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Philosophic Conceptualities of the Self in Messianism / Mahdism

Philosophic Conceptualities of the Self in Messianism / Mahdism

Author:
Publisher: www.alhassanain.org/english
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Hinduism

Hinduism is generally believed to have originated in the second millennium B.C. Hinduism the oldest of the living religions of the world, claiming, as it does, the adherence of about four hundred million people, leaves the door open for future manifestations or incarnations of God. "The incarnations of Vishnu are innumerable, like the rivulets flowing from an inexhaustible take.

According to theBhagvad-Gita no incarnation is final. It quotes Sri Krishna as saying: "Though unborn and immortal, and also the Lord of all beings, I manifestMyself through my ownYogamaya (divine potency), keeping My Nature (Prakriti ) under control.Arjuna , whenever there is a decline of righteousness and unrighteousness is in the ascendant, (then) I bodyMyself forth. For the protection of the virtuous, for the destruction of evil-doers, and for establishing Dharma (righteousness) on a firm footing, I am born from age to age." The Messianic hope in Hinduism is direct corollary of its incarnation theory. The Sanskrit word "Avatar" etymologically means 'descent' of a deity; technically, it means an incarnation or manifestation of God.

"Vishnu (Sanskr , the "active one"), in the Indian Rig-Veda (is) a minor deity,... Vishnu in the Epic (Ramayana and Mahabharata) mythology developed into the preserver-god, one of the Hindu triad with Brahma, the creator; and Shiva, the destroyer; and as such he has saved mankind in ten incarnations" 1 whenever a great disorder, physical or moral disturbed the world, Vishnu descended 'in a small portion of his essence' to set it right, to restore the law, and thus to preserve creation....

. A tenth incarnation, Hindus believe, is reserved for the last day, when Vishnu is to return to earth to execute righteousness and judgment.

"Avatar is Hindu mythology (is), an incarnation of the Deity. Ten avatars are peculiarly distinguished, and four of them are the subject ofPuranas , or sacred poems. These 10 are among the incarnations of Vishnu, the Supreme God. TheMatsya avatar was the decent of the Deity in the form of aMatsya avatar was the decent of the Deity in the form of a fish;Kachyapa orKurma , in that of a tortoise;Varaha , as a boar; NaraSinha (Man Lion), as a monster, half man, half lion;Vamana , as a dwarf;Parasurama,as the son ofJamadagni . All these took place in theSatya Yuga, or Golden Age.

The seventh incarnation was in the form of the four sons of KingDasarath , under the names of Rama,Lakshmana ,Bhart , andStrughana , in order to destroy certain demons that infested the earth... Rama forms the subject of the Ramayana. The eighth Avatar of Vishnu, in the form of Krishna, (is) the best known of all; forms the subject of the great Mahabharata. Its object was to relieve the earth from theDaityas , and the wicked men who oppressed it. The ninth was in the form of Buddha. TheKalki , or tenth avatar, is yet to come at the end of Kali Yuga."

Kalki , or White horse. This is yet to come. Vishnu mounted on a white horse, with a drawn scimitar, blazing like a comet, will, according to prophecy, end this present age, viz., the fourth orKaliyug , by destroying the world, and then renovating creation by an age of purity." 1 "This incarnation of Vishnu is to paper at the end of the Kali or Iron Age, sated on a white horse, with a drawn sword blazing like a comet, for the final destruction of the wicked, the renovation of creation, and the restoration of purity….

It is clear from the above that Brahma (the creator), Vishnu (the preserver) and Siva (the destroyer) are the three attributes (or forms) of one and the same primordial person. There is, therefore, no room for the popular misconception that Hinduism believes in three gods and not in the one true God. Unity underlies trinity: trinity (or multiplicity) is the manifestation of unity.

Prophet according to Hinduism is not a messenger or apostle of God but God Himself, since He does not send anyone but Himself descends to execute His divine plan.Kalki , therefore, would be God Himself rather than a messenger of God.

Buddhism

Buddhism is the religion founded bySiddartha Gautam Buddha in the 6th century B.C. Like Christ, "Buddha had the courage to attack popular religion, superstition, ceremonial, and priest craft, and all the vested interests that clung to them. 25 and consequently came into clash with the institutional religion, with the priest and theologians of his day and was regarded as a rebel against the established faith. And lastly, while Christianity predicts the second coming of Christ, Buddhism holds out the promise of the advent of theMaitreya Buddha. Why the World Need a Messiah?

Justice of present international system may be questioned in which birthplace tend to play so large a role in life chances. One child may get a wonderful life where all the social and financial securities are guaranteed just because of born into an affluent/ developed state. While the other will be deprived even of the basic requirements of life and may have to struggle all his life to feed him and his family what to talk of right to education and dignified life as heralded by several constitutions of the world.

Why those born into some countries lived comparatively so well, while some born into less favored countries lived in absolute poverty, confronted by specters of disease, starvation and death. In this age of 21st century where we are discussing the avenues of having a residential arrangement on Moon or Mars, the humanity is also witnessing the food riot erupted in several countries. On one hand we see people of one country pouring millions of liters of milk and butter into sea just to maintain the global prices while on the other hand a son killing a father over a piece of bread or a father selling off his daughter for the medicine of his wife.

This situation demands action and not just a small increase in foreign aid, but sweeping structural change in the global system. There should be a system of distributive justice which is impartial, universal and accords the interest of all individuals regardless of citizenship or compatriot status, equal weight.

The present political conditions of the world show how a handful of people from the developed world are setting the agenda for the rest of the world by force and oppression. The world's so called superpower is providing all the financial and strategic help to the fascist force of Israel. This evil force is using the money and support to kill the innocent people of Palestine. These oppressive powers are controlling the economy and polity to decide the fate of less fortunate.

The West as a result of their growing or advanced financial power, since the 1950s and also presently, have been dominating and colonizing the other countries. They claim to be peacemakers but they are monsters disguised in human fashion ready to kill by perpetrating injustice against the weaker ones.

We have been living in a complex world in which nations and political movements interact in intricate ways to formulate policies and handle conflicts. It is not difficult to imagine the sufferings of lacks of people of Palestine who are living as refugees in their very own homeland. The West should be reminded that 'justice denied to any people means that a battle line has been drawn'.

The world is at such a juncture where only a Messiah can save the world and humanity from such rampant injustice. One of the first tasks before the messiah will be to encounter these evil forces and remove the double standard policies which are governing the world at the moment.

Here the question arises that could global government be the answer to global poverty and starvation? Do we owe equal to our co-citizens as much as to those in other countries? I argue that not only do we have strong obligations to people elsewhere, but that anaccountable integration among nation-states will help ensure that all persons can lead a decent life. Our duties are equally strong to our fellow citizens as well as foreigners.

But the important question is who will be able to govern that global state in such an ideal manner where there is justice, fairness and opportunities for everyone belonging to the earth irrespective of the caste, creed, religion or race. I argue that ImamMahdi , the imam in hiding, the ambassador of almighty is the only person equipped to bring peace and justice to this Universe.

He will have the ability to be the real crusader of the equality and world peace which is need of the hour. The world can rely only on his administration and dispensation of justice when he reappears which will finally create a world of peace and justice with no despair and oppression. ImamMahdi , Allah's appointed ruler will be the only qualified person to form a society where people irrespective of their faith and gender will have everything which is socially desirable.

There will be no concept of nationalism but a global government based on moral principles of justice, fairness and equality. There will be a world without corruption, favoritism, nepotism and violence. It will be exactly the kind of world promised by Quran to the mankind.

The idea of an ideal global government is not wishful thinking but the aspiration of every individual, who always want better things: prettier view, better things to eat, and an ideal life with no social and economic problems. ImamMahdi , the awaitedsaviour , will make the world a just and ideal system. He will conquer hearts of man and will form Dar-ul -Islam.

Dialogue or Conversion? An Examination of Christian-Muslim Eschatological Texts and their Potential Impact on Interfaith Dialogue

As the world continues to divide along the lines of faith and religion, interfaith dialogue has emerged as a legitimate and powerful tool for peacemaking across the boundaries of culture and belief. This is especially true for followers of the threeAbrahamic traditions who have the potential to realize geo-political and cross-cultural reconciliation through this type of engagement. But viewed through the prism of the eschatological texts ofTwelver Shi'ism and Christianity, does interfaith dialogue serve a valid and useful purpose?

If, as both traditions claim, the return of the Redeemer signals a period of bloodshed and conversion to "the one true faith" before peace occurs, does interfaith dialogue play a legitimate role in peacemaking? Or, does the moral imperative of converting "the other" as outlined in the sacred texts of both traditions supersede the significance of this peacemaking approach?

The Role of Religion in International Conflict

The events of September 11th, the war and sectarian violence in Iraq,Islamaphobia in the West, and the ongoing discord in the Holy Land have underscored the significant role that faith and religion play in the world's most intractable conflicts. Central to our understanding of these and other struggles are the relationships that exist between and among followers of the threeAbrahamic faiths: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Each tradition brings its own doctrinal and geo-political issues to this triad and each must be understood within the context of its association to the other to appreciate fully past and present clashes.

As followers of each faith have assumed a position of religious and cultural supremacy through the ages, the relationships have been characterized by periods of peaceful co-existence juxtaposed with periods of bloody warfare. Today, the ongoing discord in Holy Land and the mounting tensions between Islam and the West underscore the need for a reevaluation of these relationships as Jews, Christians, and Muslims encounter each other with increasing frequency and intimacy.

As the international community continues to divide along the lines of faith and religion, nations are faced with the moral imperative of engaging with peoples across the boundaries of culture and belief. Because religion is at the core of so much political violence, many religious leaders have begun to successfully engage in the kind of reconciliation dialogue that has eluded diplomats and political leaders for decades. Many of these religious leaders recognize the troubled history that exists between Jews, Christians, and Muslims and, in a post-9/11 world, have a special dedication to promoting reconciliation between and among followers of theAbrahamic faiths.

Human Agency

Many would argue that there is no more salient need in the global community than to facilitate interfaith dialogue conducted within the framework of international peacekeeping and, in recent years, we have seen this kind of outreach become a priority of the world's major religions. It is important to note that interfaith dialogue is implemented through a belief in the concept of human agency which states that human beings have the freedom and capacity make choices, can impose those choices on the world, and ultimately bring about change (in this case, peace and reconciliation between faiths and nations).

