.

There is also a good coverage of the various schools of thought. It contains many philological studies and references to ancient poetry. This tafsir is a compendium of all sciences connected with the studies of Islam and to which specialists from any field of Islamic sciences can refer.

Shaykh Tabarsi’s affiliation to Shi’i school of thought can be traced in his commentaries but he has also shown on many issues that he is an independent thinker and sometimes holds different conclusions from that of the Shi’ites.

This commentary is unanimously accepted by Muslim scholars, Sunnite and Shi’ite, and some scholars consider it as a leading work on tafsir even up to the present day due to the richness and variety of its contents. It is one of the very few works which have enjoyed such wide acceptance.

Shaykh Tabarsi has shown interest in many theological issues in his commentary, such as the issue concerning the Imamate of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the practice of taqiyyah (dissimulation of one’s faith), the infallibility of the Imams, God’s Justice etc. He also discusses the issue of the Mahdi, his advent at the End of Time, the purpose of his coming and his rule.

b) Banu Amin

Banu-ye mujtahedeh sayyedeh Nusrat Begum Amin al- Tujjar Isfahani,38 known as Banu Amin, was born in 1256 Sh/1877 AD in Isfahan and is said to be descended from Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib through both her parents. She first went to school at five and started to learn Arabic language and literature at twelve because of her early interest in Islamic studies.

At fifteen, she married her cousin, Haj seyyed Muhammad Amin al-Tujjar, who was a famous businessman in Isfahan. Banu Amin had nine children but eight of them died very young from diseases like diphtheria, smallpox, typhoid fever, pneumonia or through miscarriage.

A few years after her wedding, at the age of twenty, she started to study Islamic sciences, such as Fiqh, Usul, tafsir, hadith and hikma, with a private teacher, Ayatollah Mir Muhammad Najaf Abadi, who tutored her at home.

She was a strong follower of Molla Sadra Shirazi’s philosophy and was qualified to gain a profound understanding of Molla Sadra's Kitab al-Asfar al-arba’a al-‘aqliya (The Book of the Four Journeys), her favourite subject of study.

Among Islamic works, after the Asfar, she was much interested in compilations of traditions (hadith) and tafsir, particularly the tafsir work Majma’ al-Bayan by Shaykh Tabarsi. She later followed Shaykh Tabarsi’s method in her own tafsir (Makhzan al-‘Irfan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an) of the Qur’an. She was, and still is, the first woman Mufassir (commentator) of the entire Qur’an.

The originality of her tafsir was based on the fact that it was a mixture of exoteric interpretation of the Qur’an and spiritual teachings of a gnostic journey and pilgrimage (sayr-o- suluk-e ‘irfani). Banu Amin is said to be the founder of this new method of interpretation.

After having spent twenty years of her life studying Islamic sciences, at the age of forty she produced her first work, Arba’in Hashemiya (Forty Hashemi Traditions). This work reached the howza al-‘ilmiyah (traditional religious education centre) of Najaf in Iraq, and was warmly approved by the ‘Ulama. Banu Amin thus became famous for the first time among the ‘ulama and reached the degree of Ijtihad.

Indeed after several written examinations from the greatest ‘ulama of Najaf in Islamic sciences such as fiqh (jurisprudence), hadith (traditions), or Qur’an, she was given permission of Ijtihad (the application of reason to the solution of legal issues) and Istenbat-e ahkam-e shar’i (deduction of the main rules of conduct). She was then the only mujtahedeh of her time.

After that, Banu Amin devoted herself to writing, teaching and doing research in the field of the Islamic sciences. Her works, with a brief description, are as follows in chronological order:

1. Arba’in Hashemiya (Forty Hashemi traditions) in Arabic:

According to ‘ulama custom, whenever a religious scholar collected forty authentic and documented hadith and was able to teach Usul and Ahkam to believers through these hadith, he then earned the permission of Ijtihad.

Banu Amin was the first woman to collect and provide a commentary on forty hadith in the field of Tawhid and other attributes of God, Akhlaq, Ahkam, with the expression of philosophy, mysticism and jurisprudence. She published them under the title of Arba’in Hashemiya.

2. Makhzan al-laali fi Manaqeb Mawla al- Mawali:

This work is dedicated to Ali ibn Abi Talib and his virtues.

3. Seyr-o-suluk dar ravesh-e awliyah va tariq-e seyr-e So’ada:

This work explains the method and stages of the gnostic in his spiritual ascent toward God.

4. Ma’ad ya akharin seyr-e bashar (The resurrection or the last journey of the Human):

This work is about life after death.

5. Ravesh-e khushbakhti va towsiye be kh‚haran-e imani (The road to happiness and recommendation to the sisters in Faith)

6. Akhlaq va rahe Sa’adat (Ethics and the way to happiness):

This work is Banu Amin's translation, with notes and commentary, of the work of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Maskuyeh, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq wa Tat-hir al-A’raq.

7. Makhzan al-ëIrfan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an (A wealth of Gnosis in the Interpretation of the Qur’an):

This tafsir consists of fifteen volumes.

