Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

Through a Glass Darkly

Author: Islamshia.com

WWW.ALHASSANAIN.ORG/ENGLISH

Table of Contents

Preface 3

II. Examples of Successful Sunni Mahdist States 4

Supplement 1 6

III. Shi`i Mahdist State(s) in History 10

IV. Past "Mahdis" vis-à-vis the Future Mahdi: Alternative Views 12

V. Conclusion 14

Mahdism Doctrine and Urbanism 18

Introduction 19

1. Islam and Urbanism 20

Urbanism, Meaning and Objectives 21

Urbanism of the Historic Islamic Cities 22

Urbanism in the First Two Centuries of Islam 23

Urbanism of the Colonialism Era 25

2. Globalization and culture in the Current Urbanism Practice of Islamic cities 26

Local or Global 27

Islamic Globalization and associated Teachings of Islam 29

3. Towards a New Approach 30

Islamic theory and its Implication on urbanism 31

Urbanism Guidelines for the Islamic State of Al-Mahdi (a.s) 33

Conclusion 34

Bibliography 35

Preface

When that which is perfect is come, then that which is in part shall be done away. When I was a child, I spoke as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things. For now we see through a glass, darkly; but then face to face."

As a Christian and as a researcher who has been studying Islam and Islamic civilization-particularly Mahdist beliefs and movements among Sunni Muslims--for many years, these verses from the New Testament immediately sprang to mind when I began configuring this paper.

My thesis is that previous historical examples of Muslim leaders who declared themselves mahdis--as imperfect , impetuous and immature as they may have been--can nonetheless be instructive for anyone today studying Islamic notions of the future Mahdist state.

This I will humbly seek to do herein, for despite my experience and academic training in Islamic history, I would no more presume to lecture a learned assembly in Iran on their own beliefs than I would, even as a Christian (albeit non-Catholic), to give a paper at the Vatican on Catholic doctrines. I might, however, be able to shed some light on the typology of historical Mahdist movements (mainly, but not all, Sunni) and in particular their leaders' universalistic claims and attempts to reconfigure the international geopolitics in what they saw as a Mahdistic form.

As we proceed I will in particular examine how previously-declared Mahdiyahs dealt with four issues: 1) the status of the madhahib, or schools of Islamic law and the intepretation of the Qur'an and Hadith; 2) Ahl al-Kitab, Christians and Jews; 3) Sufis; and 4) international relations with other Muslim polities (as well as, if data exists, non-Muslim ones).

II. Examples of Successful Sunni Mahdist States

Despite the higher profile that Mahdism has acquired in recent years, many Western commenatators and analysts-even scholars of the Islamic world, who should know better-are still unaware that belief in the Mahdi exists not just in Shi`i but also in Sunni Islam. It is not my place to ascertain, or argue, which view of the Mahdi is correct. As a historian of Islamic societies, however, it is my place to observe, and comment upon, Mahdism as a historical phenomenon-of which there are numerous examples.

In my book I discuss eight Mahdist movements over the last millennium of Islamic history, all of them Sunni. (These represent but the tip of the Mahdist iceberg; some scholars, in fact, think that over the last fourteen centures of Islamic history there have been thousands of such movements. ) That analysis reveals that while Sunni Mahdism shares with Shi`ism the general delineation of the Imam Mahdi, that he will be God's instrument for Islamizing the world, it differs in a number of way, primarily in that:

*Global Islamization will occur via jihad and conquest, rather than more peacefully, as in most of Shi`i thought * The Mahdi will emerge onto the historical stage for the first time, rather than returning as the final Imam who has already been here *Lacking any institutional apparatus to verify Mahdist claims, Mahdism is much more likely to occur, and as the province of freelancers in Sunnism-and this is exactly what history demonstrates.

Mahdist movements within Sunnism have tended to move through three stages:

1) Dissemination of revivalist propaganda aimed at undermining a Muslim government

2) Formation of a renegade military theocracy and attempts to seize power

3) Conquest of formation of a territorial state that eventually wanes in religio-ideological fervor.

Since generally only a Mahdist movement which has taken power can indulge aspirations of universality and engage in even marginally realistic attempts to influence the international order, the focus herein will be on Mahdisms that have reached level three-although some groups that have reached levels analogous to number two will also be examined.

The most successful Sunni Mahdist movement in history was that of Abu`Abd Allah Muhammad b. Tumart al-Susi (d. 1130 CE), better known as Ibn Tumart, founder of the al-Muwahhid (Almohad) movement that ruled much of the Maghrib for over a century, until 1269 CE.

