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Sciences Of Hadith

Sciences Of Hadith

Author:
Publisher: www.alhassanain.org/english
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Chapter 5: Meeting 4 The History Of Hadith Amongest The Shi'a

Meeting 4: The History of Hadith amongst the Shi'a Abstract

Some examples of the Shi'a resistance against the law of Hadith prohibition:

1. Abu-thar al-Ghefari Abu-thar during the reign of Omar and Othman made a pilgrimage to Hajj. He was sitting nearby the Middle Stone (Jamaratul-Wosta resembling Satan and whereat pilgrims throw stones) at Mena. The pilgrims who knew him and his status had circled around him asking their religious questions. All of the sudden one of the agents of the government abruptly stood above his head saying: "Were you not forbidden from giving any verdict?" Abu-thar looked up at him and said: "Are you appointed to watch me? If you put your sword here (pointing at the back of his neck) to behead me, because I am narrating a Hadith, while you would sever me head if I can narrate another Hadith from the Prophet (P) I would certainly do so."[28]

2. Roshayd al-Hajari

After his execution and before his martyrdom Roshayd cried out to his relatives: "Stop crying! Rather bring a pen and a piece of paper to narrate to you what I have learned from my mentor; Imam Ali (a.s)."[29]

3. Maytham al-Tammar

Ibn Ziad had put Maytham on the cross to die. From the top of the cross he said: "O people! Whoever wishes to hear the secrete knowledge from Ali Ibn Abi Taleb (should listen to me)." Consequently Ibn Ziad had his tongue pulled out from his throat.[30] The First and the Most Complete book of Hadith in Islam The Late Kolayni is his Isnad from Sulaim ibn Qais al Hilali narrated the Hadith concerning the compilation of that book. Due to the significance of the Hadith I shall quote the full Hadith.

Sulaim said, "I said to Imam Ali I heard some Prophetic Hadith from Salman, Abu thar and Meqdad concerning the interpretation of the Quran that are different from what people narrate. I also hear from you that you confirm their narration and you believe that the narrations of people are incorrect. Do you believe that people intentionally related lies to the Prophet and have interpreted the Quran based on their self assumptions?

Imam Ali approached me and said, 'You asked the question so make sure you understand the answer. Indeed what people have access to include right and wrong, truth and lies, abrogating and abrogated, general and specific, established and ambiguous and what is heard and what is assumed. Even in the lifetime of the holy Prophet, people did attribute false statements to him so such an extent that he himself stood up and addressed the people, 'O people, those who attribute false statements to me secures his abode in hell.' Then the people went on attributing false statements to him after his death. Whatever traditions you (people) have received are from four categories (of narrators). There is no fifth category.

The first is a hypocrite who poses himself as a believer and actually is a shame Muslim. Attributing false statements to the Prophet intentionally, is not considered by him as a sin, nor does he mind such an attribution. Were the people even to know how false and hypocritical he is, they would never accept a word from him, nor would they confirm his statements.

It was this type of man about whom people started saying, 'This is the one who had been honoured by the company of the Prophet and who has actually seen and heard the Prophet.' People accepted traditions from him without knowing his credentials. Allah the Almighty has told His Prophet about the hypocrites all that was to be told and has detailed all the characteristics that were to be detailed. Allah the Almighty has said so, 'When you see them, you marvel at their personalities; and if they speak, you listen unto their speech.' (al-Munafiqun 63:4)

'Such people remained there after the Prophet as well. Then they got near the leaders (rulers) who misguided and invited people towards the hell fire through the means of their fabrications, falsehood and slander. They were entrusted with big jobs by the rulers of the time and were thus foisted on the people, and their rulers exploited the situation through them. Except the few whom Allah saved, the common people were always with their rulers and with their mundane business of the world. All this is the description of the one out of all categories.

(The second is the category of a person) who has actually heard something from the Prophet but was not able to retain it in his mind and fell into doubt. He never intentionally told a lie, but he started speaking, practicing and propagating what he remembered incorrectly and sketchily, and at the same time claimed that 'I have heard the Prophet say so.' If the Muslim community had known that he was in error, they would never have accepted his words. And if the man himself had known that he was mistaken, he would have himself rejected his own version.

The third category is of the person who has heard the Prophet ordering something to be done, but the Prophet later on forbade the same. The man knows the former but is unaware of the latter. Or the man has heard the Prophet forbidding something but afterwards the Prophet has made it permissible. The man knows the former, but does not know the latter. Thus the man was in the know of the abrogated (as-Sunnah), but was not aware of its abrogative. If he had been aware that it has been abrogated he himself would have withdrawn his own narrated tradition. If the Muslims had been in the know that the Prophet had cancelled what the man had related (in the authority of the Prophet) they would have themselves rejected his version.

The fourth and the last is the category of the person who had never attributed false statements to the Prophet and who hated false statements because of his fear of Allah and reverence for the Prophet. He never forgets anything from what he had heard from the Prophet. He always relates exactly what he had heard from the Prophet without adding anything to or subtracting anything from it.

He is in the know of both what supersedes and also what has been superseded. Hence he acts according to what supersedes, leaving aside the superseded. Verily, the commands of the Prophet are also like the verses of he quran which consist of the superseded and the superseding (general and the specific) precise (muhkam) and the ambiguous and multi meaning (mutashabih). Like the quran, the Prophet's wordings also had two aspects, that is, the general and the specific.

As Almighty Allah Himself has said, ?And whatever the Apostle gives you, you accept it, and from whatever he prevents, you be away (from it).' (al-Hashr 59:7) Thus the one who was not aware of all these (complications) would fall in doubt and would not understand what Allah and His messenger exactly meant. It was not at all a fact that all the companions of the prophet had the ability of either asking the Prophet a question or of understanding his answers.

There were some who used t put question to the Prophet but could not understand his answer. There were also others who did ask the Holy Prophet a question but did not understand his answer until they did like some Bedouins or a wayfarer to come and ask the Prophet some questions so that they could have a chance to be enlightened by the Prophet's answer.

Verily, I was the person who had admittance to the Prophet (at least) once every day and once every night when I used to be alone with him. On such occasions, I had the honour to talk with him on whichever subject he was inclined. The companions of the Prophet were in the know that to no other person did the Prophet extend such a privilege (of proximity) as he did to me. Many a time, I had been at my house and the prophet used to come to see me and this was his usual practice.

When I was to enter any of his (Prophet's) room to see him he used to vacate the room for the sake of privacy with me. In vacating the room, even his wives were not spared and there would be none with him besides myself. But when the Prophet had his turn to visit my house for private conference, he would not exclude Fatima (my wife) and any of my sons (p.b.u.t) from his conference. On such occasions, he would reply to my queries and when I had exhausted my queries and remained silent, he would himself initiate further discussions.

Never was there any case of revelation of any of the verse of the Quran, which the Prophet did not recite and dictate to me and which I did not write down in my own hand. Further, never was there any revelation of which the Prophet has apprised me with the basic import, its complete elucidations, with the verses that were abrogative and with the verses that were abrogated, with the verses clear and the ambiguous and also with the verses general and specific.

And then the Prophet prayed to Allah to bestow upon me its true understanding and its unfailing memory. Ever since the Prophet had prayed for me, I never forgot a single verse from the Gook of Allah, nor did I forget the knowledge which the Prophet had imparted to me and which I had taken down in my own hand. Nothing from what was revealed to the Prophet, the lawful and the unlawful; nothing from the divine imperatives and the prohibitions, nothing from what had been and what would be, and nothing from the books revealed previously to any of the Prophets regarding divine obedience and disobedience did the Prophet spare teaching me.

I had fully grasped it and forgot not a word from it. Then the Prophet put his hand over my chest and prayed to Allah to fill my heart with knowledge and understanding, wisdom and enlightenment. I, then, inquired:O Prophet of Allah, may my parents be sacrificed for you! I have never forgotten anything ever since you have prayed for me. Nor did I forget what I had not noted down. After all this, are you still afraid of my being forgetful?' Hearing this, the Prophet replied, ?No, I am never afraid of your being either forgetful or ignorant.'[31]

The Book of Al-Jame'a in the Hands of the Imams

The Late al-Kolayni in his Isnad from Aban narrated "A man asked Imam Sajjad concerning the meaning of 'thing' as someone has written in his will that something from his wealth should be given to someone. The Imam replied, 'Thing' in the book of Ali (i.e. al-Jame'a) means 1/6 th of the wealth."[32]

Najashi; the eminent Shi'a expert in biography of narrators (died in 450 A.H), quoted from Muhammad Ibn Azafer al-Sayrafi: Hakam Ibn Oyaynah (one of the Zaidis) and I visited Imam Baqir (a.s). Hakam was asking the Imam (a.s) and the Imam (a.s) was honourably[33] answering him until they disagree over an issue. Imam Baqir (a.s) asked his son to bring the book of his grandfather. His son brought a huge rapped book. The Imam (a.s) showed the answer in the book and said: This book is dictated by the Prophet (P) and is written by Imam Ali (a.s). O Aba Muhammad (Hakam)! You and Salama and Abul Meqdam may go where ever you wish, but by Allah! You shall never find a reliable knowledge unless with those in whose house Gabriel is descended."[34]

Hammad al-Saegh said: "I heard from Mofadhal Ibn Omar who said: I was with Imam Sadiq (a.s) asking him some question that Abul-Hasan Musa (Imam Kadhem) entered the room. Imam Sadiq (a.s) said: Would you be happy if you see the one who will own the book of Ali (a.s)?! I would be honoured? I replied. The Imam Said: This (Imam Kadhem) is the owner of the book of Ali (a.s) after me."[35] Soma'e said: I asked Imam Kadhem (a.s): Is whatever you say from the Book of Allah and the Sunna of the Prophet (P), or it is you opinion too? The Imam (a.s) replied: "Nay, whatever we say is from the Book of Allah and the Sunna of the Prophet (a.s)."[36]

Al-Jame'a in Sahih Bukhari

a) Bukhari in his Isnad from Abi-Johayfa narrated: I said to Ali: Is there any book with you? He replied: No, except the Book of Allah, an understanding that a Muslim is granted and what is in this Sahifa (book or paper). I said what is in this Sahifa? He replied: the expiation of a murder, (the rules concerning) freeing the captives and that a Muslim shall not be killed for a Kafir."[37] b) Bukhari from Ibrahim al-Taymi from his father from Imam Ali (a.s) narrated: "There is nothing with us save the Book of Allah and this Sahifa from the Prophet (P), (in which there is): Madina is sacred between A'er and so and so ."[38]

c) Bukhari with the same Isnad narrated: Ali delivered a sermon for us and said: We do not have any book to read save the Book of Allah and what is in this Sahifa, in which there is (the expiation of) wounds, and the (number of) teeth of a camel (for Kaffarah) and the radius sacred area of Madina is what is between A'ir and so and so ."[39]

Ibn Hajar (died in 852 A.H) in explanation of the first Hadith said: "The Sahifa of Ali (a.s) included all that the Ahadith of the Prophet although every narrator has narrated one part of it. This is because either the narrator was only concerned about the part he has narrated or he has forgotten the rest of it or the narrator was unaware of the rest of the Sahifa. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the narrators did not quote the actual words of the Sahifa, thus their wordings are quite different."[40]

Other Ancient Books of Hadith

Apart from al-Jame'a there were some other companions who did not submit their books to the then government. Unfortunately, however, most of these books have been destroyed or perverted throughout the history. For instance Ibrahim known as Abu-Rafe' was a salve freed by the Prophet (P). During the reign of Imam Ali (a.s) he was appointed as his treasurer. Abu-Rafe' had compiled a book on recommended acts, statutes and judgments.[41] Unfortunately, we don't have access to his book unless some Ahadith narrated through him from Imam Ali (a.s) or the Prophet (P). Most of the available Ahadith him are in virtues of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s).