8. Jami’ al-Shatat in Arabic:

This work is a collection of all the examination questions of the ëulama and Banu Amin's replies after becoming mujtahedeh.

9. Al-Nafahat al-Rahmaniyah fi al-waridat al- qalbiyah in Arabic:

This work concerns Banu Amin’s personal spiritual and mystical experience, her visions and dreams.

Her works cover a large part of the Islamic sciences such as Fiqh (jurisprudence), Usul (fundamentals of religion), Falsafe (philosophy), Hikma (wisdom), ‘Irfan (Gnosticism), Hadith (Prophetic traditions,) Tafsir (interpretation) and Akhlaq (ethics).

Apart from her intellectual activities, Banu Amin also founded a high school for girls (Dabiristan-e Amin) and a religious education centre (Maktab-e Fatemeh).

A great number of ‘ulama used to visit Banu Amin for the purpose of discussing scientific and spiritual subjects. They came from Isfahan, Tehran, Qum, and Najaf, and included Allama 'Abd al-Husayn Amini (Kitab al-ghadir), Ayatollah Haeri Shirazi, Ayatollah Safavi Qummi, Allama Tabataba’i (al-Mizan), etc. Banu Amin died in Isfahan on June 16, 1983 (1362 Sh/1403 AH).

c) Allama Tabatabai

Allama Sayyed Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i was one of the great masters of the traditional sciences in Iran during this century. He was born in 1321 AH/1904 AD into a distinguished family of scholars in Tabriz where he also undertook his earliest religious studies.

He pursued more advanced studies in Najaf and then returned to Tabriz in 1353 AH/1934 AD. In 1945, following the Soviet Occupation of Azerbaijan, he migrated to Qum where he settled until his death in 1402 AH/1981 AD.

From this centre of religious learning, his knowledge began to spread throughout Iran and even beyond. He soon became recognized as one of the major intellectual figures of Shi’ism.

He was an extremely prolific author in addition to teaching throughout the week. He wrote a profusion of books and articles of major intellectual import. His fame rests on his various works, the most significant being his great exegesis of the Qur’an al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an.

He wrote several major philosophical works, such as Usul-e Falasafah va Ravesh-e Rialism (The Fundamentals of Philosophy and the Doctrine of Realism) in five volumes, a comparative study of Islamic philosophy and various modern schools of thought, especially Marxism.

He edited the Asfar of Sadr al-Din al- Shirazi with his own commentary, and a selection of commentaries on other masters antecedent to Shirazi, these last collected in seven volumes. Later he composed two masterly summaries of Islamic philosophy: the Bidayat al- Hikam and the Nihayat al-Hikam.

Meanwhile, Allama Tabataba’i continued to work on his Qur’anic commentary, Tafsir al-Mizan, which he finally completed in his mid-seventies. This monumental commentary consisting of more than twenty volumes (written in Arabic and translated into Persian) is one of the most important Qur’anic commentaries of this century and bears witness to its author’s mastery in the domain of the Qur’anic sciences.

This commentary, based on the principle of having one part of the Qur’an interpret other parts (al-Qur’an yufassiru ba’duhu ba’dan), is a summa of Islamic religious thought, in which the sciences of the Qur’an, theology, philosophy, gnosis, sacred history and the social teachings of Islam, are all brought together. He describes the method he adopted in the preface to his tafsir of the Qur’an.

Allama Tabataba’i was not only an outstanding scholar but also a person of great spiritual realization who lived constantly in the remembrance of God. Allama Tabataba’i was, at one and the same time, one of the greatest Qur’anic commentators, a leading contemporary Islamic philosopher in the tradition of Ibn Sina, Suhrawardi and Mulla Sadra, and a gnostic who was at home in both the metaphysical works of Ibn ‘Arabi and the inebriating poetry of Rumi and Hafiz.

Notes

1. A. Rippin, “Tafsir”, EIH, p.83-84

2. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities in Islam, p.58

3. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.29

4. Ibid, p.31-32

5. H. Corbin, En Islam Iranien, vol.1, p.212

6. Ibid, vol.1, p.214

7. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities in Islam, p.58-59

8. In the tafsir of the Qur'an, the Sunni have mainly depended on the apparent meaning of the Qur'anic verses, whereas the Shia have depended on the apparent meaning and the inner meaning of the verses understood from other verses (for the Qur'anic verses explain each other) and from the traditions of the Prophet (s.a) and the infallible Imams (a.s) that explained the qur'an. But as for the Sufis, they have depended on their personal understanding of the Qur'an, and therefore, most of their tafsirs (interpretations) are not accepted by other Muslims, especially the Shia.

9. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.41

10. Tabataba’i in H. Nasr, Shi'ism: Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality, p.24

11. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p.189

12. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p. 33-34

13. Ibid, p. 36

14. Qur’an : 62 :2

15. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.12

16. Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, Bab 7, vol.23, p.108

17. Majlisi, Kitab Fadl al-Qur’an, Bab al-Nawadir, vol. 6 , p.474

18. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.3

19. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.47

20. Al-Mizan, p.4

21. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p.47

22. Ahmad Amin, Duha al-Islam, II, p.140

23. Ibid, p.137

24. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p. 52-53

25. Al-Mizan, p.5

26. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p.55

27. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.9

28. Ibid, p.12

29. Mutahhari, in H. Nasr, Shi'ism : Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality, p. 27

30. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.50

31. Ibid, p.50

32. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p. 184

33. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p. 185

34. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.51

35. H. Nasr, “The Quranic Commentaries of Mulla Sadra”, p.45

36. Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, al-Tafsir wal-Mufassirun, II, P.142

37. Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, al-Tafsir wal-Mufassirun, II, P.104

38. I made a summary of these three works for the life of Banu Amin: 1- Tayyebi N., Banu-ye Irani, 2- Khalili, Marjan Amu : Kuwkab-e durri, 3- Bidhandi, Naser Baqiri, Banu-ye Nemune

Chapter 2: Shi’ite commentators (Mufassirin) and their commentaries (Tafsirs)

The Sacred Text has been subject to interpretations (tafsir), hermeneutics (ta’wil) and mystical exegesis throughout Islamic history. The Shi’ite understanding of the Qur’an is founded on the doctrinal belief that the Shi’ite Imams possess the hidden, esoteric (batin) knowledge of the verses of the Qur’an.

2-1 The principles of Shi’i tafsir and the relation between the Imams and the Qur’an

Tafsir means “interpretation” in general but not always of the Qur’an. “The most significant usage of the word is its reference to the branch of Islamic learning concerned with the Qur’an.

A tafsir of the Qur’an is a work which provides an interpretation of the Arabic text of the scripture. In most cases, a work entitled tafsir will follow the text of the Qur’an from the beginning to the end and will provide an interpretation (tafsir) of segments of the text (word-by-word, phrase-by- phrase or verse-by-verse) as a running commentary.

The major exceptions to this fundamental characteristic are to be found in the formative and the contemporary periods of Islam. In the formative period, one finds works of tafsir, which cover only isolated segments of the text, and in the contemporary period, thematic tafasir (mawdu’i) have become quite popular.

Different mufassirun have different concerns and goals and this is reflected in the relative weight they put upon elements such as history, grammar, law, theology...”1 The commentaries of the Qur’an are useful for deciphering the message of the Qur’an. Many people who read the Sacred Book receive no more from it than the literal message.

It is in the commentaries, based on the clarification afforded by the hadith and written by those who are qualified in the true sense, that man comes to understand explicitly and in more extended form what is contained often implicitly and in a contracted form in the Qur’an.2

a) The principles of Shi’i tafsir

• The exoteric and esoteric aspects of the Qur’an

Among the principles of the Shi’i tafsir is that the Qur’an has an outer dimension (zahir) and an inner dimension (batin) and the simple surface text of a verse unfolds multiple meanings and exemplifies a feature to be found throughout the Qur’an.3

Indeed the Qur’an is meant for men and women of any level of intellect and from any social background, and “since the expounding of subtle knowledge is not without danger of misinterpretation, the Qur’an directs its teachings primarily at the level of the common man.

The Qur’an reveals itself in a way suitable for different levels of comprehension so that each benefits according to his own capacity.” Also certain verses contain metaphors which indicate divine gnosis far beyond the common man’s understanding but which nevertheless become comprehensible through their metaphorical form.4

These exoteric and esoteric aspects of the Qur’an have also been identified with the principles of tafsir and ta’wil respectively, Tafsir being the explanation of the external aspect and the literal exegesis of the Qur’an using different fields like Arabic grammar, poetry, linguistic, jurisprudence or history as references to elucidate the difficulties of the literal text, and Ta’wil signifying “to take back or reconduct something to its origin and archetype (asl)”.5

The basis in any case remains the corpus of teachings and hadith of the Imams who expounded the rules of the plurality of meanings in the Qur’an.6 In other words, Ta’wil or symbolic and hermeneutic interpretation enables penetration into the inner meaning of the Sacred Text, which in fact entails a reaching back to its Origin.

The idea of penetrating into the inner meaning of things can be seen everywhere in Islam. But it is particularly in the case of the Qur’an that ta’wil is applied, especially by the Sufis and the Shi’as7 .8

There is considerable disagreement as to the meaning of ta’wil, and it is possible to count more than ten different views. Tabatabai explains that ta’wil is not in opposition to the actual text but is used to extend the idea expressed to include a further meaning.9

Also, sufficient deliberation upon the Qur’anic verses and the hadith of the Imams will show that the Qur’an never uses enigmatic methods of explanation. “What has been rightly called ta’wil or hermeneutic interpretation of the Holy Qur’an is not concerned with certain truths and realities that transcend the comprehension of the common run of men”.

In fact, “the whole of the Qur’an possesses the sense of ta’wil, of esoteric meaning, which cannot be comprehended directly through human thought alone.” Only the Prophet and the pure among the saints can contemplate these meanings in this world. “On the Day of Resurrection, the ta’wil of the Qur’an will be revealed to everyone.”10

• The abrogating (nasikh) and the abrogated (mansukh) verses

Abrogating verses are those which are applicable and relevant at all times and abrogated verses are not relevant and have already been fulfilled.11

• The explicit (muhkam) and the implicit (mutashabih) verses

The verse 7 in the sura 3 of the Qur’an divides the Qur’an into two parts: the explicit and the implicit, the clear and the allegorical, or the muhkam and the mutashabih. The verses, which are explicit and immediate in their message, are incapable of being misinterpreted.