Ibn Tumart was a pious, mystically-minded Muslim who after returing from the hajj decided that God had ordained him, as Mahdi, to overthrow the impious al-Murabit (Almoravid) rulers. Exploiting tribal differences in Maghribi society, and capitalizing on opposition to the al-Murabits, Ibn Tumart's intensity, piety and conviction of God's guidance convinced many that he was indeed the Mahdi.

Starting out as a critic and disseminator of anti-Murabit propaganda, before his death in 1130 he created an extra-legal military theocracy, the leadership of which was taken up by his caliph and amir al-mu`minin ("commander of the faithful")`Abd al-Mu'min who, before his own death 33 years later, ruled over a Muwahhid state that included much of what is now Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Spain. This state lasted until 1269, although before then al-Muwahhid caliphs disavowed that Ibn Tumart had been the Mahdi.

In terms of administration, Ibn Tumart seems to have intended to replace the Maliki madhhab with his own Mahdist one, but his premature death prevented that from actually happening (this can be contrasted with the examples of the Fatimids and the Sudanese Mahdists, on which more later in this paper).

He did, while he was alive-and based on his belief in his own `ismah, or "infallibility" as Mahdi-reserve to himself the sole right to interpret the Qur'an and the Hadith, disregarding ijma`. Ibn Tumart and al-Mu'min, as well as later Muwahhid caliphs like Ya`qub al-Mansur, were very intolerant of Jews and Christians, threatening them with conversion or death in many cases.

To be fair, the militant Catholicism emanating from the Normans of Sicily and the Reconquista in Iberia probably had as much to do with this as did religious doct rine. Regarding Sufism, after intial opposition and suppression, the Muwahhid courts became patrons of famous Sufi scholars. As for its universalist claims and international affairs, sources are few and/or not yet well-researched; but a clear sign of Muwahhid idea of their own Islamic primacy is found in the fact that Ibn Tumart's caliph `Abd al-Mu`min did take the title-the first non-Arab to do so, since he was a Berber-of amir al-mu`minin, a rank that until then had been used only by the Abbasid caliphs in Baghdad. And the Muwahhids should get credit for at least facilitating regional Pan-Islamic unity, in that "through unifying the Maghrib under their rule, the Almohads gave for the first and only time a concrete historical existence to the conception of the Maghrib as a distinct religio-cultural entity."

Supplement 1

The second-most successful Sunni Mahdist movement is one much more recent in time, that of Muhammad Ahmad b. `Abd Allah (d. 1885), the Sudanese Mahdi. A Sufi and-like Ibn Tumart-a pious, ascetic Muslim, Muhammad Ahmad became convinced, through dreams and visions, that God wanted him, as Mahdi, to overthrow the corrupt Turco-Egyptian Ottoman regime ruling Sudan and, indeed, to unite the whole Islamic world under his Mahdiyah.

After an initial period of secretly informing certain key followers that he was the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad went public and claimed the title, whereupon the Ottoman governor sent troops to capture or kill him. The Sudanese Mahdi took his supporters on a hirjah to far southwestern Sudan, whence he build up the movement and sent da`is to other parts of Ottoman Sudan.

Returning to attack territory ruled by the Ottoman regime, Muhammad Ahmad and his growing throng of Mahdists eventually took Khartoum in January 1885, killing and beheading the British general, Charles Gordon, whom the Sultan had put in charge. (Interestingly, however, the Mahdi wrote Gordon a letter first, giving him the choice of converting and joining him.) Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi died six months later, probably of typhoid or malaria, but his followers-led by his primary caliph, `Abd Allah-would rule Sudan for the next 13 years, until British forces invaded in 1898.

The administration and foreign policy of the Sudanese Mahdist state is much more known to us than that of the Muwahhids, not least because of a greater source base. Unlike Ibn Tumart, Muhammad Ahmad lived long enough to actually take power and begin handing down fatwas. He dissolved (or at least tried to dissolve) the madhahib, making his Mahdist madhhab preeminent. His Mahdist ijtihad was based on Qur'an, Sunnah, Hadith and his own ilham, or "direct inspiration" from God.

Fatwas thus were "final, irrevocable and infallible" and unappealable, since there was no higher legal authority. And in fact death was mandated for apostasy-which was defined as falling away from belief in him as Mahdi. While his legal reforms did, to some measure, improve the status of women-particularly in inheritance matters--under the Sudanese understanding of Islamic law previously regnant, he was almost Taliban-esque in mandating that women wear hijab at all times and avoid the bazaars and main roads.