However, if viewed through the prism of the eschatological texts ofTwelver Shi'ism and Christianity, one may question whether interfaith dialogue serves a valid and useful purpose. If, as both traditions state, the return of the Redeemer signals a period of bloodshed and conversion to "the one true faith" before peace occurs, does human agency expressed through interfaith dialogue play a legitimate role in peacemaking?

Human beings have struggled for centuries to understand their relationship to and with the Creator and creation. The freedom to act, the notion of free will, and the power to affect change are concepts found in many of the world's great religions.

But where is the line drawn between God's activity and human activity in the world? What is the responsibility of God and what is the responsibility of human beings, and where and how do these intersect, overlap, or differentiate? Are there really activities belonging only to and preordained by God? If so, where and how do we draw this line and make this distinction between what is up to God and what is properly within the purview of man's power to affect or change? Under what conditions does man have the capacity to affect his environment and which events in human history are outside of the purview of human agency?

These are questions that may never be answered to the satisfaction of all believers but we may search the sacred texts and teachings of Christianity and Islam to determine what followers of both traditions are called and empowered to do.

It is clear from the writings of both traditions that Christians and Muslims are entrusted with great responsibility by God for the betterment of the world. A common theme in the teachings of Christian social justice emphasizes the responsible participation in God's own work of creating a more just society. For example, the United States Catholic bishops in their 1986 pastoral letter on the economy entitled Economic Justice forAll provide a case in point:

Men and women are also to share in the creative activity of God. They are to be faithful, to care for the earth ("The LORD God took the man and put him in the Garden of Eden to work it and take care of it.") (Genesis 2:15), and to have "dominion" over it ("God blessed them and said to them, 'Be fruitful and increase in number; fill the earth and subdue it.

Rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air and over every living creature that moves on the ground.'") (Genesis 1:28), which means they are "to govern the world in holiness and justice and to render judgment in integrity of heart" (Wisdom 9:3). Creation is a gift; women and men are to be faithful stewards in caring for the earth. They can justly consider that by their labor they are unfolding the Creator's work.

Later, the bishops explain that "although the ultimate realization of God's plan lies in the future, Christians in union with all people of good will are summoned to shape history in the image of God's creative design..." (section 53). Here the bishops echo a point made by John Paul II in his 1981 encyclicalLaborem

Exercens :

The word of God's revelation is profoundly marked by the fundamental truth that man [sic], created in the image of God, shares by his work in the activity of the creator and that, within the limits of his own human capabilities, man [sic] in a sense continues to develop that activity, and perfects it as he advances further and further in the discovery of the resources and values contained in the whole of creation.

Further, in two passages from the New Testament, we see that Christians are called to a life of loving service through pastoral action and direct participation in the lives of others. James 1:27 states, "Religion that God our Father accepts as pure and faultless is this: to look after orphans and widows in their distress and to keep oneself from being polluted by the world." Also, 1 John 3:18says , "Dear children, let us not love with words or tongue but with actions and in truth."

Of course, the most compelling command for Christians is found in Matthew 22:37-40 in which Jesus says, "'Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind. ' This is the first and greatest commandment. And the second is like it: 'Love your neighbor as yourself. All the Law and the Prophets hang on these two commandments."

According to Christian teachings, then, God's agency is made concrete or complete in human activity in the pursuit of justice and in acts of loving service to mankind.

The concept of human agency in Islam bears similarities to those tenets found in Christianity. For Muslims, sovereignty belongs to God but it has been delegated in the form of human agency (Quran, 2:30). The task for human beings is to reflect on how this God-given agency can be best employed in creating a society that will bring welfare and goodness to the population both now and in the future. God is sovereign in all affairs, but God has exercised sovereignty by delegating some of it in the form of human agency.

Not unlike the passage in Genesis which speaks to the dominion of man over all creation,Surah 45:13 of the Qur'an states: "And He has disposed for your benefit whatever is in the heavens and whatever is on the earth. All is from Him." In addition,Surah 53:39 of the Holy Qur'an states: "Man can have nothing except that which he strives for and the results of his striving will soon be seen." In his book, "Our Belief," His HolinessAyatullahelozma Makarem Shirazi responds to this by saying, "Such verses in the holy Qur'an will clearly show that man has free will and that we may submit man's deeds and acts to God without any reduction in his responsibilities for what he does.

God wills that we do what we do by freedom and free will so that he may examine us and lead us forward in the way of perfection which can be attained through free will and serving the Lord."

We see also in Islam a pastoral imperative to provide for the orphan and the widow. "And they give food out of love to the poor and the orphan and the captive" (Qur'an 76:8). In addition, it is evident from the numerous references in the Qur'an and the Bible concerning the Day of Judgment that Christians and Muslims cannot be held accountable for their actions unless they are given the agency to do so. So it is clear that for both Christians and Muslims, human agency and free will are important components of their respective traditions.

But the question remains regarding how that agency is best applied when encountering those of other faiths. If, as eschatological texts from both traditions say, there is only one true faith and all who do not accept that faith will perish, is the moral imperative for Christians and Muslims one of dialogue or conversion?

The Return of the Redeemer and the Vengeance Narrative

Throughout the ages, Christians and Muslim have speculated that the return of their Redeemer was imminent. Although there is a prohibition in Islam about speculating about the time of the return of ImamMahdi , and Christians are told that no one knows the hour or the day of Christ's reappearance, believers in both traditions have clung to the notion that their deliverance was close at hand.

For Christians, concentration on the eschatological texts of the Bible has taken on increasing significance in recent years. The creation of the state of Israel in 1948 fueled renewed interest in the fulfillment of end-times prophecies, particularly those that predicted the return of Jews to Israel and reconstruction of the Jerusalem temple that was destroyed in A.D. 70. Christians who believe in end-times prophecies tend to focus heavily on the apocalyptic verses of Daniel and Ezekiel in the Old Testament and the Book of Revelation in the New Testament.

ForShi'ia Muslims, an emphasis on the return of the twelfth Imam has been a central theme of their tradition for centuries and their prophecies are described in the Qur'an and various otherhadith traditions including that of al-Mufaddal b.Umar . The texts of both faiths speak of a Redeemer who will come to restore justice and peace upon the earth after battles with the forces of evil and the oppressors of the believers. These texts convey the visions of prophets and holy men who used vivid (and often violent) imagery and prophecy to describe the end of days.

The concept of a Redeemer who is to come and establish the rule of justice and establish an everlasting peace on the earth is shared by all major religions of the world. Christians envision a second coming of Christ in which all nations will recognize his dominion to establish the kingdom of God on earth while Muslims conceive of an Imam who will rise against existing intolerable secular authority and create just social order in which Islam will be the one true religion for all nations.

Coupled with this concept, however, is also the belief in that revenge will be exacted upon theoppressor. Perhaps for similar reasons, the revenge narrative is very much a part of both traditions.

There is a certain brand of religious scholarship that emphatically states that historical context must be considered when examining the eschatological texts of any religious tradition. Professor AzizSachedina of the University of Virginia is one such scholar. Dr.Sachedina believes that, for believers of most major faiths, the political and social turmoil of the day was written in form of prophecy, specifically in a narrative evoking vengeance against the oppressor. Such a hope is the natural outcome among groups who have been wronged and oppressed; the need for a deliverer becomes imperative.

ForShi'ia Muslims, the oppression of the caliphs and their administrators added much to the events foretold in apocalyptic traditions, just as the oppression of the early Christians influenced early writers to put their hope in a messiah who would not only universalize the faith but would put down their oppressors. It would seem, then, that the degree of violence of the eschatological texts runs parallel to the amount of oppression experienced by the oppressed group: the deeper the oppression, the darker the apocalyptic vision.

An illustration of this concept may be found in the Bihar regarding the return of the Prophet: "With the believers, those who falsified his mission and doubted it will also return so that proper vengeance for their disbelief can be exacted from them."

This sentiment is further evidenced in the condolences thatShi'ites offer each other on the occasion of theAshura : "May God grant us great rewards for our bereavement caused by the martyrdom of alp-Husayn (peace by upon him), and make us among those will exact vengeance for his blood with his friend the Imam al-Mahdi , from among the descendents of Muhammad (peace be upon him)."

For Christians, this sentiment is evidenced by several Old and New Testament passages including Deuteronomy 32:43 which states: "Rejoice, oh you nations, with his people. For He will avenge the blood of His servants and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be merciful unto his land and to his people."

Supremacy of Each Tradition and Infallibility of Sacred Texts

Christians and Muslims who believe in the cataclysmic end to history as recorded in their sacred texts believe only one group will be saved. The first thing that will occur under the rule of theMahdi is the conversion of the whole world to Islam. The followers of all other religions will embrace Islam and profess faith in one God, just as He has said in the Qur'an: "…to Him submits whoever is in the heavens and the earth, willingly and unwillingly, and to Him shall they be returned" (3:82).

For Christians, the second coming of Christ signals a period of rapture for the believer but tribulation for non-believer. Those who have not accepted Christ as the Savior of the world will be left behind, and, if not converted, will ultimately perish. According to the Christian faith, the establishment of this Divine kingdom on earth is the great theme of the Bible.

The call of the Gospel is to participation with Christ in that kingdom. He comes to reward his followers, and to assert his authority throughout the earth, "for the nation and kingdom that will not serve him shall perish; they shall be utterly wasted" (Isaiah 60:12). The establishment of Christ as the undisputed Savior is best established the passage in John where Jesus states: "I am the way and the Truth and the Life. No one comes to the Father except through me" (John 14:6).

In the apocalyptic texts of Matthew, we see Christ encouraging his disciples to spread the Good News of the gospel ("Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit." (Matthew 28:19) and ultimately separating the believer from the non-believer and ("And before Him shall be gathered all nations. And he shall separate them as a shepherd divides his sheep from the goats." (Matthew 25:32).