The implicit verses are not of this nature, but seem to express a meaning containing a further truer meaning whose interpretation is known only to God. This view is accepted by both the Sunnite and the Shi’ite scholars; however, the Shi’ites believe that the Prophet and the Imams of his family also understood the hidden meanings and maintain that the ordinary man must seek knowledge of the implicit verses from them (the Prophet and his family).12

Tabatabai relates from the Imams that each verse, even if its meaning is not apparent or explicit, can be explained by reference to other verses. Thus, the real meaning of the implicit verses can be found in relation to the explicit verses and the assertion that no means exist for understanding the implicit verses is fallacious.

He also reports a prophetic hadith (reported by al-‘Amili, in al-Durr al-Manthur, vol.2, p.8): “In truth, the Qur’an was not revealed so that one part may contradict the other, but rather was revealed so that one part may verify the other. You understand what you can of it, then, act accordingly; and that which is unclear for you, simply believe in it.”13

b) The Imams and the Ahl al-Bayt in relation to the Qur’an

The Shi’ites have agreed that God revealed to Muhammad both the Qur’an and its exegesis and appointed him as the teacher of the Book,14 while the Prophet appointed his progeny to carry on this work after him. In two places of the Qur’an, (33:33) and (56: 77-79), God has confirmed the Prophet's declaration that his progeny held real knowledge of the Book.15

In a long and well-known tradition (hadith al-Thaqalayn) related by both Shi’i and Sunni traditionists, the Qur’an is presented as the ‘greater weight’ (al-thaqal al-akbar) and the Imams as the ‘lesser weight’ (al-thaqal al-asghar).

In the presence of many of his Companions, the Prophet declared: “I am soon about to be received..... I am telling you before I am taken up that I shall leave with you, as representatives after me, the Book of my Lord, and my progeny, the people of my household, the ahl al-bayt that the All-Gracious, All-Knowing, told me that they shall not be separated until they meet me on the day of Resurrection..... Do not precede them, for you would go astray, and do not fall behind them, for you would perish. Do not teach them, for they are of greater knowledge than you.”16

Numerous traditions in several chapters describe the knowledge of the Imams, especially in the hadith collection of Kulayni. The Shi’ites consider the Imams as associates of the Qur’an. The Prophet and Imams are distinguished by the inheritance of divine knowledge and they alone know the full meaning of the Qur’an, since it was to them that it was primarily addressed and through them to the rest of humankind.

Also they possess all the revealed Books of the previous Prophets and knew their tafsir and ta’wil despite the number of languages in which they were written. Thus, the Imams have a unique relation to the Qur’an that gives Shi’i tafsir its unique character.

It is also believed that the Qur’an, which Ali wrote down from the dictation of Muhammad with its true exegesis (ta’wil), was passed down from one Imam to the next and is now with the hidden Imam who will disclose it and judge by it when he returns as the expected Mahdi.17

2-2 The historical development and method of Shi’i tafsir

The interpretation of the Qur’an (tafsir) began right at the time of its revelation and is one of the earliest activities in Islamic sciences. The first exegetes among the Companions of the Prophet were Ibn ‘Abbas, ‘Abdullah ibn ‘Umar, Ubay ibn Ka’b and others.18 People used to ask the Prophet all sorts of questions as to the meaning of certain statements in the verses and the Prophet undertook the teaching and explanation of the Qur’an.

The Prophet’s answers were stored up in the memory of his Companions. After the Prophet's death, a group of his Companions were occupied with the science of commentary and its transmission. Just as they had heard the Prophet explaining the meaning of the verses, they would transmit it orally to other trustworthy persons.19

Exegesis in those days was confined to the explanation of literary aspects of the verse, the background of its revelation, and occasionally interpretation of one verse with the help of another. Sometimes a few of the Prophet's traditions were narrated.

Followers of these first Companions (Tabi’un), who lived in the first two centuries of hijra, used the same exegetic style. However, they relied more on traditions, and even Jewish sayings and dictums to explain the verses containing details of the previous nations present in Genesis20 because the tafsir transmission from the Prophet through the Companions and the Tabi’un did not cover all the verses in the Qur’an.

Some scholars relied on their knowledge of the language and historical facts of the Prophet's epoch.21 During the time of the Companions and the Tabi’un, the science of tafsir was part of the hadith and there was hardly any difference between mufassirun and muhaddithun (traditionists or narrators of hadith) until the complete separation of the two in the early third century,22 when exegesis became an independent, autonomous science.23

The activity of tafsir during the first two centuries is reflected by the tafsir of Ibn Jarir al-Tabari. His collections are said to have contained materials from various earlier works and his work is evidence of the general recognition of tafsir in early third century AH. It was the first attempt to comment on the whole of the Qur’an verse by verse.24

During the second century A.H., Muslim society split into four groups: the theologians, the philosophers, the Sufis, and the people of tradition. This divergence showed itself later in exegesis of the Qur’an.25 Indeed, after Tabari, the development of tafsir came to be associated with different fields of knowledge, doctrines and thought, and scholars attempted to make their field of knowledge a basis for their commentary in order to support their views from the Qur’an.