Even during his lifetime, however, Muhammd Ahmad had designated a qadi al-Islam to administer his legal decisions. There were not enough Jews or Christians (other than British soldiers) in Sudan during the Mahdiyah to require an official policy; but there were plenty of Sufis, and in fact Muhammad Ahmad had been a member of the Khatmiyah order and Sufis of that and other orders made up a substantial part of his following. However, that did not prevent the Sudanese Mahdi from dissolving all Sufi orders upon his accession to power-although their reappearance after the Mahdist state's conquest by the British in 1898 shows that the Mahdi was not omnipotent.

It is for attempts at Pan-Islamic universalism that the Mahdist State of Sudan is most notable. Such is evident during the Mahdi's lifetime, when he wrote letters to other Muslim leaders asking them to accept him as Mahdi: Muhammad Yusuf, Sultan of Wadai; Muhammad al-Sanusi, head of the Sanusi order in Libya; Hayatin b. Sa`id, grandson of Uthman don Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Caliphate in what is now Nigeria.

Despite the fact that only the last allegedly accepted his Mahdiyah, such communiques are clear evidence of the Pan-Islamic (or at least Pan-African Muslim) aspirations of Muhammad Ahmad. No doubt his Pan-Islamic vision had been passed on to his followers for "the Ansar expected a long series of victories which would make the Mahdi master of the Islamic world.

The news of his death [thus] came as a terrible shock…."

After Muhammad Ahmad's death the ruling caliph `Abd Allah tried to continue with the Mahdist expansion via jihad. One of the main targets was the neighboring Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, which the Mahdists often invaded but could never subjugate.

Mahdist forces also tried to incorporate, via jihad, territories to the south and west of Sudan, with little success. The Mahdist caliph also tried several campaigns against what was by then British Egypt (the British having occupied the country in 1881, in the wake of the `Urabi Pasha uprising and in order to safeguard the Suez Canal).

All of these failed miserably and in fact the total annihilation of a large Mahdist force in southern Egypt in 1889 effectively ended the expansionist phase of Sudanese Mahdism. As for `Abd Allah's ideology, "the strength of his [`Abd Allah's] Mahdism made it impossible for him to compromise with the 'infidel' rulers of Egypt…and accept recognition as a mere Sudanse sultan under a protectorate.

His ignorance of the outside world blinded him to the overwhelming superiority in transport and armament possessed by his enemies in Egypt…."

Of course the major obstacle to the acceptance of Muhammad Ahmad as the pan-Islamic-or at least pan-Sunni-Mahdi was the Ottoman Sultanate and Caliphate in Istanbul. In the propaganda responses to Muhammad Ahmad's initial Mahdist claims, the Ottoman `ulama in Khartoum were ordered to point out that the Mahdi would come, according to the relevant Hadiths, at a time when there was no legitimate ruler in Islam-a situation clearly NOT obtaining when Sultan Abdülhamid II was clearly enthroned in Topkap?.

And in fact it seems that Abdülhamid never really took seriously Muhammad Ahmad's religious claims, being "far less interested in the Mahdi's ideology than in his opportunities. Mahdism was a hostile force on a map: what worried the Sultan most was the presence of revolt in the eastern Sudan, from where it might easily spread across the Red Sea to Arabia….Consequently the Ottoman's government's first concern was to prevent the insurrection from spreading into neighbouring regions, and above all into Arabia.

" Abdülhamid, in essence, saw Muhammad Ahmad as a new Saudi-type threat to Mecca and Medina rather than an existential threat to Ottoman central rule and religious authority. Nonetheless it remains the case that "the Mahdi and his ansar sought, first and foremost, the renewal of Islam and its purification….For them the `liberation' of the Sudan…had nothing to do with territory or with nationalism, but was purely Islamic. It was the first stage in the jihad against the world of unbelievers, starting with the Egyptian and Ottoman Muslim rulers…." [emphasis added].

Another group, this time in the 20th century, that saw Mahdism as a way to Islamically "liberate" a portion of the ummah-and not just any portion, but its historically holiest section, Arabia-was the movement of at least several hundred mainly Saudis and Egyptians led by Juhayman al-`Utaybi in the name of the alleged Mahdi, his brother-in-law Muhammad `Abd Allah al-Qahtani, in late 1979. "On the morning of November 20, 1979, they gunned down guards, cowed thousands of worshippers into submission, placed snipers in the minarets, and began broadcasting over loudspeakers that the Mahdi had come and that the bay`ah (loyalty oath) to the Saudis was henceforth dissolved, to be replaced by one to the Mahdi.

" The KSA forces failed to dislodge the Mahdists and had to call in help from the French. In the several weeks it took to kill or capture them-the alleged Mahdi was killed in the fighting, al-`Utaybi taken prisoner and soon executed-the Mahdist forces broadcast a five-point agenda from the Great Mosque loudspeakers:

1) sever relations with the West in order to protect Islamic values

2) expel all foreigners from KSA

3) stop all oil exports to the West, particularly the U.S.