An attitude of supremacy and inerrancy regarding the texts of each tradition permeates each faith as well. Muslims acknowledge the divine attributes of the Hebrew and Christian scriptures but maintain that the Qur'an stands apart in that it has remain pure and unaltered through the centuries. In his book, "Our Belief," His HolinessAyatullahelozma Makarem Shirazi states: "We believe that, for the guidance of man, God sent down several divine books, among which we may name: theSohof , given to Noah; the Law, given to Moses; the Gospel, given to Jesus; and the Qur'an, given to Mohammad.

Unfortunately, through long elapses of time, many of the scriptures have been tampered with and altered to some extent by the interference of ignorant and unauthorized people, resulting in the replacement of some incorrect and immoral ideas. Among these as an exception is the Glorious Qur'an which has remain unaltered and is exactly the same as it was; and it has always been shining like the bright sun, throughout the ages and the nations, alighting hearts."

Not surprisingly, there are Christians who support the notion of the infallibility and inerrancy of the Bible. One Christian apologist writes, "Since God is truth (John 3:33, Romans 3:4), what is breathed out by God, must also be true (John 17:17) and infallible. Due to the infallible character of God (Titus 1:2), the Son (John 14:6) and the Holy Spirit (1 John 5:6,7 ), the Scripture which is inspired by God is also inerrant in every aspect (Matt 22:43-45, Matt 22:32, and Gal 3:16). The Old Testament also attests the inerrancy of the Bible. The word of the Lord is flawless (Psalms 12:6), it is eternal and stands firm (Psalms 119:89), and that every word of God is flawless (Proverbs 30:5-6)."

How Christians and Muslims understand the texts and prophecies of their respective traditions is important because they can influence the ways in which they interpret issues such as war and peace, the environment, and social justice.

For example, if followers in both traditions believe that war and chaos are necessary to usher in end times, why would they work for peace between nations? This is an important question for those participating in interfaith dialogue around the globe but takes on an especially important significance in current US-Iran relations. TheShi'ia emphasis on the return of ImamMadhi has led some in the West, and specifically in the United States, to speculate that Iran's government may be attempting to bring about war to hasten theMahdi's appearance. Of course, such speculations are antithetical to the teachings ofMahdism which emphasize justice and equity for all of mankind.

Embracing a Plurality of Perspectives

Over the centuries, there have been few religious leaders who have possessed the patience or the courage to learn about the religion of the other with openness, tolerance, and compassion or to accept that other faiths may be encountering different aspects of the same truth. Medieval Christian apologists from the 7th to the 14th centuries struggled to understand Islam, usually reading the Quran and other Muslim literature in its original language.

The majority of these apologists strove to prove the supremacy of Christianity over Islam; however, there were a few exceptions. Peter the Venerable, for example, wrote in the 12th century that in addressing Muslims, Christians should proceed "not as our people often do, by arms, but by words; not by force, but by reason; not in hatred, but in love." Nicholas ofCusa produced "Sifting the Quran" in the 15th century, which argues that the Quran may be used as an introduction to the Gospel, and praises the human and religious virtues of Muslims.

One of the most compelling calls for religious tolerance may come from the Gospel of John. On the night before his crucifixion, Jesus prays for the unity of all of his followers: 'Father, may they all be one as you are in me, and I in you; may they also be on in us so that the world may believe that you sent me' (John 17:20, 21). Although this appears to be a call to unity within the Church itself, it could also suggest a broader interpretation, calling followers of all faiths to worship the same God.

The Christian response to other faiths is also expressed in the book of Acts where Peter, responding to the realities of a multi-faith community states, "I truly understand that God shows no partiality, but in every nation anyone who fears him and does what is right is acceptable to him" (Acts 10: 34-35).

There have been severalShi'ia scholars who have supported the call to unity among a plurality of religious perspectives, particularly in the name of establishing peace. The lateAllamah Tabataba'I in his interpretation of verse 200 of the Ali-Imran chapter of the Qur'an says: "Undoubtedly, the emergence and formation of any society are the results of a single objective shared in common by all the members of that society.

This objective is like a spirit which is inspired in all nooks and crannies of the society and brings about a certain type of unity among members of the society." In response to this, Dr.Rahim Eivazi of Tehran University states: "Taking note of this point along with the instinctive inclination of man to unify in spite of differences and plurality may render a new definition for a culture of peace, with theAbrahamic religions being the frame of reference for communication patterns in this direction." Dr.Eivazi goes on to say that, "…considering the inefficiency of governmental preventive measures [to reduce tensions in international relations], new measures (achieved through new angles)are needed; the religious scholars of monotheistic religions should get involved in guiding socio-political currents in this direction."

At a meeting of religious and political leaders in Oslo, Norway in May of 2007, former President MohammadKhatami noted the distinction between religion as an expression of "divine matter" and religion as an aspect of group identity. He went on to quoteSurah 2, verse 285 of the Holy Qur'an which states: "We make no distinction between one and another of his Prophets" and, more explicitly, from verse 136 stated, "We believe in God, and the revelation given to us and to Abraham, Ishmael, Jacob and his descendents and that given to Moses and Jesus and that give to all Prophets. We make no difference between one and another of them."

Because of this,Khatami noted, "A believer in Islam will find himself or herself in an identity framework in which believers in other faiths also exist-an identity which not only leads to tolerance but also brings about a kind of solidarity among followers of different religions." Muslims do form a distinct identity group but it is not exclusive. Islam "can be inclusive as it identifies a kind of compassion and proximity as a basis for relations with other identities." He said further, "Islam calls on followers of other religions to get together in an identity circle vaster than a circle of specific individuals-an identity that stands on two pillars: monotheism and freedom of thought."

Conclusion

This brings us back to our original question: are Christians and Muslims called to convert the other or to embrace the possibility of a plurality of perspectives that allows for mutual and respectful exploration of the other's faith? For me, the answer lies in the fruits of efforts that are already underway in this important effort. Through interfaith dialogue, Christians and Muslims who worship the one God are approaching the exploration of each other's faith with reverence and humility and are realizing new possibilities for establishing peace and lasting relations. For example, through our dialogue work with clerics in Iran, we at the National Cathedral have seen repeatedly that this dialogue takes place under conditions of reverence for the other's faith, not attempts at conversion.

As Dr. David Thomas stated, we are engaging in the kind of "respectful inquiry into the faith tradition of the other that puts preconceptions about its truthfulness and legitimacy aside and attempts to discover the core beliefs and diversity of expressions with respect and attentiveness."

We recognize that we are called to this kind of engagement by the God who knows and loves us all and the God we wish to serve. This knowledge supersedes the need for conversion and establishing the supremacy of each faith, and permits us to explore the path of peace and walk together to worship and honor the one God.

As an American who strives to advance reconciliation between my country and Iran, it pleases me to state that leaders in the Iranian clerical and NGO communities have taken the lead in interfaith dialogue as a means to build bridges between cultures and followers of various faith traditions. It was former PresidentKhatami who proposed the idea of a DialogueAmong Civilizations and Cultures, a notion that received such overwhelming support that the United Nations declared 2001 as the year of Dialogue Among Civilizations.

In addition, the Center for Interreligious Dialogue in Tehran has been conducting interfaith discussions for almost twenty years to provide a platform for the exchange of ideas and the construction of a global community that is grounded in the basic rights of all people. In a joint round of discussions held in Geneva in 2005 between the World Council of Churches and the Center for Interreligious Dialogue, AyatollahMahmoud Mohammadi Araqi stated, "We are ready to reach mutual understanding with the nations of the West and any other country or bloc through dialogue.

We reject the idea of a clash of civilizations and still believe that most of the problems of the world can be solved through dialogue. We are open to dialogue and stretch out our hands for anyone in the world who is interested in dialogue to talk and negotiate to find reasonable solutions to our common problems."

Proponents of interfaith dialogue reinforce the notion that people across the lines of faith cannot simply study the sacred texts of the other to deepen their understanding of each tradition. They must meet in person to experience humanity of the other and to comprehend the intricate complexities with which people embrace and live out their faith. One of the failures of the early Christian apologists was that their understanding of Islam was based solely on the Muslim texts they had read. They had virtually no contact with Muslim communities.

We see the negative effects of this kind of isolation underscored in the tensions between the US and Iran, peoples who have had virtually no contact for almost thirty years. In light of the current tensions existing between our countries, the need for peace established through religious channels takes on a unique significance at this point in history.

Interfaith dialogue is work that is ongoing, of course, and each of us must be dedicated to remaining open to learning about the other's faith and humanity. The challenge of this work is not in finding an answer to pluralism but in trying to appreciate why believers from other faiths accept what they do. It is our hope that increasing knowledge of each tradition will lead Christians and Muslims to understand that both traditions are authentic expressions of truth and are parallel paths to the same God. In a world where religion is increasingly used to justify violence, this is a much needed perspective.

Imam and the 'Caliphs'

The Imam (a.s.) was contemporary to a short period of al-Rashid's regime during which he suffered the tragedy of the assassination of his father Imam Musa al-Kazim (a.s.) and other Alawides. After the murder of his father, he was not safe from the moves of some of those who flattered the rulers and followed their course and pretended to show their loyalty by instigating enmity against the regime's opponents, encouraging their elimination, thinking that that would increase the rulers' liking for them and nearness to them, that it would strengthen their position and grant them unique distinctions and raise them to the highest pinnacles.

Attempts to Eliminate the Imam

Ja’far ibn Yahya says: "I heard Isa ibn Ja’far say to Haroun (al-Rashid) upon leaving al-Riqqa for Mecca, `Remember your oath by the dignity of the descendants of Abu Talib that should anyone after Musa (al-Kazim, A.S.) claim Imamate, you would strike his head with the sword. This Ali, his son, claims so, and people are addressing him in the same way they used to address his father.' He looked at him angrily and said, `Why? Do you expect me to eliminate each and every one of them?'" Musa ibn Mahran says that when he heard Ja’far ibn Yahya say so, he went to him (i.e. to Imam ar-Ridha’) and told him what he had heard. Ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) responded by saying, "What do I have to do with them? By God, they cannot hurt me in the least."