Scholars working in the field of philosophy considered philosophy a basis for their commentaries while scholars in the legal field employ the tafsir to project the doctrine of their particular school of thought, and so on.26

For Tabatabai, all these ways of exegesis are defective because they superimpose their conclusions on the Qur’anic meanings, making the Qur’an conform with their ideas. Thus, explanation turns into adaptation.27 Tabatabai stated that the only correct method of exegesis is that the exegete explains the verse with the help of other relevant verses, meditating on them together. The Prophet and the Imams descended from his progeny always used this method for explaining the Qur’an.28

Similarly Mutahhari explains that the Qur’an constitutes a coherent unified structure and some verses need to be explained with the help of other verses in order to prevent any misunderstanding about certain problems. If a solitary verse is studied without placing it in its proper context, it will give a different meaning from when it is compared with other verses dealing with a similar subject.29

Also, while Sunni commentators in the early period of tafsir relied primarily on prophetic traditions and those of the Companions and their successors, the Shi’ite commentators, in studying a verse of the Qur’an, viewed the explanation given by the Prophet as proof of the meaning of the verse, and did not accept the sayings of the Companions or their followers as indisputable proof that the tradition came from the Prophet.

The Shi’ite commentators only recognized as valid an unbroken chain of narration from the Prophet through members of his family. Accordingly, in using and transmitting the verses concerning Qur’anic commentary, they restricted themselves to the use of traditions transmitted by the Prophet and by the Imams belonging to the Prophet’s family.30

The first generation of Shi’ite commentators and authorities on tafsir were disciples of the Imams and others close to the disciples, who learned the traditions directly from the Prophet and the Imams of the Prophet’s family.

Among them were such scholars as Zurarah ibn A’yun and Muhammad ibn Muslim, Ma’ruf ibn Kharbudh and Jarir, who were Companions of the fifth and sixth Imams, or Abu Hamzah al- Thumali (a special Companion of the fourth and fifth Imams)31 . Their traditions have been preserved in the works of the second generation of commentators and compilers of commentaries. These were consecutively:

• Furat Ibn Ibrahim al-Kufi, who lived during the Imamate of the ninth Imam, Muhammad al-Jawad, and might have lived until the first years of the tenth century A.D. He was one of the foremost authorities in Shi’ite traditions and one of the teachers of the famous traditionist al-Qummi.

• Muhammad al-‘Ayyashi, a contemporary of Furat Ibn Ibrahim al-Kufi, was a Sunni scholar who accepted Shi’ism, and became a great Shi’a scholar.

• Ali Ibn Ibrahim al-Qummi (d. 307 AH/919-20 AD), who related traditions received from his father who had, in turn, learned them from many of the Imams' disciples.

• Muhammad al-Nu’mani, who survived into the tenth century AD. Al-Nu’mani (d.360 AH/971 AD) was one of al-Kulayni's students. He left an important tafsir that he related on the authority of the sixth Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq. These two generations represent the pre-classical period of Shi’ite tafsir.32 They avoided any kind of ijtihad or passing of judgement. The Imams were indeed living among Muslims and availabl for questioning for a period of almost three hundred years.

The third generation of Shi’ite commentators extended over a very long period, well into the sixteenth century AD. They included: al-Sharif al-Radhiy (d.405 AH/1015 AD) and his well-known brother al-Sayyed al-Murtadha (d.436 AH/1044 AD); Abu Ja’far al-Tusi (d.460AH/1067AD) who was a student of al-Murtadha and whose commentary, al-Tybian fi tafsir al Qur’an, represents an important approach in Shi’i tafsir; and his disciple Abu al-Fadl Ibn al-Hasan Ibn al-Fadl al-Tabarsi (d.548 AH/1153 AD).

They represent what may be considered as the classical period of Shi’i tafsir. These commentators took a broad approach to tafsir using Shi’i as well as Sunni traditions and also rejected Shi’i popular claims regarding the inauthenticity of the ‘Uthmanic recension of the Qur’an.33

Included, too, were later commentators such as al-Maybudi al-Gunabadi (sixth century A.H) and his gnostic commentary, Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi (d.1050 AH/1640 AD), Hashim al-Bahrani (d.1107 AH/1695 AD) who composed al- Burhan, ‘Abd Ali al-Huwayzi (d.1112 AH/1700 AD) who composed the Nur al-Thaqalayn, and Mulla Muhsin Fayd al- Kashani (d.1191 AH/1777 AD) who compiled the work known as al-Safi.34

Other works of Shi’ite gnostics, such as the 8th AH/14th AD century figure Haydar Amuli, were also included.