The Secretes of the Family of Muhammad (P)

One of the most ancient books of Hadith that fortunately by and large it is available today is the book of Solaim Ibn Qais al-Hilali published as 'Asrar Ale Muhammad (the Secrets of the Family of Muhammad (P)). Solaim was one of the distinguished companions of Imam Ali, Imam Hasan, Imam Husain, and Imam Sajjad (peace be upon them). It is narrated from Imam Sadiq (a.s):

من لم يكن عنده من شيعتنا و محبينا کتاب سليم بن قيس الهلالي فليس عنده من امرنا شيء و لا يعلم من اسبابنا شيء و هو ابجد الشيعة و هو سر من اسرار آل محمد .

"Whoever of our followers and lovers does not have the book of Solaim Ibn Qays al-Hilali he does not have any knowledge about us and does not know anything about (causes of) our affairs. It is the alphabets of the Shi'a and it is a secrete from the secrets of the Family of Muhammad (P)." In his book, Solaim narrated some Hadith from Imam Ali (a.s), Salman, Abu-thar and Miqdad (may Allah be pleased with them). The Shi'a scholars are quite unanimous about the high status and of Solaim and his virtues. There is however a scholarly debate about the authenticity of the present book, as it contains some obvious perversions. For instance, the number of the Imams (a.s) according to this book seems to be thirteen Imams!

In my opinion this is not the first book that contains some perversions. As we shall demonstrate in the next lessons, Al-Kaafi; the best Shi'a book of Hadith is not also free from such perversions. The fair judgment about the book of Solaim is what the late Sheikh Mofid at the end of his book 'Tas-hihul-E'teqad' (Correction of the Belief) has asserted: "This book (of Solaim in its present version) is not reliable, for there has occurred perversion and deception in it. Thus, it is imperative for the believers not to accept all that is written in that book. They must refer to the scholars to distinguish for them the correct from the incorrect narrations."[42]

The Psalms of Islam

Another ancient book of Hadith is al-Sahifa al-Sajjadiyah translated into English as 'the Psalms of Islam. Al-Sahifa al-Sajjadiyah is a heritage from Imam Sajjad (a.s). The present version of it consists of fifty four supplications. The original copy of the book has been more that the present one and it has always been kept with the Imams (a.s). The present copy has been dictated by Imam Sadiq (a.s) to Motawakkil Ibn Haroun. 'The Treaties on the Rights' (Resaltul-Hoqouq) is another book of Imam Sajjad (a.s) that is available today. The Four Hundred Origins ('al-Osoulul-Arba'a Me'ah')

The time of the Abbasid was the golden age of spreading the Hadith, but then again not for the followers of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s). The following examples spell out the sever pressure on the Shi'a during the Omayyad and Abbasid dynasties.

1. Abu-Khalid Shinoola said: I said to Imam Jawad (a.s): "May I be sacrificed for you! Our teachers had narrated some Hadith from Imam Baqir (a.s) and Imam Sadiq (a.s). However, due to the sever Taqiyyah (Protection) in their times they hid their books and never narrated anything from it until they died. Today we have accessed their books. Do you allow us to quote from their books? The Imam replied: You may quote from their books for they are authentic."[43]

2. The story of the destruction of the books of Muhammad Ibn Abi Omair is even more painful.

Muhammad Ibn Abi Omair (Ziad) was an eminent student of Imam Kazen and Imam Redha (a.s). He even enjoyed a high respect by the Sunni scholars. Muhammad was jailed during the reign of Haroun al-Rashid (the fifth Abbasid king) and was tortured almost to death. During the reign of Ma'moun (Haroun's son) he was again jailed for four years. During his imprisonment his daughter hid the books of her father in the attic of her house. When the father was released he attended the books. Unfortunately all his books of Hadith were destroyed by rain.[44] Since then Ibn Abi Omair narrated his Ahadith by heart. It is due to the above incident that the Shi'a scholars have opened special category for him and similar narrators called 'the Members of Unanimity' (As-Habul-Ejma'). They regard the Ahadith of the members of the unanimity as authentic even if they have not mentioned the name of the narrator they are narrating from.[45]

In spite of all the difficulties the Shi'a narrators faced they had compiled numerous books of Hadith. The late Najashi; the famous Shi'a expert in biography of the narrators (died in A.H) has named about 1200 Shi'a narrators in his book 'Rejal al-Najashi' who had compiled books of Hadith. Similarly, the late Sheikh al-Horr al-'Ameli asserted that the number of the books of Hadith compiled by the students of the Imams (a.s) according to his counting exceeds 6600 books.

Of all the books of Hadith, the students of the Imams (a.s) had selected 400 books known as 'al-Osoulul-Arba'a Me'ah' (the four Hundred Origins). The late Sheikh Mofid (died in 413 A.H) confirmed: "From the time of Imam Ali (a.s) to the time of Imam al-Askari (a.s) their students had compiled four hundred original books.[46] These books contained Ahadith that the narrators had directly narrated from the Imams (a.s). the four hundred origins were amongst the main sources for compilation of other books of Hadith such as al-Kaafi compiled by al-Kolayni died in (328 or 329 A.H) and 'Man La Yahzor' compiled by al-Sheikh al-Sadouq (died in 381 A.H).

Chapter 6: Meeting 5 Causes For Weak Ahadith In The Books Of Shi'a

Meeting 5: Causes for Weak Ahadith in the books of Shi'a Abstract

1. Different versions

Some of the problems of the Ahadith are due to different versions of the manuscripts of the books. In the old days the publication of a book was by writing many copies from the original manuscript. The books were either dictated to a calligrapher or he would copy the contexts of the book. It would be quite natural to make mistakes in either mishearing a word or misspelling it. For instance, we mentioned a Hadith earlier from Imam Baqir (a.s) concerning al-Jame'a in which the Imam (a.s) was answering the questions of Hakam Ibn Oyayna. In one of the manuscripts of 'al-Najashi' it is written that the Imam (a.s) answered him 'MOKREMAN' (respectfully), whereas in the other manuscript it is written 'MOKREHAN' (without any interest). As you can see the change of a letter (H or M) changes the meaning significantly.

2. Perversions

Another reason for weak Ahadith is the deliberate perversions occurred in their books of Hadith. Such perversions would usually occur at the time of duplication of the secondary copies. The book of Solaim Ibn Qays is an example of this type of perversion.

3. Political pressure

Although the law of Hadith prohibition was removed from the second century, the followers of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s) had no freedom to narrate or compile their books of Hadith. Listening to a Hadith from the Imams of Ahlu-Bait (a.s) was sometimes so hard that often they had to attend the house of the Imam (a.s) as a fruit seller or the like.

Keeping books of Hadith for many Shi'a was an offence. Some Shi'a narrators had hidden their books all their life until they died. Others lost their books naturally during their imprisonment such as Ibn Abi Omair.

4. Sectarianism

Tyrants have always been ruling people by dividing them into small groups and creating disputes amongst them. The Abbasid rulers caused some divisions amongst the Shi'a. Sects such as Kisaniyyah, Fatahiyyah, Ismaeiliyyah, Zaidiyyah, Gholat[47] and the like were created to divide and pervert the path of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s). The followers of such groups often fabricated some Hadith to justify their sects. Sometimes naive Shi'a narrated from them assuming that they are Shi'a. for instance, Ammar Ibn Musa al-Saabaati was one of the companions of Imam Sadiq (a.s) and Imam Kadhem (a.s). He then became one of the chiefs of the Fatahiyyah sect.[48] The Shi'a scholars argue about the authenticity of Ammar. Sheikh Tousi (died in 460 A.H) asserted: "Narrations that are narrated only by Ammar Ibn Musa can not be relied upon."[49] Thus, one of the sciences of Hadith is the study of different sects amongst the Shi'a.

5. Defamation of narrators

Another reason for regarding some Ahadith as weak is defamation of some narrators. Scholars of the sciences of Hadith rely on the testimony of the early scholars about the narrators. For instance, if al-Najashi (died in 450 A.H) testifies the justice of a narrator we consider him just and rely on his narration. Unfortunately, however, some books were fabricated and related to the early Shi'a scholars in which many Shi'a narrators are regarded unjust.

An example of such books is the book of 'al-Dho'afa (the weak narrators). This book is claimed to be compiled by al-Ghadha'eri; al-Husain Ibn Abdullah; one of the Shi'a scholars died in 411 A.H, or by his son; Ahmad Ibn al-Husain. If the book is truly related to them, then many Ahadith become weak. The scholars however disagree as whether the book is truly compiled by al-Ghada'eri or his son or it is a fabrication to detest many Shi'a narrators.

6. Narrating from the Sunnis

The Hadith narrated from the unreliable Sunni sources[50] are not reliable. Sadly, often the Shi'a scholars have quoted some Ahadith form the Sunni books without any comments on them or unknowingly have formed an opinion based on the Sunni Ahadith. For instance, the eminent Shi'a scholar of the 5th century; Sheikh Tousi in his interpretation of the Quran; al-Tebyan under the Ayah 11-16 of Surah 24 narrated the myth concerning the accusation of the hypocrites towards Aisha from the Sunni sources without any comments.

Similarly, Sheikh Mahdi Naraqi (died in 1209 A.H) in his book 'Jame' Sa'adat' quoted some Hadith from 'Ehya'o Oloome Din' written by al-Ghazali; the famous Sunni Sufi (died in 505 A.H). Finally Mohaddeth al-Noori (died in 1320 A.H) formed a wrong opinion concerning the perversion of the Quran based on many unreliable Ahadith he quoted from the Sunni books.[51]

7. al-Taqiyyah (Protection(

Al-Taqiyyah (protection) is a Quranic principle that the Shi'a believe in. There are quite a number of Ahadith that are expressed by the Imams of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s) with the intention of protecting the Shi'a. although these Ahadith could have been the actual words of the Imams (a.s) the Shi'a scholars do not act upon them for they Imams (a.s) had expressed it for certain circumstances only.

8. Not every Authentic Hadith should be accepted and not every week should be rejected.

We shall learn in the coming lessons that sometimes a Hadith is weak as far the chain of the narrators are concerned, yet the scholars accept its content. On the other hand, there may be an authentic Hadith as far as the chain of its narrators is concerned. Yet the scholars do not rely on it. For if a narrator is weak it does not mean he would never tell the truth. Similarly, it could be that a Hadith is truly narrated from one of the Imams (a.s), yet the Imam did not have a real intention in expressing it such as the Ahadith of Taqiyyah. Finally according to the absolute majority of the Shi'a scholars[52] there is no book of Hadith that all its Ahadith are authentic. Thus, every Hadith in every book is subject to scholarly investigation.

Chapter 7: Meeting 6 The Science Of Knowing The Refferences (E'LM MA'REFATUL-MASADER(

Part I: A Glance at the Sunni Books of Hadith Abstract The first book of Sunni Hadith Malik Ibn Anas (died in 179 A.H) the Imam of Maleki sect is the scholar amongst the Sunnis who compiled a book of Hadith called 'al-Mowatta'.. Different opinions about al-Mowatta'

1. The Adorers

Naturally Malek is the first person who has exaggerated in admiring his own work. In the introduction of his book he stated: "I presented this book to seventy jurists from the jurists of Madina and all of them agreed on it, and hence I called it al-Mowatta' ( agreed upon)."[53] Similarly, in the beginning of al-Mowatta' it is narrated from Muhammad Ibn Edris (died in 204 A.H); the Imam of the Shafe'I sect: "No book has appeared on the surface of the earth after the Quran to be more authentic than the book of Malek!"