4) overthrow the illegitimate Saudi regime , including its apostate `ulama; and

5) redistribute Saudi royal family wealth.

This radical program , coupled with the international membership of the movement-Saudi, Egyptians, Yemenis, even (allegedly) several American converts-underscores the fact that, despite its having made it only to stage two of the Mahdist development level-effectively precluding any chance for him and his Mahdi relative to effect any changes in Islamic law, or any other area--al-`Utaybi's vision was pan-Islamic in scope and international in aspirations.

And while "it has long been assumed that Juhayman al`Utaybi and his movement represent an exceptional and rather short-lived phenomenon….there are many indications that the memory of Juhayman has been kept alive in certain Islamist circles until today, and that his ideology has inspired periodic attempts at reviving his movement" by the likes of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the Bayt Shubra community in Riyadh.

"The residents of Bayt Shubra greatly admired Juhayman and saw themselves as his ideological successors," and in fact some of them "continued to believe that the mahdi had not died in 1979."

At the risk of oversimplification, the Mahdi, whether in the Sunni or the Shi`i view, would seem to have three major tasks to perform according to most Muslim commentators: 1) rule the entire world as a Muslim 2) enforce a more equitable distribution of wealth, in order to fill the world with justice and equity; and 3) restore the true shari`ah. There is a major difference between Sunni and Shi`i Mahdist thought on just how the first will come about: the former, if history is any guide, tend to believe that the Mahdi will wage jihad of the sword in order to effect his planetary rule; the latter, au contraire, prefer a more persuasive style of global Mahdist da`wah. Since neither Ibn Tumart nor Muhammad Ahmad, much less Juhayman al-`Utaybi, came close to ruling the Earth, we can at least acknowledge the univeralistic aspirations of certainly the first two, and most probably the latter. (And note that all three most definitely saw their Mahdisms as jihadist ones.) Of the three Sunni Mahdist movements examined, only the Saudi Mahdism was overtly economically redistributionist, while only the Maghribi and Sudanese varieties tried to re-formulate Islamic law. Thus none of these three overt Mahdisms tried to enact all three of the eschatological Mahdi's tasks, although each did (even if perfunctorily) execute two of three: Ibn Tumart Muhammad Ahmad al-`Utaybi Universalism Y Y Y Share the wealth N N Y Rewrite shari`ah Y Y N

III. Shi`i Mahdist State(s) in History

The most successful, overtly Mahdist Shi`i movement in history-and the only one that will be treated in this paper--would almost certainly be that of the Fatimids, who ruled Egypt for almost a quarter of a millennium, from 969-1171 CE, following a period of 60 years of power in what is now Tunisia.

They of course traced their descent from `Ali and Fatimah, via Isma`il, son of Ja`far al-Sadiq. In the 10th c. CE Isma`ili da`is won over the Kutama Berbers of the Maghrib and, when the chief Isma`ili da`i `Ubayd Allah arrived in Tunisia, he was soon put in power and took the title of al-Mahdi, although he likely thought that the successor (and possibly son), al-Qa'im, was the true Mahdi.

Under the fourth caliph-mahdi, al-Mu`izz, the general Jawhar conquered Egypt and the Fatimid Mahdiyah was transferred there. Although even before taking Egypt the Fatimids "proclaimed aloud that universal sovereignty was given to them by divine decree and that they were called to displace the Umayyads of Spain as well as the Abbasids of Baghdad and the Byzantine emperors…."

So there is little doubt about the universalistic Mahdist aspirations of the Fatimids. And unlike the modern views of most Shi`is, at least in the Twelver World, the Fatimids saw no problem with openly proclaiming and waging jihad against their enemies, be they Abbasid or Seljuq Muslims or Christian Byzantines. However, internally, the Fatimids were very tolerant of Christians-and to a lesser extent, of Jews-with the notable exception of the reign of al-Hakim (996-1021).

In fact "Christians and Jews were massively employed in the Fatimid administration," and a number of Christians even became viziers-which is remarkable for Muslim states of the period. Furthermore, the Fatimid government tolerated and even sometimes participated in Christian ceremonies such as Epiphany and Palm Sunday processions.

There is little data on the Sufis under Fatimid rule, but as for the administration of law under the Fatimids: while the Fatimid qa'im-caliphs never arrogated to themselves the status of interpreting the Qur'an and Hadith without recourse to any other input, they did attempt to create a Fatimid madhhab and give it precedence over the other schools of law, enforcing the situation with a Fatimid qadi al-Islam. But by the 11th c. it was relegated to the status of primus inter pares, at best.