The Qur’anic commentaries of Sadr al-Din al-Shirazi, known as Mulla Sadra “are the most important by an Islamic philosopher or theosopher (hakim) and also the most voluminous by a representative of the Islamic philosophical tradition” until Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i (d.1983) wrote the tafsir al-Mizan. “In the same way that Mulla Sadra’s “Transcendent Theosophy” marks the synthesis of the various schools of gnosis, theosophy, philosophy and theology within a Shi’ite intellectual climate, his Qur’anic commentaries mark the meeting point of four different traditions of Qur’anic commentary before him, the Sufi, the Shi’ite, the theological and the philosophical.”35

The final stage of the development of Shi’i tafsir is the contemporary one. Among modern works, the most important are al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an by Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i, al-Bayan fi tafsir al-Qur’an by al-Sayyed Abul- Qasim al-Khui, and Tafsir-e Nemune by Nasser Makarem Shirazi, this last being oriented more towards youth readership.

2-3 Three mufassirin

a) Shaykh Tabarsi

Shaykh Abu Ali Fadl al-Tabarsi was a Shi’ite theologian who produced a tafsir of the Qur’an which enjoys wide acceptance, even among non Shi’ite scholars. Al-Dhahabi describes Shaykh Tabarsi as a moderate Shi’i scholar, who does not indulge in exaggeration and refrains from cursing any of the Companions.36

Very little has been written about him and his works by modern scholars and nothing at all by Western scholars, and even the Encyclopaedia of Islam is silent on his account. Musa O. A. Abdul seems to be the only author who has dedicated a book in English to Shaykh Tabarsi and his commentary.

Shaykh Tabarsi was born in 468 AH/1075 AD in Iran during the Seljuq period. He lived for many years in Mashad where he engaged himself in public teaching until the year 523 AH/1128-29 AD and wrote many valuable works concerned with the propagation and defense of the Shi’ite doctrine, the Imams, their qualities and sayings, theology, ethics, grammar, etc.

He then moved to Sabzawar where, at an advanced age, he wrote his famous commentary on the Qur’an Majma’ al-Bayan li ‘ulum al-Qur’an. He noted in the preface to Majma’ al-Bayan that he began writing the book when he was over sixty.

He also produced two other minor tafsir works: al-Kafi al- shafi and Jawami al-Jami. In Sabzawar, he devoted twenty- five years to teaching and writing and died there in the year 548 AH/1153 AD.

Shaykh Tabarsi’s fame both as a scholar and as a theologian rests on his tafsir works, the major one of which is Majma’ al- Bayan li-‘ulum al-Qur’an. In the preface to this work, Shaykh Tabarsi gives the reasons for his writing it and for his choice of title. He also describes the methodology used in the commentaries on every verse.

At the time of the work’s preparation, there were already some tafsir works in circulation, written by both Sunnite and Shi’ite scholars. The Jami’ al-Bayan by Tabari and al-Tibyan by al-Tusi had impressed him most. Shaykh Tabarsi combined these two titles, both having the same meaning, and entitled his own tafsir Majma’ al-Bayan.

The tafsir was completed in 534 AH/1139 AD but was not published for the first time until 1268 AH/1851 AD. Tabarsi divides his commentary on every passage into five sections: introductory discourse, reading guide, language discourse, revelation and circumstances surrounding it, and meaning. He employs ta’wil in many cases to deduce the inner or implied meaning of a verse.

When a passage relates to a theological, jurisprudential or philosophical issue, Tabarsi gives the views of all sides and then gives his own judgement and standpoint when it differs from that of his school of thought. Indeed, the originality of Tabarsi’s commentary is that he gives his readers an opportunity to see the varying opinions on different issues mentioned in the Qur’an. He then discusses these views and declares his own stand.

Al-Dhahabi says that his tafsir, apart from what it contains of his Shi’ite and Mu’tazilite views, indicates the deep penetration of its author into different branches of knowledge. He draws upon the statements from his predecessors among the mufassirin and declares his choice among them.37 His tafsir has a wide coverage of historical facts, of the statements and opinions of philologists, traditionists, commentators and poets.

There is also a good coverage of the various schools of thought. It contains many philological studies and references to ancient poetry. This tafsir is a compendium of all sciences connected with the studies of Islam and to which specialists from any field of Islamic sciences can refer.

Shaykh Tabarsi’s affiliation to Shi’i school of thought can be traced in his commentaries but he has also shown on many issues that he is an independent thinker and sometimes holds different conclusions from that of the Shi’ites.

This commentary is unanimously accepted by Muslim scholars, Sunnite and Shi’ite, and some scholars consider it as a leading work on tafsir even up to the present day due to the richness and variety of its contents. It is one of the very few works which have enjoyed such wide acceptance.

Shaykh Tabarsi has shown interest in many theological issues in his commentary, such as the issue concerning the Imamate of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the practice of taqiyyah (dissimulation of one’s faith), the infallibility of the Imams, God’s Justice etc. He also discusses the issue of the Mahdi, his advent at the End of Time, the purpose of his coming and his rule.

b) Banu Amin

Banu-ye mujtahedeh sayyedeh Nusrat Begum Amin al- Tujjar Isfahani,38 known as Banu Amin, was born in 1256 Sh/1877 AD in Isfahan and is said to be descended from Imam Ali ibn Abi Talib through both her parents. She first went to school at five and started to learn Arabic language and literature at twelve because of her early interest in Islamic studies.