2. The Opponents

Laith Ibn Sa'd said: "I counted seventy issues on which Malek has given his verdicts against the Sunna of the Prophet (P)."[54] Al-Soyouti in his commentary on 'Taqrib al-Nawawi' in response to why the author has said: "The first author in purely authentic Hadith is al-Bukhari", although the works of Malek and Ahmad (ibn Hanbal) were published before the book of al-Bukhari? Al-Soyouti Said: Malek did not collect the authentic Hadith only. Rather he compiled the Ahadith that their chians of narrators are either cut or unknown."[55]

The second Sunni book of Hadith

The 'Musnad' is the second Sunni book of Hadith. It is compiled by Ahmad Ibn Hanbal (died in 241 A.H) the Imam of the Hanbalis. Ahmad was from Marv[56] . The term 'Mosnad' is an expression for any book of Hadith that its Ahadith are compiled according to the names of the narrators. For instance, all the Ahadith narrated by Jabir Ibn Abdullah from the Prophet (S.A) will be compiled together in one chapter. Although Ahmad is one of the four Imams of Sunnis, the Sunni scholars did not include his book among the 'Six Authentic Books of Hadith'. Al-Bukhari and Muslim are more accepted by the Sunni scholars although they were the students of Ahmad.

The Six Authentic Sunni Books of Hadith (al-Sehah al-Setta( Among all the Sunni Hadith collections, there are six books that are more recognized by the Sunni scholars. They refer to them as 'Sehah Settah' which means 'the Six Authentic'. They are: Sahih Bukhari (died in 256 A.H), Sahih Muslim (died in 261 A.H), Sunan Abu-Dawood (died in 275 A.H), Sunan Termethi (died in 279 A.H), Sunan Nasaei (died in 303 A.H), and Sunan Ibn Majah (died in 273 A.H).[57]

As for the first five books there is no dispute that they are part of the Six Authentic Books. However, as for the last one (Sunan Ibn Majah), some scholars replace it with 'al-Mowatta', whilst others regarded Mosnad (Sunan) al-Darami as the sixth authentic book. In general, whenever they say 'the Five narrated it' they mean the authors of the first five books, and when they say 'the Two authentic narrated it' or 'the Two Sheikhs narrated it' they mean Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim.

A Glance at the Sahihayn

Muhammad Ibn Ismaeel al-Bukhari the author of Sahih Bukhari was born in Bukhara[58] in 194 A.H. and died in 256 A.H.[59] Sahih Bukhari is nine volumes in 3450 chapters. Its Ahadith including the ones repeated are counted to 7275 Hadith and without repeated Ahadith are 4000 Hadith. We should however remember the term Hadith amongst the Sunnis include the words of the companions of the Prophet (S.A) and their companions too.

Bukhari is a Hadith collection in theology, interpretation of the Quran, jurisprudence, history, ethics, etc. In his introduction Bukhari asserted that he compiled his book in sixteen years and chose its Ahadith from among 600 thousand Hadith to be the evidence between his and his Lord. Many explanatory books are written on Sahih Bukhari. One of the most famous ones is 'Fathul-Bari Fe Sharhe Sahih al-Bukhari' wirttend by Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani.

Muslim Ibn Hajjaj al-Naysabouri is the author of the second most important book of Sunni Hadith. Muslim was from Nayshapour [Naysabour in Arabic] one of the famous cities in Iran. He died in 261 A.H. Sahih Muslim is published in five volumes and like Bukhari contains 7275 Hadith including the repeated Ahadith or 4000 Hadith excluding the repeated ones.

Scholarly Comments on Sahihayn

Undoubtedly the Sahihayn are the two most accepted books of Hadith amongst the Sunnis, thus Sahih (authentic) by default refers to them. Al-Thahbi one of the famous Sunni scholars in the introduction of his commentary on Bukhari says: "In the world of Islam, Sahih Bukhari is the greatest book, nay after the Quran it is the best book."[60] Nawawi; the best celebrated interpreter of Sahih Muslim says: "The (Sunni) scholars are unanimous that the best books after the holy Quran are Sahihayn. The Islamic Ummah have accepted these two books and confirmed their authenticity."[61] In spite of many exaggerated praises some of the Sunni scholars especially the contemporary ones have confirmed that there are weak Ahadith in Sahihayn too. Ibn Hajar in the introduction of his commentary on Sahih Bukhari asserted: "The experts in Hadith criticised and rejected one hundred and ten Hadith narrated in Bukhari, thrity two of which are also narrated by Muslim."

Quoting from the weak narrators

One of the serious comments on Bukhari is that on the one hand he narrated from unjust sinners, Kharejis (rebels against Imam Ali's government) and puppets of Bani-Omayyah such as Amr Ibn Aas, Marwan Ibn Hakam, Mo'awiyah, Moghayrah Ibn Sho'ba, No'man Ibn Bashir, Abu-Horayrah, Emran Ibn Hettan, Eremah and the like. On the other hand he only narrated 19 Hadith from Imam Ali (a.s) who was with the Prophet (P) from the first day of the advent of Islam to the last day of the life of the Prophet (P).

He narrated only one Hadith from Fatima al-Zahra (a.s) the daughter of the Prophet (P) and one of the Ahlul-Bayt (a.s). He did not narrate any Hadith from Imam Hasan and Imam Husain (a.s); the only grandsons of the Prophet (P) and the Masters of the youth of the Paradise. Bukhari did not narrate any Hadith from Imam Sadiq (a.s) not even as a narrator of the Hadith of his grandfather! He was a contemporary to Imam Naqi, Imam Hadi and Imam Askari (a.s) and yet did not narrate any single Hadith through any of them!

Examples from Sahihayn

Sahihayn narrated fabricated Ahadith in which it is claimed that God the Almighty will be seen in the hereafter in as clear as the full moon will be seen in the world.[62] People will see His shin![63] According to narrations of Bukhari the Prophet (P) was bewitched. Prophet Moses (p) hits the eyes of the Angel of Death Isreail and turns him blind and many such fabricated and Israelite narrations.

Other Sunni Books of Hadith

The followings are some of the main examples:

1. al-Mustadrak al Sahihayn

Al-Mustadrak is the work of Muhammad Ibn Abdullah, known as Al-Hakim al Maisabouri (died in 405AH) al-Hakim is one of the Sunni Imams of Hadith. His book is a supplement to Sahihayn. He has compiled Ahadith that Bukhari and Muslim missed in their books although according to the principles of Bukhari and Muslim they are authentic. Some of the biased Sunni scholars have accused al Hakim of being a Shi'a despite the fact that al Sobkhi in his 'At-Tabaqat' asserted that he was a Shafei'i scholar.

The reason for such accusations is because al Hakim has narrated many Ahadith in virtues of Ahlul Bayt (P)in general and Imam Ali in particular. Al Hakim asserts that these Ahadith are authentic according to the principles accepted by Bukhari and Muslim but they did not narrate it. For instance, al Hakim narrated the famous Hadith of Al Ghadeer with the same Isnad that Muslim narrated from Zaid ibn Arqam. However, unlike Muslim he quoted the important part of the Hadith in which the Prophet (P) said, "Whoever I am his master, then Ali is his master too."

Unfortunately this is not the first time that the biased Sunni scholars have rejected a hadith or a narrator or a book for the crime of being a Shi'a! To them whoever narrates any Hadith which is in conflict with their assumptions should be rejected and paid no heed to.

Al Hakim is one of the eminent Sunni imams of Hadith about whom it is said "He was the most learned scholar of his time in knowing the authentic Hadith and distinguishing it from the weak ones." Al Mustadrak is published with the footnotes of Dr Yusuf al Mar'ashli 2. Jame'ul Usool Fi Ahadithe Rasool (Comprehensive Principles in Narrations of the Messenger) Jame'ul-Usool is writtend by Mubarak Ibn Muhammad known as Ibn-ul-Athir (died in 606 A.H). Ibn-ul Athir has compiled the six books that to his conviction were authentic.

They are al-Mowatta' in addition to the first five authentic books of Sunnis. Ibn-ul-Athir replaced Ibn Majah with al-Mowatta'.[64] In order not to bore the unprofessional readers he omitted the chain of transmitters of the Ahadith and only mentioned the name of the one who is narrating from the Prophet (P). He has also deleted most of the narrations from other the Prophet (P). His work is a good source for a quick access to the Ahadith mentioned in the Six Authentic Books of Sunnis.

3. The Most Comprehensive Sunni book of Hadith

Historically the most comprehensive Sunni book of Hadith would be 'Jam'ul-Jawame' (Collecting of the Collections) or 'al-Jame'ul-Kabir' (the Great Collector) written by al-Soyouti (died in 911 A.H.( al-Soyouti intended to collect all the Prophetic narrations in one book. To compile his book he referred to seventy one books of Hadith. He then divided his work into two main sections: the words of the Prophet (P), and the actions of the Prophet (P). Unfortunately, al-Soyouti died before he finishes his work. Thus, his book was never published.

Less than half a century after the demise of al-Soyouti, one of the famous narrators of the tenth century; Ali Ibn Hessam known as al-Mottaqi al-Hindi (died in 975 A.H) completed the unfinished work of al-Soyouti. His book is called 'Kanzul-Ommal Fi Sunanel-Aqwal Wal-Af'al (The Treasury of the Workers in Verbal and Actions' Narrations). He compiled his book from 93 Sunni books of Hadith. The main sources of al-Hindi in compilation of his book were three books of Hadith compiled by al-Soyouti; i.e. al-Jame'ul-Saghir, Ziadatul-Jame'ul-Saghir and al-Jame'ul-Kabir.

Kanzul-Ommal is the most comprehensive Sunni book of Hadith. Al-Hindi has collected 46624 Sunni Hadith in his book. He has compiled his work in an alphabetical jurisprudential order, and thus a researcher can easily find any Hadith under its subject.

Kanzul-Ommal is published in 16 volumes and is also available on the internet.[65] Narrative Interpretations of the Quran

I would like to bring this lesson into an end by introducing a couple of most important Sunni books of Hadith on interpretation of the Quran. 1. Tafsir Ibn Jarir

Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari (died in 310 A.H) is one of the most renowned ancient Sunni historian and exegesis of the Quran. He is well known for his two works; his book on history known as 'Akhbarul Rosol Wal-Molook' (The News of the Messengers and the Kings), and his book on the interpretation of the Quran: Jame'ul-Bayan Fi Tafsir al-Quran (Comprehensive explanation in the interpretation of the Quran) known as Tafsir Ibn Jarir. His Tafsir is in 30 volumes and is one of the most ancient and comprehensive books of Tafsir, thus, it has always been a source for other compilations on the interpretation of the Quran. Although Tafsir Ibn Jarir is not merely a narrative interpretation of the Quran, a great portion of his book consists of the narrations that he has collected for the interpretation of the Ayaat of the Quran.