Such incitements were not confined within a reasonable limit but went beyond it to dangerous ones where instigation might cause al-Rashid to pay serious attention, for the Barmakis were most antagonistic towards the Descendants of the Prophet (S) and the most cruel among them in their grudge, so much so that it is reported that Yahya ibn Khalid al-Barmaki was the one who ordered the murder of Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.)1 when the Abbaside caliphate was under their mercy.2 Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) rendered God's retribution against the Barmakis to their persecution and oppression the worst of which was suffered by Imam al-Kazim (a.s.).3 Suffices for proof is the fact that Yahya ibn Khalid was the one who plotted the ugly plot against Imam al-Kazim (a.s.) after causing Haroun al-Rashid to be angry with him, instigating al-Rashid against the Imam (a.s.) and using some naive weaklings among the Alawides to achieve his goal.4

It was, indeed, an attempt which spelled the extent of grudge felt by Yahya ibn Khalid whose purpose was to pressure al-Rashid into murdering Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and make him join his father. He said to him one day: "This Ali, his son, has seated himself in place and claimed the matter (Imamate) for himself." He (al-Rashid) said: "Is it not enough for us what we have done to his father? Do you wish that we should kill them all?"5 Al-Rashid's answer points out to the extent of anguish he was suffering deep inside, and it reveals the bitter struggle exploding deep inside him. Suffices him to live carrying the guilt of murdering the pure soul of the Imam's father whom he subjected to numerous types of trials and tribulations till he joined his Lord well-pleased and satisfied after having faithfully executed the responsibilities of Imamate which were entrusted to him honestly and

faithfully, while the tyrant's soul was no longer able to bear any bigger sin anymore.

Al-Rashid Moves to Eliminate the Imam

Finally, al-Rashid is surrounded by a large number of courtiers instigating him to kill Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), and they finally succeeded in stirring his feeling of anger against the Imam (a.s.), stimulating his beastly instinct to eagerly kill. Abul-Salt al-Harawi narrates saying that one day he was sitting with the Imam (a.s.) at his house when a messenger from Haroun al-Rashid came in and ordered the Imam (a.s.) to present himself before the caliph.

The Imam (a.s.) said: "O Abul-Salt! He does not call upon me at such a time of the night except for trouble. By God! He cannot do anything which I hate to me because of what I had come to know of certain statements said by my grandfather the Messenger of God (S)." Abul-Salt continues his narrative to say that he accompanied the Imam (a.s.) when he entered the court of Haroun al-Rashid.

When the latter looked at him, ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) read those words of the Prophet (S), and when he stood before al-Rashid, the latter looked carefully at him and then said, "O Abul-Hasan! We have ordered a hundred thousand dirhams for you, and write down the needs of all your family." When the Imam (a.s.) left the court, the caliph kept looking at him as he was leaving and said behind his back: "I wished, and God wished otherwise, and what God wished was good." Thus did God save the life of the Imam (a.s.) who sought refuge with Him, seeking His assistance through the sincere words he had come to know that his grandfather the Messenger of God (S) had articulated. Al-Rashid, on the other hand, went back to himself satisfied after destiny had opposed his vicious intention just to realize that what God had done was indeed better than what he himself had intended to do.

Sincere Attempts

Contrariwise, there were sincere attempts to distance Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) from danger which were undertaken by some of his followers who had tasted the bitterness of pain during the adversity suffered by his father Imam al-Kazim (a.s.) who suffered a great deal of oppression and persecution at the hands of the stubborn tyrant Haroun al-Rashid.

Those attempts required the Imam (a.s.) to cease publicly promoting his mission and to distance himself from the situations which would clearly attract the attention of the government to him and become a cause for its revenge and desire to eliminate him. But the Imam (a.s.) who was confident of his stance did not pay attention to those attempts, and he was of the view that they were simply unnecessary due to some knowledge he had learned from his forefathers which assured him that al-Rashid would not be able to harm him in any way.

For example, Safwan ibn Yahya is quoted saying: "When Abul-Hasan Musa (a.s.) passed away and ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) started preaching his mission, we were worried about his life and we said to him, `You have declared something of great magnanimity, and we worry about your safety because

of this tyrant.' He said, `Let him try his best, for he shall not have the means to hurt me.'"6

Muhammad ibn Sinan said: "During the reign of Haroun, I said to Abul-Hasan ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), `You have made yourself well-known because of this matter and followed in the footsteps of your father while Haroun's sword is dripping with blood.' He said, `What made me bold in this regard is that the Messenger of God (S) had said: `If Abu Jahl harms even one hair on my head, then bear witness that I am not a Prophet,' and I tell you that if Haroun took one hair away from my head, then bear witness that I am not an Imam.'"7

Vicious Intentions

Some Waqfis tried to warn him against declaring himself as the Imam (a.s.) and openly acting as such, and he answered them saying that such a matter did not require a warning, and that the fear that Haroun might hurt him was groundless. Those individuals had only one objective in mind: to discourage the ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) from making himself known as the Imam and making his Imamate public so that they might be able to promote their "sect" which claimed that the Qa'im was Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) and that he was still alive as we mentioned above. Let us review the dialogue between the Imam (a.s.) and some of those Waqfis. Abu Masrooq has stated:

"A group of Waqfis entered the house of the Imam (a.s.) once and among them were men like Abu Hamza al-Bataini, Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Ammar, al-Husayn ibn Umran, and al-Husayn ibn Abu Sa'id al-Makari. Ali ibn Abu Hamza said to him, `May my life be sacrificed for you! Tell us how your father is doing.' He said, `He, peace be upon him, passed away.' He said, `Who did he recommend to succeed him?' He answered, `Myself.' He said, `You are claiming something which none among your forefathers claimed, starting from Ali ibn Abu Talib downwards.'

He said, `It was said by the best of my forefathers and the most distinguished among them: the Messenger of God (S).' He asked, `Do not you fear them for your safety?' He said, `Had I worried about my safety, I would have been in a position to do something to protect myself. The Messenger of God (S) was approached once by Abu Lahab who threatened him; the Messenger of God (S) said to him: `If I am scratched by you even slightly, then I am indeed a liar.'

That was the first time the Messenger of God (S) incited someone, and this is the first time I do likewise and tell you that if I am scratched by Haroun even slightly, then I am indeed a liar.' Al-Husayn ibn Mahran said to him, `If this comes to pass, then we will have achieved our objective.' He said, `What do you exactly want? Should I go to Haroun and tell him that I am the Imam (a.s.) and that he is nobody?

This is not how the Messenger of God behaved at the outset of his mission; rather, he said so to his family and followers and those whom he trusted from among the public. You believe that Imamate belongs to my father, claiming that what stops me from admitting that my father is alive is my own fear. I do not fear you when I say to you that I am the Imam; so, how can I fear you if my father is indeed alive?'"8

The Imam's expectation proved to be true; al-Rashid breathed his last without hurting the Imam (a.s.) a bit.

From the Series of Tragedies

One incident that took place during the reign of al-Rashid reminds us of the chain of tragic events from which the Alawides suffered during the reign of al-Mansour. In Medina, Muhammad ibn Ja’far declared rebellion against the government; therefore, al-Rashid sent an army under the command of al-Jalloodi to crush his rebellion, ordering al-Jalloodi to behead the man if he could lay his hand on him.

Al-Rashid, furthermore, was not satisfied with just that. He instructed his commander to assault the houses of the descendants of Abu Talib and loot everything their women had without leaving even one piece of clothing on them. Al-Jalloodi tried to execute al-Rashid's order in person; therefore, he attacked the house of Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) using his cavaliers. Having seen him, the Imam (a.s.) put all the women in one house, and he stood at its door.

Al-Jalloodi said to Abul-Hasan: "I have got to enter the house and strip the women of everything just as the commander of the faithful ordered me." Ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) said: "I can do that for you, and I will not leave anything for them." The Imam (a.s.) kept requesting him to accept, swearing that he would do just that till the man calmed down and consented. Abul-Hasan took their wares, including their ear-rings, anklets, shirts, and every valuable item in the house, small or big.

This incident, if true, does not depict an unusual behavior by al-Rashid towards the Alawides since he was full of grudge and animosity towards them. What encourages us to believe in it is what Ibn al-Athir narrates about al-Rashid at the time of his death, shortly before meeting his Maker. He was moaning and groaning while saying, "How horrible my evil deeds are towards the Messenger of God! How Horrible!"9 This is a clear expression of the admission of the calamities he inflicted upon the family of the Prophet (S), of his horrible sins, of a bitter regret which was consuming his soul at the time of its departure.

Imam During al-Amin's Reign

As regarding his life during the reign of al-Amin, we cannot review any incident regarding the government's stance towards Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), and this may be attributed to the confusing environment in which the Abbaside caliphate found itself due to internal dissents which led in the end to a serious split among the members of the ruling dynasty, the split which was caused by al-Amin deposing his brother al-Ma’mun from the post of heir to the throne and the nomination of his son Musa in his place after listening to the advice of al-Fadl ibn al-Rabee' who had a personal vendetta against al-Ma’mun and who feared him for his post should he become the caliph instead, since he had already opposed him openly.10

Such a shaky situation is credited for the fact that al-Amin and his ruling apparatus diverted their attention from Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and from pursuing him, and we can regard that period of the Imam's life as a peaceful respite with which circumstances blessed him in order to be able to dedicate

his time to carry out the responsibilities of his mission and disseminate its pristine principles among the nation.

Imam During al-Ma’mun's Regime

As regarding the period of the Imam's life during which he was contemporary to al-Ma’mun's regime, this may be the richest and most eventful of all his life, for his personality enjoyed a significant role in the turning of events and their reflection thereupon. But first we have to provide a general expose of the intricate events which caused Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) to enjoy a significant role in the shaping of the events of that period. After that, we have to conduct a general study of the personality of al-Ma’mun and of its distinctions, since he was the number one man around whom the contemporary political events revolved. Such a study may even lead us to research some other leading personalities of the time that played and assumed a large role in the political wheel of the time.

Al-Ma’mun's Personality

As regarding al-Ma’mun, there is no doubt at all that he was one of the strongest personalities of the Abbaside caliphate during its first epoch, and one of the most moderate, highly intellectual and highly learned of its scholars. He encouraged scholarship during his regime and promoted free discussions out of his passion for increasing his own knowledge and expanding its spheres.