And as for disseminating the Fatimid da`wah, that was done outside the borders of the state, chiefly via "subversive activities against foreign states" -- but not inside; this meant that the masses in Egypt remained practicing Sunnis, while Isma`ili doctrines and beliefs remained the province of only the ruling elites.

As for whether the masses actually believed the ruler in Cairo was the Mahdi-well, even if they didn't, they no doubt kept that to themselves, rather like the Roman citizens who had doubts about the divinity of the pre-Christian emperors.

The Fatimids are the only major Shi`i movement in history that both ruled a powerful state and openly avowed a living, breathing Mahdi-Caliph in their palace. Subjecting them to the same analytical scorecard as the aformentioned Sunni Mahdist movements-al-Muwahhids, Sudanese Mahdists and Saudi Mahdists-we find them also batting, to use an American baseball metaphor, .

667 in terms of fulfilling the Mahdi's major functions: they were more assuredly universalistic in aspirations, if not reality, and they did try to construct a new, Mahdist interpretation of Islamic law; however, they were not so enamored of wealth redistribution as the real Mahdi will be.

And eventually, despite the Fatimids' undenied military, diplomatic and cultural power in the medieval Middle East, "they were confronted with the fact that the hopes which the Isma`ili community had placed in the appearance of the Mahdi had not been realized, the law of Muhammad had not been abrogated, the hidden meaning…of the Qur'an had not been revaled, a more perfect law…had not been promulgated,

Fatimid rule had not spread throughout the world….[and] the complete reversal of positions and the victory over the Infidels which the Mahdi was expected to bring about had been postponed to the end of time…" And in fact in 1171 the Fatimid Imamate was extinguished by a Sunni leader, Salah al-Din.

IV. Past "Mahdis" vis-à-vis the Future Mahdi: Alternative Views

Muslim commentators, whether Sunni or Shi`i, rarely have anything good to say about past claimants to the mantle of the Mahdi. At best they are seen as deluded irrelevancies, at worst at mutamahdis, sowers of dissension, bloodshed and fitnah within the ummah. But might there be another way to look at them that would be of at least some historical-theological, analytical value?

There is a Christian school of hermeneutics known as typology in which "an element found in the Old Testament [Jewish Scriptures] is seen to prefigure one found in the New Testament." For example, the sacrifices the Hebrews practiced in Old Testament times are seen, in this view, as presaging the sacrifice of Jesus Christ on the cross (this indeed seems to be the viewpoint of the writer of the New Testament book of Hebrews).

A more specific example of the Christian understanding of typology is found in the passage from the Gospel of John 3:14: "Just as Moses lifted up the snake in the desert , so the Son of Man must be lifted up."

Might it be possible to see previous Mahdi claimants as something akin to Islamic types of the eschatological Mahdi-to-come, and previous Mahdi movements as Islamic types of the true Mahdist movement that will accompany and follow its founder in the future? This does NOT mean ascribing to `Ubayd Allah, Ibn Tumart, Muhammad Ahmad or al`Utaybi actual guidance from God-but it would mean, in essence, sometimes giving such men (well, probably not al-`Utaybi, but the others) the benefit of the doubt as to their motives-treating them, in effect charitably, as putative Islamic reformers--and, more analytically, viewing them, to a limited extent, as historical types of the future Mahdi.

If I may: one might indeed argue that a type of typology is implied by Imam Khomeini himself, for according to one understanding of his relevant writings while the Prophet and the Imams will always have a far superior status to almost all of humanity, the fuqaha' can in certain ways fulfill the functions of the Imams, at least insofar as running a government. Thus, in a certain sense, the differentiation between function and status is analogous to the idea of type and fulfillment or reality about which I have been speculating.

Following this line of reasoning, an Ibn Tumart, `Ubayd Allah or Muhammad Ahmad-and to a lesser degree, other less successful "mahdis" over the millennia-are each types of the coming Mahdi, able despite faults to perform some of the functions of the Awaited One on a much less effective and much more limited scale, while never reaching the actual status of Mahdiyah.

Indeed, if God is in charge of human history-and both Muslims and Christians agree that He is-then He must have allowed the development of the movements of Ibn Tumart, `Ubayd Allah, Muhammad Ahmad and even the despised, deluded al-`Utaybi. Perhaps He allows such false mahdis both to test people's faith, but also perhaps to provide a dark glass, or a dim mirror, through which believers can view a foreshadowing of what true Mahdism will consist when it arrives.