2. al-Dorrol-Manthour

The most important Sunni book of Hadith on the interpretation of the Quran is al-Dorrol Manthour Fil-Tafsir Bilma'thour (The Scattered Pearls in the Narrated Interpretation) compiled by Abdul-Rahman Ibn Abi-Bakr known as Jalalu-Din al-Soyouti (died in 911A.H(. Unfortunately, however, his work similar to the Tafsir Ibn Jarir is very often stuffed with Israelites and fabricated Ahadith. For instance, under the interpretation of the first Ayah of Surah al-Nisa (Chapter 4) he narrated some non-Prophetic narrations claiming that Eve was created from back left rib of Adam.[66]

The Imams of Ahlul-Bayt (a.s) have explicitly and without any ambiguity denounced such Israelite fabrications. Zorarah asked Imam Sadiq (a.s): Some of our people claim that the Almighty Allah created Eve from the lower left rib of Adam! The Imam (a.s) replied:

سبحان الله و تعالي عن ذلک علوا كبيرا! يقول من يقول هذا: ان الله تبارک و تعالي لم يکن له من القدرة ان يخلق لآدم زوجته من غير ضلعه! و جعل لمتکلم من اهل التشنيع سبيلا الي الکلام، يقول: انّ آدم کان ينکح بعضه بعضا اذا کانت من ضلعه، ما لهؤلاء، حکم الله بيننا وبينهم .

"Glory be to Allah and He is Exalted greatly from that! He who claims that(in fact) says: Allah; the Almighty was unable to create a mate for Adam from other than his rib! And thus he provides an opportunity for those who wish to vilify (Islam) to say: "Adam married part of himself if she was from his rib." What is wrong with those people (fabricators)! May Allah judge between us and them."[67] All praise belong to Allah for the blessing of Welayah.

3 Wahhabism in a British context

3.1 Biographical analysis of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab

In order to understand the generally accepted definition of Wahhabism, the endeavours of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab need to be put into context. Even if Ibn Abd al-Wahhab were to be regarded as the source of all Islamist activities, there is enough in his biography to disregard his influence on Muslims around the world.

Wahhabism is widely reported to have originated in eighteenth century Saudi Arabia as a purist Islamic movement which eventually dominated the various tribes and minority groups in the Najd area of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, who was born in the town of Uyainah in 1702 or 1703 (Allen, 2007:42), was its founder. His early years were characterised by being a devoted student of religion (Allen, 2007:48) who at the age of ten could recite the whole Qur’an from memory. His father was a judge who followed the Hanbali School of jurisprudence and was descended from a long line of respected jurists who were also Hanbalis. One of the key influences on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab would appear to have been Abd Allah ibn Ibrahim ibn Sayf (d. unknown), an admirer of Ibn Taymiyya’s (d. 1328) theology. Ibn Sayf introduced him to a teacher ofhadith called Muhammad Hayat of Sindh (d. unknown) who was a follower of the Shafi’i School of jurisprudence and a Naqshbandi Sufi.

Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was already showing hard-line and intolerant tendencies in his twenties, apparently as a reaction to Sufism and there was an uncomfortable encounter with his father and his uncle who was also a religious teacher. He believed that Sufism’s teaching of tolerance towards people in general had weakened the militant streak in Arabs of the Najd region and this allowed colonialist powers to gain a foothold. He also came up against the scholars of the day with his puritanical approach to Islam. The scholars of his then dwelling place, Uyainah, denounced him as a schismatic, branded him a heretic and ordered him to leave the town. He went to live with his father who had moved to Huraymila but his views were not accepted there either. He thereafter kept his views to himself until his father’s death in 1740. After that he took over as judge and began to ‘act and pronounce judgement in accordance with his new teachings.’ (Allen, 2007:51). The populace turned on him and he fled Huraymila and sought refuge back in Uyainah.

Ibn Taymiyya’s (1263−1328) influence on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was through his teacher Ibn Sayf. The former’s purist movement was as a result of the Mongol invasion in which thousands of Muslims were slaughtered at the hands of Hulaku Khan (d. 1265). Ibn Taymiyya’s desire to purify Islam was intended to pull the Muslim world out of its despair by returning it to the original teachings of Islam. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, although apparently one in a line of Islamist revivers, regarded Muslims whom he saw as apostates as the enemy of the religion.

Following his initial rejection by contemporary scholars, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab made a comeback through marriage ties to the ancestors of the current Saudi regime and it is this tactic throughout his remaining life that enabled him to stay at the centre of the political scene and establish his power in Saudi Arabia. Muhammad ibn Saud of the Aal Saud (Family of Saud) established close ties with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in 1744 and declared himself as Amir with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as Imam. This Imam-Amir coalition was to form the basis of the ruling administration in the Kingdom today. It was an approach which was successful in oppressing minority groups such as Shiites and Sufis. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab successfully merged Islam and politics in the form of a holyjihad . In return for allegiance he promised Paradise.

Both Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Abd al-Wahhab allowedjihad against one’s (unjust) rulers even though both belonged to the Hanbali School offiqh and Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 855) prohibited this.

The intolerance of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab is shown in the attacks on the graves of prominent personalities of Islam’s history in 1802. Imam Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud’s eldest son, Saud ibn Saud, attacked the sacred shrine of the Shiites in which Husayn, grandson of the Prophet and son of Imam Ali is buried. Allen quotes Lieutenant Francis Warden as saying that they ‘pillaged…and plundered the Tomb of Hossein…slaying in the course of the day, with…cruelty, above five thousand of the inhabitants.’ (Allen, 2007:63). The Turkish government could take criticism as having failed to protect the tombs and the people that visited them, however, the trend of militancy shown by the followers of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was clear. Therefore Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’sjihad is a unique phenomenon in Islamic history and should be treated as such.

The hadith of the Prophet Muhammad in which the lesser jihad is compared and contrasted with the greater jihad highlights the inherent risk of jihadis turning off in periods of peace. [12] The Prophet explained how the jihad al-nafs (combat with the self) is superior to the jihad against a foe because the inner enemy is unseen, unexpected and requires self-appraisal which is harder on the ego ( nafs ) than appraising other people. Furthermore, the diversion of the Companions’ attention to themselves is a way of shutting down the frame of mind in which one is mentally prepared to kill or be killed. The original Wahhabi movement fell foul of this flaw and it is seen how the warring tendency within the Najdi tribe has not changed until this day. This tendency to wage war appears to have continued to this day with Arabs often being accused of promoting a ‘culture of violence’ [13] even in today’s society in which humanity prides itself in its civilised manners. This to an extent explains why the Taliban have continued in their quest for jihad after being supported by the United States against Russia during the 1980s.

Despite the Saudi administration’s bloody beginnings, it has endured as an ally to the West, supplying it with oil for the best part of a century along with opportunities for a growing number of expatriates.[14] Despite this, a cost cannot be put on the calamitous effect that the apparent oppression has had on the now minority groups within the Kingdom. In more recent years, it is reported that there is somewhat of a tolerance-through-ignorance policy in operation where the Kingdom chooses to turn a blind eye towards minority groups because it struggles to embrace them openly[15]

The current state of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia belies Delong-Bas’ (2004:17) portrayal of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as a pacifist: how is it possible that Saudi Arabia, where Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s writings are venerated, is accused of oppression towards women and other minority Muslims in the name of Islam? Muslim women were not allowed until recent times to drive cars on their own under the ruling ofsad al-dharai . [16]

Some of the issues in the state of Arab society in the Najd area today with regard to women’s rights and the rights of minority Muslims may well be as a result of scholars selectively following the teachings of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. If it is possible for this to occur with the original sources of Islam (Quran and Hadith) then it is also possible for it to occur with the works of someone such as Ibn Abd al-Wahhab.

Though so-called radical groups within Britain display a desire to purify Islam and for military and political dominance, any link with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab is untenable. Though, given that he is regarded highly, he must accept some culpability.

Allen’s (2007) depiction of a link between purist movements in the Najd area, the Indian sub-continent, Ikhwan reformers of Egypt and Afghan tribes is based on the relationship that Shah Waliullah (d. 1762), a key influential figure of purist movements within the Indian sub-continent, had with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab: they both studied with the same teachers in Madina and possibly even attended the same lectures together and discussed the same topics. He further claims a link between so-called Wahhabi groups and Deobandi[17] and Ahl-i-Hadith[18] preachers in the Indian sub-continent stretching back to the eighteenth century. This is also untenable because his writing contradicts itself when he goes on to say how the Ahl-i-Hadith of India refuted this link when they petitioned the Government of India to stop using the term ‘Wahhabi’ in relation to them and the group also denied any links with Wahhabism.

The circumstances regarding each instance of radical behaviour are different, whether it was in the case of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab or Britons. In order to understand who the Wahhabis of Britain could be, an understanding of the main Islamist groups is needed.

3.2 Islamist groups of Britain

Anti-Wahhabists attempt and often fail to demonstrate clearly that there is a political link between acts of violence in the name of Islam and the influence of the Saudi administration. The Saudi government being Arab and the apparent 9/11 suicide bombers coming from Saudi Arabia is a very convenient correlation. The 7/7 attacks in London, however, began to challenge the Wahhabi-Saudi link. Modern literature has begun now to focus on what influences people of Britain. The difficulty in literature on this subject is in being able to identify clearly who in Britain are the candidates for the label of ‘Wahhabi’.

3.2.1 The Salafiyyah

The Salafiyyah could be regarded as similar to Ahl-i-hadith in their Islamic outlook. The Salafiyyah movement is often deemed to be closely linked with Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab due to the obvious reverence that they afford him by studying his famousKitab al-Tawhid , commentated on many times over by various Saudi shaykhs and selling on Salafi websites and in their bookshops. However, alongside Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s books one can at times also find Natana Delong-Bas’ book entitledWahhabi Islam [19] which portrays Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in a positive manner and as someone who did not actively promote any form of violence.

Geaves (2000: 54) writes how the origins of what is labelled as the Salafiyyah movement in the UK are based on the teachings of Egyptian reformers such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (d. 1897), Rashid Rida (d. 1935) and Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905). Strangely, Abduh was in favour of legal reform within the Muslim world and used rationality in the application ofmaslaha [20] to reform law. Three examples of controversial decrees of his are allowing Muslims to accept interest and dividends, to eat meat prepared by non-Muslims in foreign lands and to allow Muslims to wear non-traditional dress.[21] These views are liberal as compared to the likes of Rashid Rida. Though the Salafiyyah may be regarded as purist Muslims, in Britain their focus is on the teachings of Islam and they are not reliably known to be involved in Islamic political activism.

Geaves (2000:57) explains that according to Joffe (1998) the Salafi movement’s activities in attempting to purify Islam ‘coincided with socio-political and economic developments in the Middle East which paralleled the reforms in the Ottoman Empire and the Transformation of Egypt in the 1920s.’ Modern Salafis greatly identify themselves with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab; however, their identity is complicated because their scholars are also known to denounce terrorism,[22] although terrorists would also identify with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Terrorism or ‘extremist’ Islam therefore does not have a clear-cut face within the Salafi community. Geaves (2000:57) points out that ’[t]he main thrust of the attack was not directed at the West, but at the need to purify Islam from the teachings and practices of the Sufi tariqas’ − implying that although some of the initiatives of the Salafis may have been identical to the Wahhabis, that religious militancy has not necessarily translated into extremism or violence.

The writings of Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966) are often deemed to be an influence on the modern terrorist;[23] however, similarly to Ibn Taymiyyah, the context of Qutb’s writing was his reaction to colonialism within Egypt whereas within Britain, the immigrants from South Asia and the first and second generation Muslims are here by choice. Therefore, the link between Middle Eastern reformers and British Muslims is not reliable. Furthermore, Qutb’s intellectual ancestor was Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905) and as described above he espoused a more accommodating view of Islamic jurisprudence for Muslims. Abduh had been in favour oftalfīq . [24] Abduh himself was not averse to Sufism, having been involved in it during his life. He had always retained a respect for it.[25] The two approaches of Abduh and Qutb at times are in some ways different: Abduh’s desire to evolve Islamic law in a constantly changing world was not seen in the same way within the writing of Qutb who espoused a move away from thejahiliyyah (ignorance) of western societies and a return to original Islamic principles. Qutb’s writings should therefore be taken with some caution.