At fifteen, she married her cousin, Haj seyyed Muhammad Amin al-Tujjar, who was a famous businessman in Isfahan. Banu Amin had nine children but eight of them died very young from diseases like diphtheria, smallpox, typhoid fever, pneumonia or through miscarriage.

A few years after her wedding, at the age of twenty, she started to study Islamic sciences, such as Fiqh, Usul, tafsir, hadith and hikma, with a private teacher, Ayatollah Mir Muhammad Najaf Abadi, who tutored her at home.

She was a strong follower of Molla Sadra Shirazi’s philosophy and was qualified to gain a profound understanding of Molla Sadra's Kitab al-Asfar al-arba’a al-‘aqliya (The Book of the Four Journeys), her favourite subject of study.

Among Islamic works, after the Asfar, she was much interested in compilations of traditions (hadith) and tafsir, particularly the tafsir work Majma’ al-Bayan by Shaykh Tabarsi. She later followed Shaykh Tabarsi’s method in her own tafsir (Makhzan al-‘Irfan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an) of the Qur’an. She was, and still is, the first woman Mufassir (commentator) of the entire Qur’an.

The originality of her tafsir was based on the fact that it was a mixture of exoteric interpretation of the Qur’an and spiritual teachings of a gnostic journey and pilgrimage (sayr-o- suluk-e ‘irfani). Banu Amin is said to be the founder of this new method of interpretation.

After having spent twenty years of her life studying Islamic sciences, at the age of forty she produced her first work, Arba’in Hashemiya (Forty Hashemi Traditions). This work reached the howza al-‘ilmiyah (traditional religious education centre) of Najaf in Iraq, and was warmly approved by the ‘Ulama. Banu Amin thus became famous for the first time among the ‘ulama and reached the degree of Ijtihad.

Indeed after several written examinations from the greatest ‘ulama of Najaf in Islamic sciences such as fiqh (jurisprudence), hadith (traditions), or Qur’an, she was given permission of Ijtihad (the application of reason to the solution of legal issues) and Istenbat-e ahkam-e shar’i (deduction of the main rules of conduct). She was then the only mujtahedeh of her time.

After that, Banu Amin devoted herself to writing, teaching and doing research in the field of the Islamic sciences. Her works, with a brief description, are as follows in chronological order:

1. Arba’in Hashemiya (Forty Hashemi traditions) in Arabic:

According to ‘ulama custom, whenever a religious scholar collected forty authentic and documented hadith and was able to teach Usul and Ahkam to believers through these hadith, he then earned the permission of Ijtihad.

Banu Amin was the first woman to collect and provide a commentary on forty hadith in the field of Tawhid and other attributes of God, Akhlaq, Ahkam, with the expression of philosophy, mysticism and jurisprudence. She published them under the title of Arba’in Hashemiya.

2. Makhzan al-laali fi Manaqeb Mawla al- Mawali:

This work is dedicated to Ali ibn Abi Talib and his virtues.

3. Seyr-o-suluk dar ravesh-e awliyah va tariq-e seyr-e So’ada:

This work explains the method and stages of the gnostic in his spiritual ascent toward God.

4. Ma’ad ya akharin seyr-e bashar (The resurrection or the last journey of the Human):

This work is about life after death.

5. Ravesh-e khushbakhti va towsiye be kh‚haran-e imani (The road to happiness and recommendation to the sisters in Faith)

6. Akhlaq va rahe Sa’adat (Ethics and the way to happiness):

This work is Banu Amin's translation, with notes and commentary, of the work of Shaykh Ahmad ibn Maskuyeh, Tahdhib al-Akhlaq wa Tat-hir al-A’raq.

7. Makhzan al-ëIrfan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an (A wealth of Gnosis in the Interpretation of the Qur’an):

This tafsir consists of fifteen volumes.

8. Jami’ al-Shatat in Arabic:

This work is a collection of all the examination questions of the ëulama and Banu Amin's replies after becoming mujtahedeh.

9. Al-Nafahat al-Rahmaniyah fi al-waridat al- qalbiyah in Arabic:

This work concerns Banu Amin’s personal spiritual and mystical experience, her visions and dreams.

Her works cover a large part of the Islamic sciences such as Fiqh (jurisprudence), Usul (fundamentals of religion), Falsafe (philosophy), Hikma (wisdom), ‘Irfan (Gnosticism), Hadith (Prophetic traditions,) Tafsir (interpretation) and Akhlaq (ethics).

Apart from her intellectual activities, Banu Amin also founded a high school for girls (Dabiristan-e Amin) and a religious education centre (Maktab-e Fatemeh).