He was also known to demonstrate an inclination towards Shi'aism, preferring Imam Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.) to and recognizing his superiority over all other sahaba. Narrators ofhadith have recorded lengthy dialogues with a number of narrators ofhadith and scholars of the Sunnah and with orators which reveal a glorious intellectual depth and an absorption of his view which he strongly and enthusiastically advocated.

Al-Ma’mun's Inclination Towards Shi'aism

There is a disagreement regarding his school of thought. Some think that he was Shi'a, while others think that he only pretended to be so out of his regard for the feelings of Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and other Alawides while in reality he was otherwise. But his discourses, debates, and his serious method in challenging what was regarded as accepted facts by those who opposed his views, all dispel any doubts regarding his acceptance of Shi'aism.

Moreover, there are certain noteworthy measures he undertook which support this view such as his belief that the Holy Qur'an was the Word of God created by Him, and his insistence that scholars and faqihs should indicate and promote this view, so much so that he caused quite a reaction among contemporary Islamic circles to the extent that it was referred to as the ordeal of the Holy Qur'an.

His father, al-Rashid, differed from him in this regard. When he heard that Bishr al-Marisi endorsed the concept that the Holy Qur'an was created by God, he said: "If I ever lay my hand on him, I shall strike his neck with the sword."11 Also, he believed in the temporary marriage of mut'a, and he refuted the views of the second caliph in this regard with arguments which have already been recorded by foremost historians.

Add to all the above his preference of Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.) over all other companions of the Prophet (S) and his view that Ali was more worthy of succeeding the Messenger of God (S) as the caliph. Yet another supporting argument is his serious attempt to make the cursing of Mu'awiya a tradition and enforce it on his subjects; he announced to people once the following:

"There shall be no pardon for anyone guilty of praising Mu'awiya, and the best of creation after the Prophet (S) is Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.)."12

That was in response to Mu'awiya who made the cursing of Ali a tradition which continued during the reign of all Umayyad governments till the days of the caliph Umer ibn Abd al-Aziz who put an end to it in order to safeguard the government of the Umayyads against the disgust people felt towards such ignominious tradition, sympathized with the Alawides, and returned Fedak to them when they requested him to do so.

Al-Ma’mun, in fact, sincerely felt guilty about the crimes his predecessors had committed against the Alawides as a letter he wrote to some Hashemites testified and in which he said: "The Umayyads killed anyone (among the Alawides) who unsheathed a sword, while we, the Abbasides, have been killing them en masse; so, ask the great souls of the Hashemites what sin they committed, and ask the souls of those who were buried in Baghdad and Kufa alive..."13

Al-Ma’mun's inclination towards Shi'aism is the result of many factors of a permanent impact upon his way of thinking, starting with his childhood when a Shi'a educator planted deeply in his soul the allegiance to Ali and the family of Ali (a.s.), and ending with his residence in parts of Khurasan where mostly Shi'as lived. Al-Ma’mun himself narrates an anecdote with a moral which taught him to sympathize with Shi'as.

It involved an encounter with his father al-Rashid who was very well known for his cruelty, tyranny, arrogance and hatred of the Alawides, especially Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) whose life he ended with poison. Al-Ma’mun states that when Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) met al-Rashid at Medina, al-Rashid showed a great deal of humbleness before the Imam (a.s.) and a great deal of respect for him to a degree which attracted his own attention; so, he continues to say, "When there was nobody else present, I said, `O commander of the faithful! Who is this man whom you have held with such a high esteem, respected a great deal, stood up to receive, and even seated in the most prominent place while seating yourself in front of him, and you even ordered us to hold the rein of his horse?!'

He said, `This is the Imam of the people, the Proof of God's Mercy to His creation (Hujjatullah) and His caliph among His servants.' I asked, `O commander of the faithful! Are not all these attributes yours and fulfilled in your person?' He replied, `I am the Imam of the masses by force and through oppression, while Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) is the Imam in truth. By God, son, he is more worthy of being the successor of the Messenger of God (S) as the caliph than I am and anyone else among the people! By God! If you yourself attempt to take such caliphate from me, I shall take it away from you even if that means pulling your eyes out, for power is blind!'"14

From all these arguments we can conclude that al-Ma’mun was indeed a believer in Shi'aism, convinced of the principles of this school of thought which are based on the preference of Ali (a.s.) for caliphate over all others upon which principle al-Ma’mun insisted while debating others. As regarding his conduct with Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), his forcing him to be his regent, and his possible assassination, all these fall under the same precept adopted by his father al-Rashid that "power is blind."

Differences of Personalities of al-Amin and al-Ma’mun

There was a clear difference in mentality and way of thinking between al-Amin and his brother al-Ma’mun. Al-Ma’mun was broader in mentality and more open-minded than his brother, and he was more receptive to new ideas, more deep in his political and theological philosophy. Al-Ma’mun, moreover, was more serious than his brother in the administrative management of the government.

Al-Amin did not enjoy these merits, and the reason may be the fact that he was pampered and spoiled by his parents, that he was brought up to feel distinctly superior to his brother al-Ma’mun. Add to this his temper of hereditary stubbornness which he inherited from his mother who was daughter of Ja’far son of (caliph) al-Mansoor; as regarding al-Ma’mun's mother, she was a women who gave birth to several children, and her name was Marajil. Al-Amin's mother raised her son to be aware of the class distinctions by narrating to him some interesting anecdotes involving herself and al-Rashid whenever the latter felt a psychological and emotional inclination towards his son al-Ma’mun.

Al-Rashid Evaluates his Sons

Al-Rashid was aware of the intellectual differences among his sons, but he could not clearly express it out of his respect for the feelings of his favorite wife and to safeguard the status of her son. He is quoted as having said: "I am aware of the fact that Abdullah is gifted with determination like that of al-Mansour, with asceticism like that of al-Mahdi, and with dignity like that of al-Hadi.

Had I wished to link him to the fourth (meaning himself), I would have done so and preferred Muhammad over him. I am aware of the fact that he follows his own inclination, wastes what is in his possession, and shares slave and free women in his views. Had it not been for the mother of Ja’far, and the inclination towards the Banu Hashim, I would have preferred Abdullah over him."

Differences of Conduct of Both Brothers

The vast difference which separates the brothers unveils when we review the biography of each one of them and study its distinctions and attributes. Al-Ma’mun was a practical man, strong in his administrative management skills, serious, wise regarding his conduct, far-sighted in his political or academic ambitions, loves knowledge and scholars, so much so that he was nicknamed "scholar of the Banu al-Abbas (the Abbasides)."

Al-Amin was the opposite of all of this in his general conduct. He inclined more towards merry-making and entertainment which is the natural

outcome of his spoiled childhood and adolescence. To prove this point, we have to read this interesting incident which spells out the type of general conduct of al-Amin during the moments which preceded his assassination. Ibn al-Athir states the following in hisTarikh (chronicle):

"Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi narrated saying that he was with al-Amin when he fell under the political pressure of Tahir. He says that al-Amin came out during one night to cheer himself up and forget about his depression, so he went to a house he had had in the Khuld suburb, then he sent for Ibrahim. When Ibrahim was brought to him, he said, `Do you see how nice this evening is, how beautiful the moon appears in the sky and how its light is reflected on the water of the Tigris? Would you like to have a drink?' He answered that that was up to him, so he drank a bottle of wine, and Ibrahim entertained him with the songs he knew he liked best."15

It is beyond imagination to conceive how a monarch undergoing a horrible political crisis which was about to uproot his throne could resort to such an extravagant behavior so far from permitting him to contemplate upon the fate threatening him and jeopardizing his very existence. Some other such extravagant norms of behavior narrated about al-Amin the caliph since he ascended the throne and till his last moments clearly indicate that he was not a man of government in the wide sense of the word, nor were he a leader.

Dissension Begins

Indications of dissension between both brothers started appearing before al-Rashid's death, and historians render that to the fact that al-Rashid had handed the reins of government over to his son al-Ma’mun in Khurasan and secured the oath of allegiance to him from the army commanders and civilian dignitaries there, granting him all what he had of money and other items of value.16 When the news reached him in Baghdad, he did not relish it at all but considered it as a premature action undertaken by his departing father and something he himself was entitled to do in his capacity as the first regent who had the authority to determine such matters.

Confused Behavior of al-Rashid Towards His Sons

Al-Rashid seemed to sense deep inside his soul the psychological gap which separated his son al-Amin from him when he detained the messenger his son had dispatched to Khurasan in the pretext of bringing him back news about his father's health conditions whereas in reality he was carrying secret letters to army leaders and civilian notables to be delivered to them immediately after the death of his father al-Rashid.

The letters contained orders to carry out the duties the recipients were expected to perform. The objective was to depose his brother al-Ma’mun from actual authority vested upon him by his father. Al-Rashid tried to extract an admission from the messenger that he was carrying secret letters from al-Amin to army leaders and civilian notables, but he did not succeed even when his patience reached its limit and he threatened the messenger to have him killed, and he almost did so before death overtook him whereupon the messenger was subsequently released and the letters were delivered as

planned. The result was the army leaders and their troops reneging on the promises they swore to al-Rashid, causing a great deal of political chaos.17

We can easily discern the confusing ordeal which dominated the conduct of al-Rashid regarding his arrangement of the issue of his own succession by his sons. He was not satisfied with just securing assurances and taking the most serious of oaths from his sons al-Amin and al-Ma’mun, so he went during thehajj season to Mecca to require his sons to write down their pledges, then he hung what they wrote down on the walls of the sacred Ka'ba in the presence of a multitude of people so that those who did not witness the event would be told by those who did so on that day.

Al-Rashid Divides the State

Yet he was still not quite satisfied, so he went a step further to divide the domains of the state to three sections, granting al-Amin authority over Iraq and Syria up to the end of his western possessions; to al-Ma’mun he gave the territories from Hamadan up to the eastern borders of his domains; to al-Qasim he gave the peninsula, the sea ports, and the metropolises after having secured the oath of allegiance for him after his brother al-Ma’mun and giving him the option to keep or depose al-Ma’mun.18

Thus, al-Rashid thought, the ghost of dissension would be averted, and the government after his death would be secured for all his sons since he gave each one of them a portion thereof whereby he would maintain a force strong enough to deter the transgression of any other brother. Despite all of that, however, al-Rashid could not put an end to the causes of his dilemma deeply rooted within himself as the incident of the messenger who was sent by his son al-Amin suggested.