The mix of ideologies that were evolving in the Middle East during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have also appeared within Britain and often manifest themselves in fiery speeches delivered by impassioned imams at Friday prayers and other Muslim festivities such as the two Eid prayers and the twenty-seventh night of Ramadan and arguably also in the above mentioned suicide attack.[26]

3.2.2 Barelvis, Deobandis and Ahl-i-hadith

These groups originated in the Indian sub-continent. None of them accepts the label of ‘Wahhabi’ which they regard as a term that describes a zealot or excessively purist Muslim. The relationship between Deobandis, Barelvis and Ahl-i-hadith[27] is rarely amicable.

Barelvis[28] usually label the Deobandis, Ahl-i-hadith, Salafi and others who generally do not carry out themawlid or birthday celebrations of the Prophet Muhammad,urs (anniversary of death) of a dead Shaykh as Wahhabi. [29] Deobandis and Barelvis send blessings on the Prophet Muhammad regularly and Geaves’s (2000:54) statement that Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab banned such practises distances both these groups from Wahhabism.

This also challenges the impression that Geaves gives about the Deobandis being ‘Wahhabi-lites’.Deobandis use the term ‘Wahhabi’ to refer to the Ahl-i-hadith or Salafis whom they consider to be purists to a greater degree than themselves. The clearest manifestation of potential Wahhabi or radical tendencies among the Deobandis (and in some mosques populated by Arabs) is at the time for Jumuah prayer when the imams often decide to curse and even pray for destruction of the enemies of the Muslims. Such rhetoric is quite common within the mosques of Britain and is often the result of issues inherited from the Indian sub-continent. These issues are often, in a Qutbian way, ones which themawlawi s [30] display out of their zeal for freedom. From field research conducted as part of this dissertation, it is apparent that the most striking part of these sermons is that they are often in Arabic and the congregation being of Urdu, Hindi or Punjabi speaking backgrounds have little or no idea of what the imam is saying.

Barelvis are greatly influenced by Sufism and some purist Deobandi groups are also deeply influenced by it: the Husseini group of Lahore is one example and Shaykh al-Hadith Sufi Sarwar preachestasawwuf to other scholars and students from the University of al-Jamiah al-Ashrafiyyah. [31] This is indicative of the osmosis of Sufi thought into a number of other ‘purist’ Muslim groups and its appeal to a wide audience. This also challenges Geaves’ (2000:56) notion that ‘the reformed Sufi influence in the (Deobandi) movement does seem to have gone into decline after the advent of Muhammad Wahhab’s movement in Arabia with its strong anti-Sufi rhetoric’.

In terms oftaqlid , Barelvis and Deobandis are ardentmuqallid s (followers) of the Hanafi School which is rejected by the Salafis who regard Abu Hanifah as a misguided Imam of theahl al-ray . [32]

From a Salafi perspective, Deobandis and Barelvis are innovators in theD in (religion) and regard them as having close links with Sufis; for that reason, they could not be Wahhabis. Deobandi and Barelvi practises such as raising the hands for supplication in congregation after each prayer are reminiscent of the Sufis; Salafis consider thesebidah s (innovations) along with others such as the use ofmisbaha rosary beads fordhikr (divine remembrance) which often resemble the practices of Sufis as well as different religions.

The Salafis could be regarded superficially as the British equivalent of the Ahl-i-hadith, however, they dissociate themselves from the term ‘Wahhabi’, but this is not because they reject being called a follower of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab but at the incorrect use of al-Wahhab, one of Allah’s ninety names and of the incorrect use of the name of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab.

There would appear to be great influence in the Deobandi theology of Mawdudi and Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624) but a general lack of understanding as to who Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab was.

In today’s UK, there is little difference apparent between the Sufism-oriented Barelvis and Deobandis, apart from when one enters the mosque in which the former have more influence, one sees ‘Ya Muhammad’ (O Muhammad) on the wall and usually at the entrance. This is indicative of the teachings of Ahmad Barelvi (d. 1831) who espoused that the Prophet Muhammad was alwayshazir (present) andnazir (watching). This is indicative of the theological difference between Barelvis and others who would regard this notion asshirk [33] .

The internal strife and competition between Deobandis and Barelvis can be said to have preoccupied these communities in Britain for the latter part of the twentieth century in their efforts to establish their own mosques within Muslim communities; the mosques of one group are not known to invite openly the worshippers of another group. The Salafis are especially looked upon suspiciously because they do not want to hold either study circles in any of the other two main groups’ mosques nor enthusiastically attend prayers there. When they do, they often sit in an isolated position and on discussion with some of them it has become apparent that they would only be willing to take over the running of the mosques completely but not be willing to engage or integrate into their communities.

3.2.3 Al-Muhajiroun and Hizb ut-Tahrir

The Deobandis, Barelvis and Salafis do not openly admit any type of political agenda. Al-Muhajiroun, deemed to be in support of radical Islamic thought and also militant, do have a political agenda. Omar Bakri Mohammed, who was the founder and worldwide leader of this group, openly declared the suicide bombers in the Israeli Café of Mike’s Bar as ‘heroes’ (Wiktorowicz, 2005:6). He displays a sense of pan-Islamism and supports the founding of an Islamic caliphate in Muslim lands. This group does not appear to have perpetrated violence in Britain as yet, though this may simply be intentional in order to maintain a presence in Britain by keeping it out of bounds.

Geaves identifies Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) which is known for its desire to establish an Islamic state (Wiktorowicz, 2005:7) even in Britain as having the potential to ignite the fire of extremism or jihadist sentiments. Bakri joined this group in 1977. This group had been banned and severely suppressed in Saudi Arabia (Wiktorowicz, 2005:7) where Bakri had difficulty in recruiting people, hence, making it difficult to associate this group with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab or the Saudi administration. After being cast out of HT, Bakri continued work under the banner of al-Muhajiroun and over time it emerged as a group in its own right.

This desire to establish an Islamic caliphate for the implementation of Sharia is not extreme or jihadist nor does it pose a threat to British society or the British public. The comments from the Archbishop of Canterbury in 2008 that Sharia was inevitable in the UK[34] coupled with the emergence of Sharia law courts in Britain which are under the control of Dr. Shoaib Hasan,[35] who has no links with these groups, show that there is an untenable link made between the requirement to establish an Islamic way of life and the political activities of HT and al-Muhajiroun.

3.3 Summary

Given the cultural (and to a great extent, ideological and religious) gap between immigrants from the Indian sub-continent and the second generation Muslims, it can be said that British Muslims have not necessarily inherited the issues that their parents brought with them from the sub-continent. Contrary to common belief, the first-generation Muslims are not greatly influenced by Wahhabism, nor are they clearly linked to extremist or terrorist activities. This leaves a question hanging over the militant activities of groups such as al-Muhajiroun, HT, and others which supportjihadi or militant activities. Scholarly literature and media reports accuse militant groups of extremist activities but fail to pin-point how they influence the youth or analyse the factors that are contributing to underlying issues faced by Muslim youth in Britain.

The objective of establishing the success or failure of Wahhabism as an ideology is not possible because of the difficulties surrounding the definition of Wahhabism, as well as the erroneous link between the desire to live Islamically with the political agenda of some fringe groups that are labelled as Wahhabi by both writers on this topic as well as the media. Nevertheless, Britain is faced with a rise of extremist behaviour and in order to deal with it, a solution is required. Sufism is often discussed within the media and within political circles as being the cure and given that the British government recently supported the establishment of the Muslim Sufi Council of Britain. Given the sparse material on this topic, it needs to be discussed in some detail.

4 Sufism: an alternative perspective for British Muslims

4.1 The Wahhabi–Sufi rivalry

The second objective of this dissertation is to establish how Sufism as an alternative paradigm addresses the issues of Britain’s youth. There are underlying issues within Islamic theology whose contention goes back to the formative period within the early centuries of Islam. Geaves (2000:56) alludes to this point wherein questions about the nature of Allah, his non-corporeality, his anthropomorphism, his attributes and an understanding of what he desires, often become a bone of contention. This has been at the heart of the Sufi−non-Sufi divide: how far is Islam willing to accommodate hermeneutical interpretations of Quranic verses and Prophetic traditions? What exactly constitutesshirk ? How much freedom is allowed within religion to express one’s love for Allah? How literal is literal: does every verse within the Quran have an inner meaning and outer meaning or is there such thing as an outer meaning at all? Throughout these debates and attacks, Sufism has remained the one approach that has clearly stood the test of time and survived everywhere in the Muslim world working with all kinds of cultures. Ibn Arabi, a past Sufi master, even addressed the issue of equality between the sexes where traditional scholars often struggled to clear Islam’s name.[36] Sufism is greatly responsible for the spread of Islam in the Indian sub-continent and saw the flow of Sufism from the Khwajagan of Afghanistan[37] to India and back again in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It has survived purist movements and political turmoil in Arab countries and even the theological turmoil of the early centuries of Islam. The scholars of Islamicfiqh and Sufism claim that it goes back to the Adam himself (Geaves, 2000).

The focus on the oppression of Sufism by Muslim purists has recently come to the fore, accelerated by the search of the British Government for a solution to the rise in Islamic extremism in Britain recently manifesting in suicide bomb attacks. This has also brought to the public eye the tireless efforts of the Haqqani Sufi Shaykh Hisham Kabbani who campaigned in the pre−9/11 days to raise awareness of the pending attacks. This has provided the backdrop to allow the Shaykh to bring out the Sufi voice and ‘officially’ enter Sufism into mainstream Islam in Britain. His celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday in number 10 Downing Street has done a great deal to raise the profile of Sufism within Britain. His flourishing relationship with royalty[38] seen in his hosting of a Sufi event in Manchester on 4th February 2010 is another indication of harmonious relationships that Sufism can bring to the table. Despite the seeming division in the Muslim community caused by the polarisation into either non-Sufi and Sufi, there appears to be a benefit in that the moderate Muslim has a potential representative in the form of Sufism. This is also indicated by Geaves (2000:59) who has written about the potential of Sufism to counter the extremist tendencies as he analyses the writings of Sufi Shaykhs such as Kabbani (1998).

The immanent danger that needs addressing is the possibility of hard-line or extremist rhetoric that has already infiltrated Britain’s mosques remaining there. The Friday sermons of anger aimed at perceived enemies of Islam are indications that there are some remnants of the reaction to the colonialism of Muslim lands imported into Britain. This voice is increasingly becoming dated as British Muslims struggle to form an identity for themselves.

Geaves (interview conducted by this author, 2010) explains that there has been a fair amount of opportunism exhibited by Sufi groups in the wake of the issues of recent years especially after the 9/11 and 7/7 incidents. Sufis capitalised on the opportunity saying that Sufism would never support the violent actions of such radical groups. Furthermore, given that Sufis have also historically been involved in military conflicts, it cannot be simply said that Sufism is an apolitical, non-militant group of mystics.

4.2 Sufism: conclusion

The question as to whether or not Sufism is an alternative paradigm is a complex one on many levels. There is a plethora of writings on Sufism stretching back centuries: the scholarly writings on this subject have, as previously mentioned, traversed centuries, cultures, peoples, eras, languages and an array of other variable factors in society. The extant writings of the likes of Idries Shah (d. 1996) have been a companion to the British people from the mid-twentieth century until today. Book stores proliferate with both original writings in Arabic and Persian as well as interpretations in English by Orientalists, Westerners, Sufis and non-Sufis. Many writers such as Annemarie Schimmel (d. 2003) have given the best parts of their lives to the study of Sufism, taking up residency in centres of Sufi culture[39] and Islamic scholars to this day search to define the inner kernel of Islam through the Sufi way. Sufism’s roots are seen by some to emerge from the Hadith of Jibril narrated in theForty Ahadith [40] of Abu Zakaria Muhi al-Din Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi (d. 1278) in which Jibril (the Angel Gabriel) comes to the Prophet Muhammad and asks him an array of questions, one of which is aboutIhsan to which the Prophet replies that it is to worship Allah as though one sees him and if one cannot see him then one should realise that Allah sees him. The clear message of this hadith is that Sufism is greatly experiential and it aims to bring one closer to Allah.