V. Conclusion

Earlier, I delineated the three primary roles of the Mahdi as being: rule the entire world as a Muslim; enforce a more equitable distribution of wealth, in order to fill the world with justice and equity; and restore the true shari`ah. The only one of these that all four of the movements examined herein shared was the aspiration or ideology of universal Muslim rule (as they saw it).

To that I would add a qualifier that becomes in effect the flip side of the universalism coin: all four-the Fatimids, the Muwahhids, the Sudanese and Saudi Mahdists-shared the methodology of violent jihad. While this employment of jihad-by-the-sword may be a corruption, a misunderstanding mandated by misguided men trying (even in good faith) to do the function of the Mahdi without his status (or guidance from God), the fact remains that jihad was utilized as a methodology for advancing a universalistic Mahdist ideology.

Based on my training and experience teaching world (as well as Islamic/Middle Eastern) history at the college level in America, as well as my own research,I would submit that in the history (so far) of our planet there have only really existed three truly universalistic ideologies, two Western, one "Eastern:"

1) Christianity

2) Secularism (in various forms: atheistic Science/technology; socio-economic libertarianism; and most notably, Marxism/Communism) 3) Islam.

(Of course, as the historian Arnold Toynbee is said to have observed, Communism is merely a Christian heresy, an attempt to keep the social justice elements and do away with the presence of God and His activity in history. But it is no less universalistic for that, and in fact Communism and its epigones are perhaps even more enamored of global power than the Church.)

Before moving on to the ultimate conclusion of this paper, it might be worthwhile penultimately to stop and examine-or at least speculate-on the paucity of Christ claimants in Christian history who actually led militant political movements, vis-à-vis the surfeit (at least comparatively speaking) of Mahdi claimants in Islamic history who tried to, or actually did, seize power. While a myriad of men (and some women) have claimed to be the returned Jesus Christ, the list of those who established political communities centered around that belief-either peacefully or violently-is rather small.

Europe during the Protestant Reformation saw some of these, most notably the so-called "Münster Rebellion" whose leader, John of Leiden, "claim[ed] to be the successor of David…[with] absolute power in the new 'Zion.' He justified his actions by the authority of visions from heaven….. He legalized polygamy, and himself took sixteen wives, one of whom he beheaded himself in the marketplace. Community of goods was also established."

Note that while John did not claim to be Jesus per se, a claim to Davidic descent is rather close. Perhaps the most successful of all such militant messianic movements in Christian history is, ironically enough, not from Europe at all, but from China: Hong Xiuquan (d. 1864), the leader of the so-called "Taiping Rebellion" against the Qing (Manchu) Dynasty.

Converted by Christian missionaries, he came to see himself as Jesus' younger brother, ordained by God to overthrow the oppressive Manchu regime. He and his followers conquered Nanjing and ruled from there for about 11 years before being annihilated by government forces. Other self-styled christs, such as Jim Jones (killed, along with his followers, in 1978 by drinking poison at their compound in Guyana, South America) and David Koresh (killed along with his followers by the American Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms in an assault in 1993 in Waco, Texas), might be seen as somewhat analogous to false mahdis but they never even came close to taking power.

Much more research and thought needs to go into explicating this clear difference on this point of political history between the world's two largest faiths, Christianity and Islam; but three historically- and theologically-grounded theories come to mind:

1) Jesus specifically eschewed political power when he answered the question of Pontius Pilate, the Roman governor, "Are you the king of the Jews?" with "My kingdom is not of this world" (Gospel of John 18:33ff). This has made it problematic for any of his followers to try to create the kingdom in the here and now-although some, as aforementioned, have tried.

2) the careers of Jesus Christ and Prophet Muhammad were rather different with respect to political power: the former never held it and the Christians were, for three centuries, a persecuted minority in the pagan Roman Empire, not gaining power until Constantine's time in the early 4th century CE. And post-Constantine political power has been the monopoly of the state and/or the Church organization, rather than easily accessible by individuals with messianic pretensions.

3) The nature of Jesus' earthly departure-the Ascension, in full view of his disciples-and the statement by two angels to the people there that "this same Jesus, who has been taken from you into heaven, will come back in the same way…." (Acts of the Apostles 1:10, 11), has made it rather difficult-but not impossible-for anyone to claim the Messianic mantle in Christian history.

There are no doubt a host of socio-economic, psychological and political factors that could be considered, as well; but those will have to wait for another time and paper.

Finally, let me reiterate that just because specific examples of militant "christist" leaders are few and far between, this does not mean that Christianity lacks an expansionist, sometimes militant, fervor; quite the contrary. The Gospel of Matthew ends with the resurrected Jesus saying "All authority in heaven and on earth has been given to me.