Apprehension of the Public Regarding the Division

People predicted ominous consequences to take place because of what al-Rashid had done. Some of them said that he sowed the seeds of evil and war among them, and they feared the consequences, and indeed what they feared came to pass.19 Some wise men said that he caused them to fall into an inner conflict the perils of which victimized the subjects.20

Ambition of Some Followers Deepens Division

The conflict among the two brothers was worsened by the incitement of some top rank politicians in each party, and there were many reasons for incitement and entrapment. On one hand, we find al-Fadl ibn al-Rabee', who caused the army to renege on its sworn promise of support for al-Ma’mun in Khurasan as soon as al-Rashid died and marched with it to Baghdad in order to strengthen al-Amin's position, trying to aggravate the tension between al-Amin and his brother al-Ma’mun, instigating the first to nullify the allegiance to al-Ma’mun and change it to his son Musa, depending in so doing on various means of incitement which in the end pushed al-Amin to assault his brother.

Al-Fadl, by doing so, was trying to get rid of al-Ma’mun as the regent for fear that should he come to rule, he would certainly seek revenge against him due to his going back on his promise to support al-Ma’mun whom he slighted and the allegiance to whom he broke after the death of al-Rashid.21

On the other hand, we find al-Fadl ibn Sahl, the Khurasani leader, who was appointed in his post by al-Ma’mun, trying to secure the government for al-Ma’mun by his brilliant methods after pledging to help him reach the throne and dethrone his brother al-Amin at any price and stand in the face of al-Amin's attempts to deprive him of his regency. Al-Fadl and his brother al-Hasan ibn Sahl, in addition to the rest of Khurasani leaders and chiefs, were aware of the precarious situation in which they would find themselves should destiny decide that al-Amin must have victory over his brother al-Ma’mun especially since they had already declared their allegiance to al-Ma’mun and reneged in their promise to al-Amin.

War is Waged and al-Ma’mun Wins

The gap between the brothers became wider, and the presentiments of the tragedy to befall the two brothers were in sight when al-Amin announced in Baghdad his decision to drop the name of his brother al-Ma’mun from Friday sermons and substitute it with that of his own son Musa whom he named his successor, and he sent letters to places far and wide in this meaning. Al-Ma’mun rose to defend his right and started planning to overrun Baghdad, the capital of the government, while al-Amin was gathering troops to take over his brother's domains.

Both armies finally clashed and fierce battles ensued in more than one location, and in the end al-Ma’mun came out victorious, took control of Baghdad and killed al-Amin. All of that became possible due to the planning of al-Fadl ibn Sahl, who was nicknamed "Dhul-Riyasatain," i.e., the man who had a say in two states, and his brother al-Hasan, assisted by an elite group of military experts and top political advisors.

Having won victory over his brother, al-Ma’mun tried to make Marw the base of power for the Abbaside dynasty instead of Baghdad due to the advice of his army leaders and top political aides who were credited with regaining his right to the caliphate after al-Amin had deposed him, and because of his own feeling of gratitude towards the city that assisted him and brought him victory during the darkest periods of his political crisis.

Notes

1. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 2, p. 226.

2. 'Umdat al-Talib, p. 185, 1st edition (Najaf, Iraq).

3. Bihar al-Anwar, Vol. 48, p. 249, quoting Al Kafi.

4. Shaikh al-Toosi's Al Ghayba, p. 22.

5. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 2, p. 226.

6. Al Kafi, Vol. 1, p. 487. It is also mentioned in Al 'Uyoon, Al Manaqib and Al Irshad.

7. Rawdat al-Kafi, p. 257.

8. A'yan al-Shi'a, Vol. 4, Part I, p. 138.

9. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 130.

10. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 138.

11. Tarikh al-Khulafa by al-Sayyuti, p. 284.

12. Ibid., p. 308.

13. Bihar al-Anwar, Vol. 49, p. 210 as quoted in Ibn Maskawayhi's book Nadeem al-Farid.

14. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 1, p. 88.

15. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 162.

16. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 134.

17. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, pp. 134-135.

18. Ibid., p. 112.

19. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 113.

20. Tarikh al-Khulafaa by al-Sayyuti, p. 290.

21. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 138.

Imam and the 'Caliphs'

The Imam (a.s.) was contemporary to a short period of al-Rashid's regime during which he suffered the tragedy of the assassination of his father Imam Musa al-Kazim (a.s.) and other Alawides. After the murder of his father, he was not safe from the moves of some of those who flattered the rulers and followed their course and pretended to show their loyalty by instigating enmity against the regime's opponents, encouraging their elimination, thinking that that would increase the rulers' liking for them and nearness to them, that it would strengthen their position and grant them unique distinctions and raise them to the highest pinnacles.

Attempts to Eliminate the Imam

Ja’far ibn Yahya says: "I heard Isa ibn Ja’far say to Haroun (al-Rashid) upon leaving al-Riqqa for Mecca, `Remember your oath by the dignity of the descendants of Abu Talib that should anyone after Musa (al-Kazim, A.S.) claim Imamate, you would strike his head with the sword. This Ali, his son, claims so, and people are addressing him in the same way they used to address his father.' He looked at him angrily and said, `Why? Do you expect me to eliminate each and every one of them?'" Musa ibn Mahran says that when he heard Ja’far ibn Yahya say so, he went to him (i.e. to Imam ar-Ridha’) and told him what he had heard. Ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) responded by saying, "What do I have to do with them? By God, they cannot hurt me in the least."

Such incitements were not confined within a reasonable limit but went beyond it to dangerous ones where instigation might cause al-Rashid to pay serious attention, for the Barmakis were most antagonistic towards the Descendants of the Prophet (S) and the most cruel among them in their grudge, so much so that it is reported that Yahya ibn Khalid al-Barmaki was the one who ordered the murder of Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.)1 when the Abbaside caliphate was under their mercy.2 Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) rendered God's retribution against the Barmakis to their persecution and oppression the worst of which was suffered by Imam al-Kazim (a.s.).3 Suffices for proof is the fact that Yahya ibn Khalid was the one who plotted the ugly plot against Imam al-Kazim (a.s.) after causing Haroun al-Rashid to be angry with him, instigating al-Rashid against the Imam (a.s.) and using some naive weaklings among the Alawides to achieve his goal.4

It was, indeed, an attempt which spelled the extent of grudge felt by Yahya ibn Khalid whose purpose was to pressure al-Rashid into murdering Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and make him join his father. He said to him one day: "This Ali, his son, has seated himself in place and claimed the matter (Imamate) for himself." He (al-Rashid) said: "Is it not enough for us what we have done to his father? Do you wish that we should kill them all?"5 Al-Rashid's answer points out to the extent of anguish he was suffering deep inside, and it reveals the bitter struggle exploding deep inside him. Suffices him to live carrying the guilt of murdering the pure soul of the Imam's father whom he subjected to numerous types of trials and tribulations till he joined his Lord well-pleased and satisfied after having faithfully executed the responsibilities of Imamate which were entrusted to him honestly and

faithfully, while the tyrant's soul was no longer able to bear any bigger sin anymore.

Al-Rashid Moves to Eliminate the Imam

Finally, al-Rashid is surrounded by a large number of courtiers instigating him to kill Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), and they finally succeeded in stirring his feeling of anger against the Imam (a.s.), stimulating his beastly instinct to eagerly kill. Abul-Salt al-Harawi narrates saying that one day he was sitting with the Imam (a.s.) at his house when a messenger from Haroun al-Rashid came in and ordered the Imam (a.s.) to present himself before the caliph.

The Imam (a.s.) said: "O Abul-Salt! He does not call upon me at such a time of the night except for trouble. By God! He cannot do anything which I hate to me because of what I had come to know of certain statements said by my grandfather the Messenger of God (S)." Abul-Salt continues his narrative to say that he accompanied the Imam (a.s.) when he entered the court of Haroun al-Rashid.

When the latter looked at him, ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) read those words of the Prophet (S), and when he stood before al-Rashid, the latter looked carefully at him and then said, "O Abul-Hasan! We have ordered a hundred thousand dirhams for you, and write down the needs of all your family." When the Imam (a.s.) left the court, the caliph kept looking at him as he was leaving and said behind his back: "I wished, and God wished otherwise, and what God wished was good." Thus did God save the life of the Imam (a.s.) who sought refuge with Him, seeking His assistance through the sincere words he had come to know that his grandfather the Messenger of God (S) had articulated. Al-Rashid, on the other hand, went back to himself satisfied after destiny had opposed his vicious intention just to realize that what God had done was indeed better than what he himself had intended to do.

Sincere Attempts

Contrariwise, there were sincere attempts to distance Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) from danger which were undertaken by some of his followers who had tasted the bitterness of pain during the adversity suffered by his father Imam al-Kazim (a.s.) who suffered a great deal of oppression and persecution at the hands of the stubborn tyrant Haroun al-Rashid.

Those attempts required the Imam (a.s.) to cease publicly promoting his mission and to distance himself from the situations which would clearly attract the attention of the government to him and become a cause for its revenge and desire to eliminate him. But the Imam (a.s.) who was confident of his stance did not pay attention to those attempts, and he was of the view that they were simply unnecessary due to some knowledge he had learned from his forefathers which assured him that al-Rashid would not be able to harm him in any way.