This section of the dissertation could not possibly hope to cover the vast amount of books on Sufism or the wide range of its topics. Given the lack of in-depth literature available on the possibility of Sufism being the alternative paradigm to extremism, it leads one to the following conclusions.

Some prominent Sufis in Britain such as Shaykh al-Kabbani have a good relationship with the British ruling administration and this will be viewed by politically-oriented Islamists as a political tool which politicians can use according to their whims and non-Islamic objectives if required. This will always be a point of contention and sticking point for supporting Sufism as an alternative perspective given that some such groups are receiving funding from the British government.[41]

Sufism promotes certain non-Orthodox activities such as the veneration of saints, which even non-extremist groups such as Deobandis can critically argue against using Islamic sources. Sufism would need to be able to accommodate such differences of opinion otherwise Sufis will fail to engage with other Islamic elements within British society.

Many Sufi Muslims uphold the British monarchy as divinely ordained rulers whereas there are anti-royalists even in Britain, given the monarchy’s German descent. This notion had its origin in the Banu Umayyad caliphate where the oppressive rulers espoused the view that Allah had supported their rule through predestination. This again is a contentious point which goes back to the heart of Islamic theology and the days of the Qadarite-Jabbarite debates.[42] The issue is where one draws the line between accepting a ruling establishment on the grounds that they are divinely ordained and opposing them on their oppressive policies. It has further ramifications for British citizens because of the pledge to the British monarchy and the British state which is expected from each citizen.[43] Despite the passing of centuries this point is still contentious and not likely to be resolved by simply promoting Sufi values.

Sufism is not necessarily averse to political involvement even by military means. Even a Sufi could interpret a political situation to justify the taking up of arms and possibly fighting for a bad cause. The Janissary Turkish troops were closely linked to Haji Bektashi Veli (d. 1270) and often called ‘Sons of Haji Bektash’[44] a well-known Sufi of the thirteenth century who came to Anatolia from Khorasan settling in the small village of Suluca Karahoyuk (Nasr, 1997:359). The Bektashi way became central to the Janissary corps because every man who joined them had to take an oath of loyalty to Haji Bektash Wali, thus this would in effect make them hismurid (follower).

Othman Dan Fodio (d. 1817) of the Qadiriyyah Order in West Africa launched ajihad to reform his followers and formed the Sokoto Caliphate in Nigeria[45] . Thisjihad was also instrumental in inspiring later Sufi leaders to form new states in Fouta Jallon in 1725, Fouta Toro in 1776 and Masina in 1810.

Is the relationship between prominent Sufis like Shaykh al-Kabbani and the ruling administration reciprocated in the same way by his counterparts? The whole-hearted backing by the British government of Sufis in the early twenty-first century does not appear to be as forthcoming now with some reports that the government is not considering Sufism as the only strand of the Muslim community with which it is willing to engage. This gives the impression that Sufis of Britain have not managed to maintain their once flourishing ties with the British ruling establishment. Furthermore, the recent function arranged by Shaykh al-Kabbani to which he invited Prince Charles has only been noted as a musical festival on his ‘official website’ as opposed to being promoted as an effort to spread Islam through love.[46] It would be too late for a personality such as Haqqani to preach an apolitical perspective because of the support he has already given to the likes of Prince Charles and solidarity shown to the British Government. To a typically non-Sufi group such as the Salafis Haqqani probably is regarded as a sell-out. Furthermore, even within Sufis, there are some such as al-Ghazali (d. 1111) who have espoused a general divide between rulers andwalis .[47] The implication is that there are some Sufis who would not regard Haqqani’s affiliation with royalty and ruling powers as legitimate and this could result in realignment with more extreme groups.

Sufism cannot therefore necessarily be deemed as an apolitical strand of Islam. Nasr (1997:163) writes that one of the prominent characteristics of the Naqshbanditariqa was the way in which it never hesitated in being critical of or confrontational towards political powers. He goes on to quote Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi as saying that ‘[t]he King is the soul and the people the body. If the King goes astray, the people will follow suit.’ Given that this strand of Sufism is traced back to either Abu Bakr or to Imam Ali, it is inevitable that there are political ties with the Naqshbandis and that they would even be willing to engage in combat for the right cause. The other Sufitariqas on the other hand may have had a slightly different approach in that their policy was ‘As you are, so shall be your rulers.’ (Nasr, 1997:163) which implies a focus on oneself rather than others, nevertheless, armed conflict cannot be ruled out of the Sufi theology.

The inference is that whereas a so-called Wahhabist Muslim was willing to fight against the British Government and its citizens in favour of the Afghan Taliban, the Naqshbandi Sufi might be willing to take the side of the British Government against the Afghan Taliban and this is a problematic situation for any Muslim if they were required to fight against a fellow Muslim even if given approval by their government. The well-known Prophetichadith is often quoted in this regard which states that if two Muslims fight amongst each other both of them are destined to hell-fire (Sunan Abi Dawud).[48]

Given the Naqshbandiyya principle of opposing one’s rulers if need be, there is no guarantee that even British Sufis can be stopped from joining forces with militant andjihadi groups in Afghanistan and other such places. The result is that militancy could possibly begin to occur even within the Sufi community of Britain. The Muslim world may well see the formation of ‘pro-War on Terror’ Naqshbandis and ‘anti-War on Terror’ Naqshbandis splitting the Muslim community even further.

It can be seen that the answer to the increase in radical Islam within Britain is therefore not necessarily Sufism; on the contrary, the over-promotion of Sufism to British Muslims could result in a total split within the Muslim community on more levels than simply a religious one: there would now be a theological and a political split.

The answer must therefore be sought from identifying the underlying reasons why the British youth are finding that they need to express themselves in such devastating ways. This is achieved in the next section through case studies and field research.

3 Wahhabism in a British context

3.1 Biographical analysis of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab

In order to understand the generally accepted definition of Wahhabism, the endeavours of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab need to be put into context. Even if Ibn Abd al-Wahhab were to be regarded as the source of all Islamist activities, there is enough in his biography to disregard his influence on Muslims around the world.

Wahhabism is widely reported to have originated in eighteenth century Saudi Arabia as a purist Islamic movement which eventually dominated the various tribes and minority groups in the Najd area of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, who was born in the town of Uyainah in 1702 or 1703 (Allen, 2007:42), was its founder. His early years were characterised by being a devoted student of religion (Allen, 2007:48) who at the age of ten could recite the whole Qur’an from memory. His father was a judge who followed the Hanbali School of jurisprudence and was descended from a long line of respected jurists who were also Hanbalis. One of the key influences on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab would appear to have been Abd Allah ibn Ibrahim ibn Sayf (d. unknown), an admirer of Ibn Taymiyya’s (d. 1328) theology. Ibn Sayf introduced him to a teacher ofhadith called Muhammad Hayat of Sindh (d. unknown) who was a follower of the Shafi’i School of jurisprudence and a Naqshbandi Sufi.

Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was already showing hard-line and intolerant tendencies in his twenties, apparently as a reaction to Sufism and there was an uncomfortable encounter with his father and his uncle who was also a religious teacher. He believed that Sufism’s teaching of tolerance towards people in general had weakened the militant streak in Arabs of the Najd region and this allowed colonialist powers to gain a foothold. He also came up against the scholars of the day with his puritanical approach to Islam. The scholars of his then dwelling place, Uyainah, denounced him as a schismatic, branded him a heretic and ordered him to leave the town. He went to live with his father who had moved to Huraymila but his views were not accepted there either. He thereafter kept his views to himself until his father’s death in 1740. After that he took over as judge and began to ‘act and pronounce judgement in accordance with his new teachings.’ (Allen, 2007:51). The populace turned on him and he fled Huraymila and sought refuge back in Uyainah.

Ibn Taymiyya’s (1263−1328) influence on Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was through his teacher Ibn Sayf. The former’s purist movement was as a result of the Mongol invasion in which thousands of Muslims were slaughtered at the hands of Hulaku Khan (d. 1265). Ibn Taymiyya’s desire to purify Islam was intended to pull the Muslim world out of its despair by returning it to the original teachings of Islam. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, although apparently one in a line of Islamist revivers, regarded Muslims whom he saw as apostates as the enemy of the religion.

Following his initial rejection by contemporary scholars, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab made a comeback through marriage ties to the ancestors of the current Saudi regime and it is this tactic throughout his remaining life that enabled him to stay at the centre of the political scene and establish his power in Saudi Arabia. Muhammad ibn Saud of the Aal Saud (Family of Saud) established close ties with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in 1744 and declared himself as Amir with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as Imam. This Imam-Amir coalition was to form the basis of the ruling administration in the Kingdom today. It was an approach which was successful in oppressing minority groups such as Shiites and Sufis. Ibn Abd al-Wahhab successfully merged Islam and politics in the form of a holyjihad . In return for allegiance he promised Paradise.

Both Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Abd al-Wahhab allowedjihad against one’s (unjust) rulers even though both belonged to the Hanbali School offiqh and Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 855) prohibited this.

The intolerance of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab is shown in the attacks on the graves of prominent personalities of Islam’s history in 1802. Imam Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud’s eldest son, Saud ibn Saud, attacked the sacred shrine of the Shiites in which Husayn, grandson of the Prophet and son of Imam Ali is buried. Allen quotes Lieutenant Francis Warden as saying that they ‘pillaged…and plundered the Tomb of Hossein…slaying in the course of the day, with…cruelty, above five thousand of the inhabitants.’ (Allen, 2007:63). The Turkish government could take criticism as having failed to protect the tombs and the people that visited them, however, the trend of militancy shown by the followers of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab was clear. Therefore Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’sjihad is a unique phenomenon in Islamic history and should be treated as such.

The hadith of the Prophet Muhammad in which the lesser jihad is compared and contrasted with the greater jihad highlights the inherent risk of jihadis turning off in periods of peace. [12] The Prophet explained how the jihad al-nafs (combat with the self) is superior to the jihad against a foe because the inner enemy is unseen, unexpected and requires self-appraisal which is harder on the ego ( nafs ) than appraising other people. Furthermore, the diversion of the Companions’ attention to themselves is a way of shutting down the frame of mind in which one is mentally prepared to kill or be killed. The original Wahhabi movement fell foul of this flaw and it is seen how the warring tendency within the Najdi tribe has not changed until this day. This tendency to wage war appears to have continued to this day with Arabs often being accused of promoting a ‘culture of violence’ [13] even in today’s society in which humanity prides itself in its civilised manners. This to an extent explains why the Taliban have continued in their quest for jihad after being supported by the United States against Russia during the 1980s.