Therefore go and make disciples of all nations…." (Matthew 28:18ff). For many of Jesus' followers over the last 2,000 years, that directive has been enough to drive Christian expansion, even in the absence of a militant messianic figure. And of course the bulk of Islamic expansion had taken place over the last 14 centuries not at the behest of self-styled mahdis but simply out of the Islamic mandate to da`wah as carried out by rulers, traders, Sufis, imams, `ulama and ordinary Muslims.

To return to an earlier theme: there are two Western visions of a pan-global ideology: Christianity and Secularism.

While the former, the idea of a global Christendom, is largely moribund the latter is not. Secularism developed in the wake of the 18th century "Enlightenment" and, to vastly oversimplify, its two major aspects were 1) the separation of church and state, and 2) an almost unbridled faith in science and technology to cure all society's ills. Of course, there is a great deal of overlap between the Christianity of Western countries (particularly the U.S.) and Secularism, since the latter sprang from the former.

But whereas in the U.S. itself there is a great deal of tension between pious Christians of many denominations and the Secularist worldview, in much of the rest of the world the two appear often to be coterminous. And thus sometimes little, or no, differentiation is made (by Westerners or by non-Westerners) between the two universalist ideologies, Christianity and its prodigal son Secularism.

Islamic Mahdist universalism, as envisioned under the banner of the future Imam Mahdi, is like and unlike both the Christian and Secularist brand. Its seven major aspects, according to Seyed Sadegh Hagheghat of Mofid University, are:

1) reintegration of religion and politics (contra Secularism)

2) divine-, not people-derived (contra Secularism)

3) morality-based (contra Secularism and corrupt Christianity)

4) socioeconomically just (contra Secularism and Christianity)

5) jihadistic: "In Imam Mahdi's era, Jihad will be against those unbelievers who fight against Muslims, not against secular states" (contra, presumably, Christianity?!)

6) ummistic (contra Secularism and Christianity)

7) trans-national: opposed to the Western nation-state division of the world (contra Secularism).

Christian universalists would agree with 1, 3, 4 and perhaps 7-albeit, of course, on the condition that Christianity rather than Islam be the operative principle. Secular universalists would probably agree with 4 and 7, although of course their trans-nationality would be for a Secular world government rather than a Mahdiyah.

What would the previous Mahdist claimants and their movements covered herein-the Fatimids, Muwahhids, Sudanese Mahdists and Saudi Mahdists-say about these seven envisioned aspects of the future Mahdiyah? No doubt each would agree with all of them, provided that their founders (or descendants) were put in charge.

But to what extent does the future reality of this Mahdist world order, in this vision, comport with the imperfect types of Mahdism realized in the past?

1) Integrating religion and state: irrelevant, since religion and politics were already integrated, even among the Mahdists' opponents

2) Divine in guidance and legitimacy: of course anyone claiming to be the Mahdi would claim this

3) Moral: Mahdist movements always claim to be restoring morality

4) Justice and equity: previous, especially pre-modern, mahdis tend to pay this more lip service than real honor

5) Jihad: pre-modern mahdis in particular, as we have seen, wage jihad against-primarily-OTHER Muslims, who are cast (often) as "unbelievers"

6) Ummah-focused: a Mahdist ummah is seen as recapitulating that of the Prophet

7) Trans-national: pre-modern mahdis see themselves as pan-Islamic leaders.

So, mutatis mutandis-primarily by recalling the limits to their scope and power and keeping in mind the lack of divine guidance actually available to these earlier attempts at Mahdism-and disregarding number 1 for the reason given, we can say that `Ubayd Allah and the Fatimid caliph-mahdis, Ibn Tumart and his Mahdist caliphs, Muhammad Ahmad and his lone caliph, as well as to a certain extent al-`Utaybi in the name of his mahdi-all at least tried to implement all the elements of the future Mahdist state as envisioned by Seyed Hagheghat.

To borrow the terminology of Imam Khomeini: these erstwhile, imitation mahdis tried (sometimes sincerely, and in good faith) to fill the function of the true, eschatological Mahdi while simultaneously lacking the status to do so. So at best they could only create a type-flawed at best--of a Mahdist state. They all, indeed, saw "through a glass darkly" or, in an alternative translation of the New Testament text with which I began this paper, "in a mirror dimly"-whereas when the true Mahdi comes, all will be made clear. [5,813 words]

Timothy R. Furnish, Ph.D.

222 Falling Water Way

Woodstock, GA 30188

678-393-9551 (home)

678-230-6120 (cell)

Mahdism Doctrine and Urbanism

The basic concept of Mahdism is that the just ruler and the virtuous awaiting Imam Al-Mahdi (a.s.), the twelfth Imam of Ahlul-Bait (a.s.), will appear in the future -in an unknown time- to fill the earth with justice and equality as it would have been filled with oppression and injustice. At that time, humanity would reach highest levels of integration and amalgamation, so everything would be ideal and perfect in that ideal Islamic state.