A great number of ‘ulama used to visit Banu Amin for the purpose of discussing scientific and spiritual subjects. They came from Isfahan, Tehran, Qum, and Najaf, and included Allama 'Abd al-Husayn Amini (Kitab al-ghadir), Ayatollah Haeri Shirazi, Ayatollah Safavi Qummi, Allama Tabataba’i (al-Mizan), etc. Banu Amin died in Isfahan on June 16, 1983 (1362 Sh/1403 AH).

c) Allama Tabatabai

Allama Sayyed Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i was one of the great masters of the traditional sciences in Iran during this century. He was born in 1321 AH/1904 AD into a distinguished family of scholars in Tabriz where he also undertook his earliest religious studies.

He pursued more advanced studies in Najaf and then returned to Tabriz in 1353 AH/1934 AD. In 1945, following the Soviet Occupation of Azerbaijan, he migrated to Qum where he settled until his death in 1402 AH/1981 AD.

From this centre of religious learning, his knowledge began to spread throughout Iran and even beyond. He soon became recognized as one of the major intellectual figures of Shi’ism.

He was an extremely prolific author in addition to teaching throughout the week. He wrote a profusion of books and articles of major intellectual import. His fame rests on his various works, the most significant being his great exegesis of the Qur’an al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an.

He wrote several major philosophical works, such as Usul-e Falasafah va Ravesh-e Rialism (The Fundamentals of Philosophy and the Doctrine of Realism) in five volumes, a comparative study of Islamic philosophy and various modern schools of thought, especially Marxism.

He edited the Asfar of Sadr al-Din al- Shirazi with his own commentary, and a selection of commentaries on other masters antecedent to Shirazi, these last collected in seven volumes. Later he composed two masterly summaries of Islamic philosophy: the Bidayat al- Hikam and the Nihayat al-Hikam.

Meanwhile, Allama Tabataba’i continued to work on his Qur’anic commentary, Tafsir al-Mizan, which he finally completed in his mid-seventies. This monumental commentary consisting of more than twenty volumes (written in Arabic and translated into Persian) is one of the most important Qur’anic commentaries of this century and bears witness to its author’s mastery in the domain of the Qur’anic sciences.

This commentary, based on the principle of having one part of the Qur’an interpret other parts (al-Qur’an yufassiru ba’duhu ba’dan), is a summa of Islamic religious thought, in which the sciences of the Qur’an, theology, philosophy, gnosis, sacred history and the social teachings of Islam, are all brought together. He describes the method he adopted in the preface to his tafsir of the Qur’an.

Allama Tabataba’i was not only an outstanding scholar but also a person of great spiritual realization who lived constantly in the remembrance of God. Allama Tabataba’i was, at one and the same time, one of the greatest Qur’anic commentators, a leading contemporary Islamic philosopher in the tradition of Ibn Sina, Suhrawardi and Mulla Sadra, and a gnostic who was at home in both the metaphysical works of Ibn ‘Arabi and the inebriating poetry of Rumi and Hafiz.

Notes

1. A. Rippin, “Tafsir”, EIH, p.83-84

2. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities in Islam, p.58

3. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.29

4. Ibid, p.31-32

5. H. Corbin, En Islam Iranien, vol.1, p.212

6. Ibid, vol.1, p.214

7. H. Nasr, Ideals and Realities in Islam, p.58-59

8. In the tafsir of the Qur'an, the Sunni have mainly depended on the apparent meaning of the Qur'anic verses, whereas the Shia have depended on the apparent meaning and the inner meaning of the verses understood from other verses (for the Qur'anic verses explain each other) and from the traditions of the Prophet (s.a) and the infallible Imams (a.s) that explained the qur'an. But as for the Sufis, they have depended on their personal understanding of the Qur'an, and therefore, most of their tafsirs (interpretations) are not accepted by other Muslims, especially the Shia.

9. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.41

10. Tabataba’i in H. Nasr, Shi'ism: Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality, p.24

11. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p.189

12. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p. 33-34

13. Ibid, p. 36

14. Qur’an : 62 :2

15. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.12

16. Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar, Bab 7, vol.23, p.108

17. Majlisi, Kitab Fadl al-Qur’an, Bab al-Nawadir, vol. 6 , p.474

18. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.3

19. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.47

20. Al-Mizan, p.4

21. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p.47

22. Ahmad Amin, Duha al-Islam, II, p.140

23. Ibid, p.137

24. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p. 52-53

25. Al-Mizan, p.5

26. M. Abdul, The Qur’an: Shaykh Tabarsi’s commentary, p.55

27. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan, p.9

28. Ibid, p.12

29. Mutahhari, in H. Nasr, Shi'ism : Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality, p. 27

30. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.50

31. Ibid, p.50

32. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p. 184

33. M. Ayoub, “The speaking Qur’an and the Silent Qur’an”, p. 185

34. Tabataba’i, The Qur’an in Islam, p.51

35. H. Nasr, “The Quranic Commentaries of Mulla Sadra”, p.45

36. Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, al-Tafsir wal-Mufassirun, II, P.142

37. Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, al-Tafsir wal-Mufassirun, II, P.104

38. I made a summary of these three works for the life of Banu Amin: 1- Tayyebi N., Banu-ye Irani, 2- Khalili, Marjan Amu : Kuwkab-e durri, 3- Bidhandi, Naser Baqiri, Banu-ye Nemune