Despite the Saudi administration’s bloody beginnings, it has endured as an ally to the West, supplying it with oil for the best part of a century along with opportunities for a growing number of expatriates.[14] Despite this, a cost cannot be put on the calamitous effect that the apparent oppression has had on the now minority groups within the Kingdom. In more recent years, it is reported that there is somewhat of a tolerance-through-ignorance policy in operation where the Kingdom chooses to turn a blind eye towards minority groups because it struggles to embrace them openly[15]

The current state of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia belies Delong-Bas’ (2004:17) portrayal of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab as a pacifist: how is it possible that Saudi Arabia, where Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s writings are venerated, is accused of oppression towards women and other minority Muslims in the name of Islam? Muslim women were not allowed until recent times to drive cars on their own under the ruling ofsad al-dharai . [16]

Some of the issues in the state of Arab society in the Najd area today with regard to women’s rights and the rights of minority Muslims may well be as a result of scholars selectively following the teachings of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. If it is possible for this to occur with the original sources of Islam (Quran and Hadith) then it is also possible for it to occur with the works of someone such as Ibn Abd al-Wahhab.

Though so-called radical groups within Britain display a desire to purify Islam and for military and political dominance, any link with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab is untenable. Though, given that he is regarded highly, he must accept some culpability.

Allen’s (2007) depiction of a link between purist movements in the Najd area, the Indian sub-continent, Ikhwan reformers of Egypt and Afghan tribes is based on the relationship that Shah Waliullah (d. 1762), a key influential figure of purist movements within the Indian sub-continent, had with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab: they both studied with the same teachers in Madina and possibly even attended the same lectures together and discussed the same topics. He further claims a link between so-called Wahhabi groups and Deobandi[17] and Ahl-i-Hadith[18] preachers in the Indian sub-continent stretching back to the eighteenth century. This is also untenable because his writing contradicts itself when he goes on to say how the Ahl-i-Hadith of India refuted this link when they petitioned the Government of India to stop using the term ‘Wahhabi’ in relation to them and the group also denied any links with Wahhabism.

The circumstances regarding each instance of radical behaviour are different, whether it was in the case of Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Abd al-Wahhab or Britons. In order to understand who the Wahhabis of Britain could be, an understanding of the main Islamist groups is needed.

3.2 Islamist groups of Britain

Anti-Wahhabists attempt and often fail to demonstrate clearly that there is a political link between acts of violence in the name of Islam and the influence of the Saudi administration. The Saudi government being Arab and the apparent 9/11 suicide bombers coming from Saudi Arabia is a very convenient correlation. The 7/7 attacks in London, however, began to challenge the Wahhabi-Saudi link. Modern literature has begun now to focus on what influences people of Britain. The difficulty in literature on this subject is in being able to identify clearly who in Britain are the candidates for the label of ‘Wahhabi’.

3.2.1 The Salafiyyah

The Salafiyyah could be regarded as similar to Ahl-i-hadith in their Islamic outlook. The Salafiyyah movement is often deemed to be closely linked with Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab due to the obvious reverence that they afford him by studying his famousKitab al-Tawhid , commentated on many times over by various Saudi shaykhs and selling on Salafi websites and in their bookshops. However, alongside Ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s books one can at times also find Natana Delong-Bas’ book entitledWahhabi Islam [19] which portrays Ibn Abd al-Wahhab in a positive manner and as someone who did not actively promote any form of violence.

Geaves (2000: 54) writes how the origins of what is labelled as the Salafiyyah movement in the UK are based on the teachings of Egyptian reformers such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (d. 1897), Rashid Rida (d. 1935) and Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905). Strangely, Abduh was in favour of legal reform within the Muslim world and used rationality in the application ofmaslaha [20] to reform law. Three examples of controversial decrees of his are allowing Muslims to accept interest and dividends, to eat meat prepared by non-Muslims in foreign lands and to allow Muslims to wear non-traditional dress.[21] These views are liberal as compared to the likes of Rashid Rida. Though the Salafiyyah may be regarded as purist Muslims, in Britain their focus is on the teachings of Islam and they are not reliably known to be involved in Islamic political activism.

Geaves (2000:57) explains that according to Joffe (1998) the Salafi movement’s activities in attempting to purify Islam ‘coincided with socio-political and economic developments in the Middle East which paralleled the reforms in the Ottoman Empire and the Transformation of Egypt in the 1920s.’ Modern Salafis greatly identify themselves with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab; however, their identity is complicated because their scholars are also known to denounce terrorism,[22] although terrorists would also identify with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Terrorism or ‘extremist’ Islam therefore does not have a clear-cut face within the Salafi community. Geaves (2000:57) points out that ’[t]he main thrust of the attack was not directed at the West, but at the need to purify Islam from the teachings and practices of the Sufi tariqas’ − implying that although some of the initiatives of the Salafis may have been identical to the Wahhabis, that religious militancy has not necessarily translated into extremism or violence.

The writings of Sayyid Qutb (d. 1966) are often deemed to be an influence on the modern terrorist;[23] however, similarly to Ibn Taymiyyah, the context of Qutb’s writing was his reaction to colonialism within Egypt whereas within Britain, the immigrants from South Asia and the first and second generation Muslims are here by choice. Therefore, the link between Middle Eastern reformers and British Muslims is not reliable. Furthermore, Qutb’s intellectual ancestor was Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905) and as described above he espoused a more accommodating view of Islamic jurisprudence for Muslims. Abduh had been in favour oftalfīq . [24] Abduh himself was not averse to Sufism, having been involved in it during his life. He had always retained a respect for it.[25] The two approaches of Abduh and Qutb at times are in some ways different: Abduh’s desire to evolve Islamic law in a constantly changing world was not seen in the same way within the writing of Qutb who espoused a move away from thejahiliyyah (ignorance) of western societies and a return to original Islamic principles. Qutb’s writings should therefore be taken with some caution.

The mix of ideologies that were evolving in the Middle East during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have also appeared within Britain and often manifest themselves in fiery speeches delivered by impassioned imams at Friday prayers and other Muslim festivities such as the two Eid prayers and the twenty-seventh night of Ramadan and arguably also in the above mentioned suicide attack.[26]

3.2.2 Barelvis, Deobandis and Ahl-i-hadith

These groups originated in the Indian sub-continent. None of them accepts the label of ‘Wahhabi’ which they regard as a term that describes a zealot or excessively purist Muslim. The relationship between Deobandis, Barelvis and Ahl-i-hadith[27] is rarely amicable.

Barelvis[28] usually label the Deobandis, Ahl-i-hadith, Salafi and others who generally do not carry out themawlid or birthday celebrations of the Prophet Muhammad,urs (anniversary of death) of a dead Shaykh as Wahhabi. [29] Deobandis and Barelvis send blessings on the Prophet Muhammad regularly and Geaves’s (2000:54) statement that Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab banned such practises distances both these groups from Wahhabism.

This also challenges the impression that Geaves gives about the Deobandis being ‘Wahhabi-lites’.Deobandis use the term ‘Wahhabi’ to refer to the Ahl-i-hadith or Salafis whom they consider to be purists to a greater degree than themselves. The clearest manifestation of potential Wahhabi or radical tendencies among the Deobandis (and in some mosques populated by Arabs) is at the time for Jumuah prayer when the imams often decide to curse and even pray for destruction of the enemies of the Muslims. Such rhetoric is quite common within the mosques of Britain and is often the result of issues inherited from the Indian sub-continent. These issues are often, in a Qutbian way, ones which themawlawi s [30] display out of their zeal for freedom. From field research conducted as part of this dissertation, it is apparent that the most striking part of these sermons is that they are often in Arabic and the congregation being of Urdu, Hindi or Punjabi speaking backgrounds have little or no idea of what the imam is saying.

Barelvis are greatly influenced by Sufism and some purist Deobandi groups are also deeply influenced by it: the Husseini group of Lahore is one example and Shaykh al-Hadith Sufi Sarwar preachestasawwuf to other scholars and students from the University of al-Jamiah al-Ashrafiyyah. [31] This is indicative of the osmosis of Sufi thought into a number of other ‘purist’ Muslim groups and its appeal to a wide audience. This also challenges Geaves’ (2000:56) notion that ‘the reformed Sufi influence in the (Deobandi) movement does seem to have gone into decline after the advent of Muhammad Wahhab’s movement in Arabia with its strong anti-Sufi rhetoric’.

In terms oftaqlid , Barelvis and Deobandis are ardentmuqallid s (followers) of the Hanafi School which is rejected by the Salafis who regard Abu Hanifah as a misguided Imam of theahl al-ray . [32]

From a Salafi perspective, Deobandis and Barelvis are innovators in theD in (religion) and regard them as having close links with Sufis; for that reason, they could not be Wahhabis. Deobandi and Barelvi practises such as raising the hands for supplication in congregation after each prayer are reminiscent of the Sufis; Salafis consider thesebidah s (innovations) along with others such as the use ofmisbaha rosary beads fordhikr (divine remembrance) which often resemble the practices of Sufis as well as different religions.

The Salafis could be regarded superficially as the British equivalent of the Ahl-i-hadith, however, they dissociate themselves from the term ‘Wahhabi’, but this is not because they reject being called a follower of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab but at the incorrect use of al-Wahhab, one of Allah’s ninety names and of the incorrect use of the name of Ibn Abd al-Wahhab.

There would appear to be great influence in the Deobandi theology of Mawdudi and Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (d. 1624) but a general lack of understanding as to who Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab was.

In today’s UK, there is little difference apparent between the Sufism-oriented Barelvis and Deobandis, apart from when one enters the mosque in which the former have more influence, one sees ‘Ya Muhammad’ (O Muhammad) on the wall and usually at the entrance. This is indicative of the teachings of Ahmad Barelvi (d. 1831) who espoused that the Prophet Muhammad was alwayshazir (present) andnazir (watching). This is indicative of the theological difference between Barelvis and others who would regard this notion asshirk [33] .

The internal strife and competition between Deobandis and Barelvis can be said to have preoccupied these communities in Britain for the latter part of the twentieth century in their efforts to establish their own mosques within Muslim communities; the mosques of one group are not known to invite openly the worshippers of another group. The Salafis are especially looked upon suspiciously because they do not want to hold either study circles in any of the other two main groups’ mosques nor enthusiastically attend prayers there. When they do, they often sit in an isolated position and on discussion with some of them it has become apparent that they would only be willing to take over the running of the mosques completely but not be willing to engage or integrate into their communities.

3.2.3 Al-Muhajiroun and Hizb ut-Tahrir

The Deobandis, Barelvis and Salafis do not openly admit any type of political agenda. Al-Muhajiroun, deemed to be in support of radical Islamic thought and also militant, do have a political agenda. Omar Bakri Mohammed, who was the founder and worldwide leader of this group, openly declared the suicide bombers in the Israeli Café of Mike’s Bar as ‘heroes’ (Wiktorowicz, 2005:6). He displays a sense of pan-Islamism and supports the founding of an Islamic caliphate in Muslim lands. This group does not appear to have perpetrated violence in Britain as yet, though this may simply be intentional in order to maintain a presence in Britain by keeping it out of bounds.

Geaves identifies Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) which is known for its desire to establish an Islamic state (Wiktorowicz, 2005:7) even in Britain as having the potential to ignite the fire of extremism or jihadist sentiments. Bakri joined this group in 1977. This group had been banned and severely suppressed in Saudi Arabia (Wiktorowicz, 2005:7) where Bakri had difficulty in recruiting people, hence, making it difficult to associate this group with Ibn Abd al-Wahhab or the Saudi administration. After being cast out of HT, Bakri continued work under the banner of al-Muhajiroun and over time it emerged as a group in its own right.

This desire to establish an Islamic caliphate for the implementation of Sharia is not extreme or jihadist nor does it pose a threat to British society or the British public. The comments from the Archbishop of Canterbury in 2008 that Sharia was inevitable in the UK[34] coupled with the emergence of Sharia law courts in Britain which are under the control of Dr. Shoaib Hasan,[35] who has no links with these groups, show that there is an untenable link made between the requirement to establish an Islamic way of life and the political activities of HT and al-Muhajiroun.