For example, Safwan ibn Yahya is quoted saying: "When Abul-Hasan Musa (a.s.) passed away and ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) started preaching his mission, we were worried about his life and we said to him, `You have declared something of great magnanimity, and we worry about your safety because

of this tyrant.' He said, `Let him try his best, for he shall not have the means to hurt me.'"6

Muhammad ibn Sinan said: "During the reign of Haroun, I said to Abul-Hasan ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), `You have made yourself well-known because of this matter and followed in the footsteps of your father while Haroun's sword is dripping with blood.' He said, `What made me bold in this regard is that the Messenger of God (S) had said: `If Abu Jahl harms even one hair on my head, then bear witness that I am not a Prophet,' and I tell you that if Haroun took one hair away from my head, then bear witness that I am not an Imam.'"7

Vicious Intentions

Some Waqfis tried to warn him against declaring himself as the Imam (a.s.) and openly acting as such, and he answered them saying that such a matter did not require a warning, and that the fear that Haroun might hurt him was groundless. Those individuals had only one objective in mind: to discourage the ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) from making himself known as the Imam and making his Imamate public so that they might be able to promote their "sect" which claimed that the Qa'im was Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) and that he was still alive as we mentioned above. Let us review the dialogue between the Imam (a.s.) and some of those Waqfis. Abu Masrooq has stated:

"A group of Waqfis entered the house of the Imam (a.s.) once and among them were men like Abu Hamza al-Bataini, Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Ammar, al-Husayn ibn Umran, and al-Husayn ibn Abu Sa'id al-Makari. Ali ibn Abu Hamza said to him, `May my life be sacrificed for you! Tell us how your father is doing.' He said, `He, peace be upon him, passed away.' He said, `Who did he recommend to succeed him?' He answered, `Myself.' He said, `You are claiming something which none among your forefathers claimed, starting from Ali ibn Abu Talib downwards.'

He said, `It was said by the best of my forefathers and the most distinguished among them: the Messenger of God (S).' He asked, `Do not you fear them for your safety?' He said, `Had I worried about my safety, I would have been in a position to do something to protect myself. The Messenger of God (S) was approached once by Abu Lahab who threatened him; the Messenger of God (S) said to him: `If I am scratched by you even slightly, then I am indeed a liar.'

That was the first time the Messenger of God (S) incited someone, and this is the first time I do likewise and tell you that if I am scratched by Haroun even slightly, then I am indeed a liar.' Al-Husayn ibn Mahran said to him, `If this comes to pass, then we will have achieved our objective.' He said, `What do you exactly want? Should I go to Haroun and tell him that I am the Imam (a.s.) and that he is nobody?

This is not how the Messenger of God behaved at the outset of his mission; rather, he said so to his family and followers and those whom he trusted from among the public. You believe that Imamate belongs to my father, claiming that what stops me from admitting that my father is alive is my own fear. I do not fear you when I say to you that I am the Imam; so, how can I fear you if my father is indeed alive?'"8

The Imam's expectation proved to be true; al-Rashid breathed his last without hurting the Imam (a.s.) a bit.

From the Series of Tragedies

One incident that took place during the reign of al-Rashid reminds us of the chain of tragic events from which the Alawides suffered during the reign of al-Mansour. In Medina, Muhammad ibn Ja’far declared rebellion against the government; therefore, al-Rashid sent an army under the command of al-Jalloodi to crush his rebellion, ordering al-Jalloodi to behead the man if he could lay his hand on him.

Al-Rashid, furthermore, was not satisfied with just that. He instructed his commander to assault the houses of the descendants of Abu Talib and loot everything their women had without leaving even one piece of clothing on them. Al-Jalloodi tried to execute al-Rashid's order in person; therefore, he attacked the house of Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) using his cavaliers. Having seen him, the Imam (a.s.) put all the women in one house, and he stood at its door.

Al-Jalloodi said to Abul-Hasan: "I have got to enter the house and strip the women of everything just as the commander of the faithful ordered me." Ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) said: "I can do that for you, and I will not leave anything for them." The Imam (a.s.) kept requesting him to accept, swearing that he would do just that till the man calmed down and consented. Abul-Hasan took their wares, including their ear-rings, anklets, shirts, and every valuable item in the house, small or big.

This incident, if true, does not depict an unusual behavior by al-Rashid towards the Alawides since he was full of grudge and animosity towards them. What encourages us to believe in it is what Ibn al-Athir narrates about al-Rashid at the time of his death, shortly before meeting his Maker. He was moaning and groaning while saying, "How horrible my evil deeds are towards the Messenger of God! How Horrible!"9 This is a clear expression of the admission of the calamities he inflicted upon the family of the Prophet (S), of his horrible sins, of a bitter regret which was consuming his soul at the time of its departure.

Imam During al-Amin's Reign

As regarding his life during the reign of al-Amin, we cannot review any incident regarding the government's stance towards Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), and this may be attributed to the confusing environment in which the Abbaside caliphate found itself due to internal dissents which led in the end to a serious split among the members of the ruling dynasty, the split which was caused by al-Amin deposing his brother al-Ma’mun from the post of heir to the throne and the nomination of his son Musa in his place after listening to the advice of al-Fadl ibn al-Rabee' who had a personal vendetta against al-Ma’mun and who feared him for his post should he become the caliph instead, since he had already opposed him openly.10

Such a shaky situation is credited for the fact that al-Amin and his ruling apparatus diverted their attention from Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and from pursuing him, and we can regard that period of the Imam's life as a peaceful respite with which circumstances blessed him in order to be able to dedicate

his time to carry out the responsibilities of his mission and disseminate its pristine principles among the nation.

Imam During al-Ma’mun's Regime

As regarding the period of the Imam's life during which he was contemporary to al-Ma’mun's regime, this may be the richest and most eventful of all his life, for his personality enjoyed a significant role in the turning of events and their reflection thereupon. But first we have to provide a general expose of the intricate events which caused Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) to enjoy a significant role in the shaping of the events of that period. After that, we have to conduct a general study of the personality of al-Ma’mun and of its distinctions, since he was the number one man around whom the contemporary political events revolved. Such a study may even lead us to research some other leading personalities of the time that played and assumed a large role in the political wheel of the time.

Al-Ma’mun's Personality

As regarding al-Ma’mun, there is no doubt at all that he was one of the strongest personalities of the Abbaside caliphate during its first epoch, and one of the most moderate, highly intellectual and highly learned of its scholars. He encouraged scholarship during his regime and promoted free discussions out of his passion for increasing his own knowledge and expanding its spheres.

He was also known to demonstrate an inclination towards Shi'aism, preferring Imam Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.) to and recognizing his superiority over all other sahaba. Narrators ofhadith have recorded lengthy dialogues with a number of narrators ofhadith and scholars of the Sunnah and with orators which reveal a glorious intellectual depth and an absorption of his view which he strongly and enthusiastically advocated.

Al-Ma’mun's Inclination Towards Shi'aism

There is a disagreement regarding his school of thought. Some think that he was Shi'a, while others think that he only pretended to be so out of his regard for the feelings of Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.) and other Alawides while in reality he was otherwise. But his discourses, debates, and his serious method in challenging what was regarded as accepted facts by those who opposed his views, all dispel any doubts regarding his acceptance of Shi'aism.

Moreover, there are certain noteworthy measures he undertook which support this view such as his belief that the Holy Qur'an was the Word of God created by Him, and his insistence that scholars and faqihs should indicate and promote this view, so much so that he caused quite a reaction among contemporary Islamic circles to the extent that it was referred to as the ordeal of the Holy Qur'an.

His father, al-Rashid, differed from him in this regard. When he heard that Bishr al-Marisi endorsed the concept that the Holy Qur'an was created by God, he said: "If I ever lay my hand on him, I shall strike his neck with the sword."11 Also, he believed in the temporary marriage of mut'a, and he refuted the views of the second caliph in this regard with arguments which have already been recorded by foremost historians.

Add to all the above his preference of Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.) over all other companions of the Prophet (S) and his view that Ali was more worthy of succeeding the Messenger of God (S) as the caliph. Yet another supporting argument is his serious attempt to make the cursing of Mu'awiya a tradition and enforce it on his subjects; he announced to people once the following:

"There shall be no pardon for anyone guilty of praising Mu'awiya, and the best of creation after the Prophet (S) is Ali ibn Abu Talib (a.s.)."12

That was in response to Mu'awiya who made the cursing of Ali a tradition which continued during the reign of all Umayyad governments till the days of the caliph Umer ibn Abd al-Aziz who put an end to it in order to safeguard the government of the Umayyads against the disgust people felt towards such ignominious tradition, sympathized with the Alawides, and returned Fedak to them when they requested him to do so.

Al-Ma’mun, in fact, sincerely felt guilty about the crimes his predecessors had committed against the Alawides as a letter he wrote to some Hashemites testified and in which he said: "The Umayyads killed anyone (among the Alawides) who unsheathed a sword, while we, the Abbasides, have been killing them en masse; so, ask the great souls of the Hashemites what sin they committed, and ask the souls of those who were buried in Baghdad and Kufa alive..."13

Al-Ma’mun's inclination towards Shi'aism is the result of many factors of a permanent impact upon his way of thinking, starting with his childhood when a Shi'a educator planted deeply in his soul the allegiance to Ali and the family of Ali (a.s.), and ending with his residence in parts of Khurasan where mostly Shi'as lived. Al-Ma’mun himself narrates an anecdote with a moral which taught him to sympathize with Shi'as.

It involved an encounter with his father al-Rashid who was very well known for his cruelty, tyranny, arrogance and hatred of the Alawides, especially Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) whose life he ended with poison. Al-Ma’mun states that when Imam Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) met al-Rashid at Medina, al-Rashid showed a great deal of humbleness before the Imam (a.s.) and a great deal of respect for him to a degree which attracted his own attention; so, he continues to say, "When there was nobody else present, I said, `O commander of the faithful! Who is this man whom you have held with such a high esteem, respected a great deal, stood up to receive, and even seated in the most prominent place while seating yourself in front of him, and you even ordered us to hold the rein of his horse?!'

He said, `This is the Imam of the people, the Proof of God's Mercy to His creation (Hujjatullah) and His caliph among His servants.' I asked, `O commander of the faithful! Are not all these attributes yours and fulfilled in your person?' He replied, `I am the Imam of the masses by force and through oppression, while Musa ibn Ja’far (a.s.) is the Imam in truth. By God, son, he is more worthy of being the successor of the Messenger of God (S) as the caliph than I am and anyone else among the people! By God! If you yourself attempt to take such caliphate from me, I shall take it away from you even if that means pulling your eyes out, for power is blind!'"14

From all these arguments we can conclude that al-Ma’mun was indeed a believer in Shi'aism, convinced of the principles of this school of thought which are based on the preference of Ali (a.s.) for caliphate over all others upon which principle al-Ma’mun insisted while debating others. As regarding his conduct with Imam ar-Ridha’ (a.s.), his forcing him to be his regent, and his possible assassination, all these fall under the same precept adopted by his father al-Rashid that "power is blind."

Differences of Personalities of al-Amin and al-Ma’mun

There was a clear difference in mentality and way of thinking between al-Amin and his brother al-Ma’mun. Al-Ma’mun was broader in mentality and more open-minded than his brother, and he was more receptive to new ideas, more deep in his political and theological philosophy. Al-Ma’mun, moreover, was more serious than his brother in the administrative management of the government.

Al-Amin did not enjoy these merits, and the reason may be the fact that he was pampered and spoiled by his parents, that he was brought up to feel distinctly superior to his brother al-Ma’mun. Add to this his temper of hereditary stubbornness which he inherited from his mother who was daughter of Ja’far son of (caliph) al-Mansoor; as regarding al-Ma’mun's mother, she was a women who gave birth to several children, and her name was Marajil. Al-Amin's mother raised her son to be aware of the class distinctions by narrating to him some interesting anecdotes involving herself and al-Rashid whenever the latter felt a psychological and emotional inclination towards his son al-Ma’mun.

Al-Rashid Evaluates his Sons

Al-Rashid was aware of the intellectual differences among his sons, but he could not clearly express it out of his respect for the feelings of his favorite wife and to safeguard the status of her son. He is quoted as having said: "I am aware of the fact that Abdullah is gifted with determination like that of al-Mansour, with asceticism like that of al-Mahdi, and with dignity like that of al-Hadi.

Had I wished to link him to the fourth (meaning himself), I would have done so and preferred Muhammad over him. I am aware of the fact that he follows his own inclination, wastes what is in his possession, and shares slave and free women in his views. Had it not been for the mother of Ja’far, and the inclination towards the Banu Hashim, I would have preferred Abdullah over him."

Differences of Conduct of Both Brothers

The vast difference which separates the brothers unveils when we review the biography of each one of them and study its distinctions and attributes. Al-Ma’mun was a practical man, strong in his administrative management skills, serious, wise regarding his conduct, far-sighted in his political or academic ambitions, loves knowledge and scholars, so much so that he was nicknamed "scholar of the Banu al-Abbas (the Abbasides)."

Al-Amin was the opposite of all of this in his general conduct. He inclined more towards merry-making and entertainment which is the natural

outcome of his spoiled childhood and adolescence. To prove this point, we have to read this interesting incident which spells out the type of general conduct of al-Amin during the moments which preceded his assassination. Ibn al-Athir states the following in hisTarikh (chronicle):

"Ibrahim ibn al-Mahdi narrated saying that he was with al-Amin when he fell under the political pressure of Tahir. He says that al-Amin came out during one night to cheer himself up and forget about his depression, so he went to a house he had had in the Khuld suburb, then he sent for Ibrahim. When Ibrahim was brought to him, he said, `Do you see how nice this evening is, how beautiful the moon appears in the sky and how its light is reflected on the water of the Tigris? Would you like to have a drink?' He answered that that was up to him, so he drank a bottle of wine, and Ibrahim entertained him with the songs he knew he liked best."15

It is beyond imagination to conceive how a monarch undergoing a horrible political crisis which was about to uproot his throne could resort to such an extravagant behavior so far from permitting him to contemplate upon the fate threatening him and jeopardizing his very existence. Some other such extravagant norms of behavior narrated about al-Amin the caliph since he ascended the throne and till his last moments clearly indicate that he was not a man of government in the wide sense of the word, nor were he a leader.

Dissension Begins

Indications of dissension between both brothers started appearing before al-Rashid's death, and historians render that to the fact that al-Rashid had handed the reins of government over to his son al-Ma’mun in Khurasan and secured the oath of allegiance to him from the army commanders and civilian dignitaries there, granting him all what he had of money and other items of value.16 When the news reached him in Baghdad, he did not relish it at all but considered it as a premature action undertaken by his departing father and something he himself was entitled to do in his capacity as the first regent who had the authority to determine such matters.

Confused Behavior of al-Rashid Towards His Sons

Al-Rashid seemed to sense deep inside his soul the psychological gap which separated his son al-Amin from him when he detained the messenger his son had dispatched to Khurasan in the pretext of bringing him back news about his father's health conditions whereas in reality he was carrying secret letters to army leaders and civilian notables to be delivered to them immediately after the death of his father al-Rashid.

The letters contained orders to carry out the duties the recipients were expected to perform. The objective was to depose his brother al-Ma’mun from actual authority vested upon him by his father. Al-Rashid tried to extract an admission from the messenger that he was carrying secret letters from al-Amin to army leaders and civilian notables, but he did not succeed even when his patience reached its limit and he threatened the messenger to have him killed, and he almost did so before death overtook him whereupon the messenger was subsequently released and the letters were delivered as

planned. The result was the army leaders and their troops reneging on the promises they swore to al-Rashid, causing a great deal of political chaos.17

We can easily discern the confusing ordeal which dominated the conduct of al-Rashid regarding his arrangement of the issue of his own succession by his sons. He was not satisfied with just securing assurances and taking the most serious of oaths from his sons al-Amin and al-Ma’mun, so he went during thehajj season to Mecca to require his sons to write down their pledges, then he hung what they wrote down on the walls of the sacred Ka'ba in the presence of a multitude of people so that those who did not witness the event would be told by those who did so on that day.

Al-Rashid Divides the State

Yet he was still not quite satisfied, so he went a step further to divide the domains of the state to three sections, granting al-Amin authority over Iraq and Syria up to the end of his western possessions; to al-Ma’mun he gave the territories from Hamadan up to the eastern borders of his domains; to al-Qasim he gave the peninsula, the sea ports, and the metropolises after having secured the oath of allegiance for him after his brother al-Ma’mun and giving him the option to keep or depose al-Ma’mun.18

Thus, al-Rashid thought, the ghost of dissension would be averted, and the government after his death would be secured for all his sons since he gave each one of them a portion thereof whereby he would maintain a force strong enough to deter the transgression of any other brother. Despite all of that, however, al-Rashid could not put an end to the causes of his dilemma deeply rooted within himself as the incident of the messenger who was sent by his son al-Amin suggested.

Apprehension of the Public Regarding the Division

People predicted ominous consequences to take place because of what al-Rashid had done. Some of them said that he sowed the seeds of evil and war among them, and they feared the consequences, and indeed what they feared came to pass.19 Some wise men said that he caused them to fall into an inner conflict the perils of which victimized the subjects.20

Ambition of Some Followers Deepens Division

The conflict among the two brothers was worsened by the incitement of some top rank politicians in each party, and there were many reasons for incitement and entrapment. On one hand, we find al-Fadl ibn al-Rabee', who caused the army to renege on its sworn promise of support for al-Ma’mun in Khurasan as soon as al-Rashid died and marched with it to Baghdad in order to strengthen al-Amin's position, trying to aggravate the tension between al-Amin and his brother al-Ma’mun, instigating the first to nullify the allegiance to al-Ma’mun and change it to his son Musa, depending in so doing on various means of incitement which in the end pushed al-Amin to assault his brother.

Al-Fadl, by doing so, was trying to get rid of al-Ma’mun as the regent for fear that should he come to rule, he would certainly seek revenge against him due to his going back on his promise to support al-Ma’mun whom he slighted and the allegiance to whom he broke after the death of al-Rashid.21

On the other hand, we find al-Fadl ibn Sahl, the Khurasani leader, who was appointed in his post by al-Ma’mun, trying to secure the government for al-Ma’mun by his brilliant methods after pledging to help him reach the throne and dethrone his brother al-Amin at any price and stand in the face of al-Amin's attempts to deprive him of his regency. Al-Fadl and his brother al-Hasan ibn Sahl, in addition to the rest of Khurasani leaders and chiefs, were aware of the precarious situation in which they would find themselves should destiny decide that al-Amin must have victory over his brother al-Ma’mun especially since they had already declared their allegiance to al-Ma’mun and reneged in their promise to al-Amin.

War is Waged and al-Ma’mun Wins

The gap between the brothers became wider, and the presentiments of the tragedy to befall the two brothers were in sight when al-Amin announced in Baghdad his decision to drop the name of his brother al-Ma’mun from Friday sermons and substitute it with that of his own son Musa whom he named his successor, and he sent letters to places far and wide in this meaning. Al-Ma’mun rose to defend his right and started planning to overrun Baghdad, the capital of the government, while al-Amin was gathering troops to take over his brother's domains.

Both armies finally clashed and fierce battles ensued in more than one location, and in the end al-Ma’mun came out victorious, took control of Baghdad and killed al-Amin. All of that became possible due to the planning of al-Fadl ibn Sahl, who was nicknamed "Dhul-Riyasatain," i.e., the man who had a say in two states, and his brother al-Hasan, assisted by an elite group of military experts and top political advisors.

Having won victory over his brother, al-Ma’mun tried to make Marw the base of power for the Abbaside dynasty instead of Baghdad due to the advice of his army leaders and top political aides who were credited with regaining his right to the caliphate after al-Amin had deposed him, and because of his own feeling of gratitude towards the city that assisted him and brought him victory during the darkest periods of his political crisis.

Notes

1. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 2, p. 226.

2. 'Umdat al-Talib, p. 185, 1st edition (Najaf, Iraq).

3. Bihar al-Anwar, Vol. 48, p. 249, quoting Al Kafi.

4. Shaikh al-Toosi's Al Ghayba, p. 22.

5. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 2, p. 226.

6. Al Kafi, Vol. 1, p. 487. It is also mentioned in Al 'Uyoon, Al Manaqib and Al Irshad.

7. Rawdat al-Kafi, p. 257.

8. A'yan al-Shi'a, Vol. 4, Part I, p. 138.

9. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 130.

10. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 138.

11. Tarikh al-Khulafa by al-Sayyuti, p. 284.

12. Ibid., p. 308.

13. Bihar al-Anwar, Vol. 49, p. 210 as quoted in Ibn Maskawayhi's book Nadeem al-Farid.

14. 'Uyoon Akhbar ar-Ridha’, Vol. 1, p. 88.

15. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 162.

16. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 134.

17. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, pp. 134-135.

18. Ibid., p. 112.

19. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 113.

20. Tarikh al-Khulafaa by al-Sayyuti, p. 290.

21. Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 5, p. 138.