3.3 Summary

Given the cultural (and to a great extent, ideological and religious) gap between immigrants from the Indian sub-continent and the second generation Muslims, it can be said that British Muslims have not necessarily inherited the issues that their parents brought with them from the sub-continent. Contrary to common belief, the first-generation Muslims are not greatly influenced by Wahhabism, nor are they clearly linked to extremist or terrorist activities. This leaves a question hanging over the militant activities of groups such as al-Muhajiroun, HT, and others which supportjihadi or militant activities. Scholarly literature and media reports accuse militant groups of extremist activities but fail to pin-point how they influence the youth or analyse the factors that are contributing to underlying issues faced by Muslim youth in Britain.

The objective of establishing the success or failure of Wahhabism as an ideology is not possible because of the difficulties surrounding the definition of Wahhabism, as well as the erroneous link between the desire to live Islamically with the political agenda of some fringe groups that are labelled as Wahhabi by both writers on this topic as well as the media. Nevertheless, Britain is faced with a rise of extremist behaviour and in order to deal with it, a solution is required. Sufism is often discussed within the media and within political circles as being the cure and given that the British government recently supported the establishment of the Muslim Sufi Council of Britain. Given the sparse material on this topic, it needs to be discussed in some detail.

4 Sufism: an alternative perspective for British Muslims

4.1 The Wahhabi–Sufi rivalry

The second objective of this dissertation is to establish how Sufism as an alternative paradigm addresses the issues of Britain’s youth. There are underlying issues within Islamic theology whose contention goes back to the formative period within the early centuries of Islam. Geaves (2000:56) alludes to this point wherein questions about the nature of Allah, his non-corporeality, his anthropomorphism, his attributes and an understanding of what he desires, often become a bone of contention. This has been at the heart of the Sufi−non-Sufi divide: how far is Islam willing to accommodate hermeneutical interpretations of Quranic verses and Prophetic traditions? What exactly constitutesshirk ? How much freedom is allowed within religion to express one’s love for Allah? How literal is literal: does every verse within the Quran have an inner meaning and outer meaning or is there such thing as an outer meaning at all? Throughout these debates and attacks, Sufism has remained the one approach that has clearly stood the test of time and survived everywhere in the Muslim world working with all kinds of cultures. Ibn Arabi, a past Sufi master, even addressed the issue of equality between the sexes where traditional scholars often struggled to clear Islam’s name.[36] Sufism is greatly responsible for the spread of Islam in the Indian sub-continent and saw the flow of Sufism from the Khwajagan of Afghanistan[37] to India and back again in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It has survived purist movements and political turmoil in Arab countries and even the theological turmoil of the early centuries of Islam. The scholars of Islamicfiqh and Sufism claim that it goes back to the Adam himself (Geaves, 2000).

The focus on the oppression of Sufism by Muslim purists has recently come to the fore, accelerated by the search of the British Government for a solution to the rise in Islamic extremism in Britain recently manifesting in suicide bomb attacks. This has also brought to the public eye the tireless efforts of the Haqqani Sufi Shaykh Hisham Kabbani who campaigned in the pre−9/11 days to raise awareness of the pending attacks. This has provided the backdrop to allow the Shaykh to bring out the Sufi voice and ‘officially’ enter Sufism into mainstream Islam in Britain. His celebration of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday in number 10 Downing Street has done a great deal to raise the profile of Sufism within Britain. His flourishing relationship with royalty[38] seen in his hosting of a Sufi event in Manchester on 4th February 2010 is another indication of harmonious relationships that Sufism can bring to the table. Despite the seeming division in the Muslim community caused by the polarisation into either non-Sufi and Sufi, there appears to be a benefit in that the moderate Muslim has a potential representative in the form of Sufism. This is also indicated by Geaves (2000:59) who has written about the potential of Sufism to counter the extremist tendencies as he analyses the writings of Sufi Shaykhs such as Kabbani (1998).

The immanent danger that needs addressing is the possibility of hard-line or extremist rhetoric that has already infiltrated Britain’s mosques remaining there. The Friday sermons of anger aimed at perceived enemies of Islam are indications that there are some remnants of the reaction to the colonialism of Muslim lands imported into Britain. This voice is increasingly becoming dated as British Muslims struggle to form an identity for themselves.

Geaves (interview conducted by this author, 2010) explains that there has been a fair amount of opportunism exhibited by Sufi groups in the wake of the issues of recent years especially after the 9/11 and 7/7 incidents. Sufis capitalised on the opportunity saying that Sufism would never support the violent actions of such radical groups. Furthermore, given that Sufis have also historically been involved in military conflicts, it cannot be simply said that Sufism is an apolitical, non-militant group of mystics.

4.2 Sufism: conclusion

The question as to whether or not Sufism is an alternative paradigm is a complex one on many levels. There is a plethora of writings on Sufism stretching back centuries: the scholarly writings on this subject have, as previously mentioned, traversed centuries, cultures, peoples, eras, languages and an array of other variable factors in society. The extant writings of the likes of Idries Shah (d. 1996) have been a companion to the British people from the mid-twentieth century until today. Book stores proliferate with both original writings in Arabic and Persian as well as interpretations in English by Orientalists, Westerners, Sufis and non-Sufis. Many writers such as Annemarie Schimmel (d. 2003) have given the best parts of their lives to the study of Sufism, taking up residency in centres of Sufi culture[39] and Islamic scholars to this day search to define the inner kernel of Islam through the Sufi way. Sufism’s roots are seen by some to emerge from the Hadith of Jibril narrated in theForty Ahadith [40] of Abu Zakaria Muhi al-Din Yahya ibn Sharaf al-Nawawi (d. 1278) in which Jibril (the Angel Gabriel) comes to the Prophet Muhammad and asks him an array of questions, one of which is aboutIhsan to which the Prophet replies that it is to worship Allah as though one sees him and if one cannot see him then one should realise that Allah sees him. The clear message of this hadith is that Sufism is greatly experiential and it aims to bring one closer to Allah.

This section of the dissertation could not possibly hope to cover the vast amount of books on Sufism or the wide range of its topics. Given the lack of in-depth literature available on the possibility of Sufism being the alternative paradigm to extremism, it leads one to the following conclusions.

Some prominent Sufis in Britain such as Shaykh al-Kabbani have a good relationship with the British ruling administration and this will be viewed by politically-oriented Islamists as a political tool which politicians can use according to their whims and non-Islamic objectives if required. This will always be a point of contention and sticking point for supporting Sufism as an alternative perspective given that some such groups are receiving funding from the British government.[41]

Sufism promotes certain non-Orthodox activities such as the veneration of saints, which even non-extremist groups such as Deobandis can critically argue against using Islamic sources. Sufism would need to be able to accommodate such differences of opinion otherwise Sufis will fail to engage with other Islamic elements within British society.

Many Sufi Muslims uphold the British monarchy as divinely ordained rulers whereas there are anti-royalists even in Britain, given the monarchy’s German descent. This notion had its origin in the Banu Umayyad caliphate where the oppressive rulers espoused the view that Allah had supported their rule through predestination. This again is a contentious point which goes back to the heart of Islamic theology and the days of the Qadarite-Jabbarite debates.[42] The issue is where one draws the line between accepting a ruling establishment on the grounds that they are divinely ordained and opposing them on their oppressive policies. It has further ramifications for British citizens because of the pledge to the British monarchy and the British state which is expected from each citizen.[43] Despite the passing of centuries this point is still contentious and not likely to be resolved by simply promoting Sufi values.

Sufism is not necessarily averse to political involvement even by military means. Even a Sufi could interpret a political situation to justify the taking up of arms and possibly fighting for a bad cause. The Janissary Turkish troops were closely linked to Haji Bektashi Veli (d. 1270) and often called ‘Sons of Haji Bektash’[44] a well-known Sufi of the thirteenth century who came to Anatolia from Khorasan settling in the small village of Suluca Karahoyuk (Nasr, 1997:359). The Bektashi way became central to the Janissary corps because every man who joined them had to take an oath of loyalty to Haji Bektash Wali, thus this would in effect make them hismurid (follower).

Othman Dan Fodio (d. 1817) of the Qadiriyyah Order in West Africa launched ajihad to reform his followers and formed the Sokoto Caliphate in Nigeria[45] . Thisjihad was also instrumental in inspiring later Sufi leaders to form new states in Fouta Jallon in 1725, Fouta Toro in 1776 and Masina in 1810.

Is the relationship between prominent Sufis like Shaykh al-Kabbani and the ruling administration reciprocated in the same way by his counterparts? The whole-hearted backing by the British government of Sufis in the early twenty-first century does not appear to be as forthcoming now with some reports that the government is not considering Sufism as the only strand of the Muslim community with which it is willing to engage. This gives the impression that Sufis of Britain have not managed to maintain their once flourishing ties with the British ruling establishment. Furthermore, the recent function arranged by Shaykh al-Kabbani to which he invited Prince Charles has only been noted as a musical festival on his ‘official website’ as opposed to being promoted as an effort to spread Islam through love.[46] It would be too late for a personality such as Haqqani to preach an apolitical perspective because of the support he has already given to the likes of Prince Charles and solidarity shown to the British Government. To a typically non-Sufi group such as the Salafis Haqqani probably is regarded as a sell-out. Furthermore, even within Sufis, there are some such as al-Ghazali (d. 1111) who have espoused a general divide between rulers andwalis .[47] The implication is that there are some Sufis who would not regard Haqqani’s affiliation with royalty and ruling powers as legitimate and this could result in realignment with more extreme groups.

Sufism cannot therefore necessarily be deemed as an apolitical strand of Islam. Nasr (1997:163) writes that one of the prominent characteristics of the Naqshbanditariqa was the way in which it never hesitated in being critical of or confrontational towards political powers. He goes on to quote Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi as saying that ‘[t]he King is the soul and the people the body. If the King goes astray, the people will follow suit.’ Given that this strand of Sufism is traced back to either Abu Bakr or to Imam Ali, it is inevitable that there are political ties with the Naqshbandis and that they would even be willing to engage in combat for the right cause. The other Sufitariqas on the other hand may have had a slightly different approach in that their policy was ‘As you are, so shall be your rulers.’ (Nasr, 1997:163) which implies a focus on oneself rather than others, nevertheless, armed conflict cannot be ruled out of the Sufi theology.

The inference is that whereas a so-called Wahhabist Muslim was willing to fight against the British Government and its citizens in favour of the Afghan Taliban, the Naqshbandi Sufi might be willing to take the side of the British Government against the Afghan Taliban and this is a problematic situation for any Muslim if they were required to fight against a fellow Muslim even if given approval by their government. The well-known Prophetichadith is often quoted in this regard which states that if two Muslims fight amongst each other both of them are destined to hell-fire (Sunan Abi Dawud).[48]

Given the Naqshbandiyya principle of opposing one’s rulers if need be, there is no guarantee that even British Sufis can be stopped from joining forces with militant andjihadi groups in Afghanistan and other such places. The result is that militancy could possibly begin to occur even within the Sufi community of Britain. The Muslim world may well see the formation of ‘pro-War on Terror’ Naqshbandis and ‘anti-War on Terror’ Naqshbandis splitting the Muslim community even further.

It can be seen that the answer to the increase in radical Islam within Britain is therefore not necessarily Sufism; on the contrary, the over-promotion of Sufism to British Muslims could result in a total split within the Muslim community on more levels than simply a religious one: there would now be a theological and a political split.

The answer must therefore be sought from identifying the underlying reasons why the British youth are finding that they need to express themselves in such devastating ways. This is achieved in the next section through case studies and field research.


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