The idea of 'filling the earth with justice and equality' suggests a global system and regulations that rules the earth under the tenets of Islam, which could be called as 'Islamic globalization'.

The term 'globalization' refers nowadays to a global system based on the increasing integration of economies around the world, particularly through trade and financial flows. It also refers to the movement of people (labour), knowledge (technology) across international borders, in addition to the broader cultural, political, and environmental dimensions. The most dominant fields are the economic and communal globalizations, which are critiqued for encouraging domination, unparalleled growth, and increased inequality, because the strongest gains have been made by the advanced countries only.

In urbanism, globalization refers to the adaptation of urban forms that are out of their native habitats. It has been the material of debate and conflict between urban designers in the last fifty years. It is strongly rejected and critiqued for it's by products like domination, segregation, placelessness (diminishing importance of place), isolation, and insertion. At the same time, urban designers are in favour of a retrospective view that recognizes the social and cultural dimensions of urban life and maintains the authenticity and identity of place.

This paper discusses globalization phenomenon from the urban design perspective, which is related to social policy. The paper first reviews the literature of urbanism in the historic Islamic cities, and discusses the preliminary arrangements and tools necessary to build the future State of Al-Mahdi (a.s).

Then the paper explores issues of globalization and culture, aiming to contribute to this growing literature by bringing together diverse themes to be discussed in conjunction with one another. The main purpose is to establish a new theoretical approach for 'Islamic globalization' in the field of urbanism, and determine the positive issues that could lead to create the right regulations and guidelines for building a perfect Islamic state.

Introduction

The attempt to establish conceptual linkages between urbanism, globalization, and cultural studies on one hand, and Mahdism theory, which is strongly related to Islam, on the other hand, is a critical one. The researcher is responsible to bring out clear discussion of issues of methodology embedded within this type of study. The wrong understanding of Islamic ideals, the difficulty of constructing a clear image of pure Islamic experience from the Islamic history, the ambiguity of some aspects of the Mahdism doctrine; especially for non-Muslims, the bias attitudes of those strongly admiring Western civilization, and the lack of correspondent studies regarding these issues, are all challenges to the researcher.

Moreover, there is the important question of the researcher's position as an insider or outsider in the process of transferals of Islamic ideas and methodologies, "If the method of research and thinking is not an Islamic one or does not, at least, go along with its tendency, the effects will be wrong to unite with the Islamic spirit" (Al-Balagh, 1994). The complicated factors that shaped traditional Islamic cities make it a dilemma to explore them, and establish subtle conception of those factors them, and the main forces that controlled the building process at that time.

This study aims to bring out a discussion of the conflict of the interlocking terminologies of urbanism, globalization, and culture, in relation to Islamic principles and fundamentals. For this purpose, the paper briefly reviews Islamic doctrine in relation to urbanism, the urbanism practice in historic Islamic cities, and how globalization effects has reshaped their urban fabric interconnectedly, in order to reconstruct Islamic urban theory and reconceptualize globalization to develop the notion of 'Islamic globalization'.

Thus, the first section focuses on urbanism experience in the historic Islamic cities, including the economic, social, and political conditions in which they were produced, and the influences exercised on their production. The second section concentrates on the current issues of urban design and its implications on urbanism in the future Islamic State, particularly recent theories of globalization and culture. The third section tries to address the context of urbanism in the future Islamic cities based on Islamic doctrine, and depict a picture of 'Islamic globalization' in the Islamic State of Al-Mahdi (a.s).

However, it is important to note that this study attempts at analyzing concepts and establishing a broad image of the planning regulations for the state of Imam Al-Mahdi (as). Further studies and extensive researches are essential.

1. Islam and Urbanism

The perfect Islamic state, associated with the appearance of Al-Mahdi (a.s) would not be built from scratch. Current urban fabrics of existent cities are the basis for its construction. This realistic vision requires a pragmatic analysis of the current urban forms. Although future Islamic State of Al-Mahdi (a.s) would conjoin all the cities in the globe together, this study focuses on the specific features of traditional Islamic cities, as they are considered idols and references for many of the researchers in this field.

Before analyzing issues of urbanism in Islamic cities, it is useful to define the term 'urbanism' and its related components, which would emphasize its significance in building our cities.

Geographical location of Ghadir

Ghadir literary means small lake or pond. Ghadir is the name of a place that comes on the way from Mecca to Medina. It is 3 miles further than Johfa towards Medina. Though geographically it exists on the way to Medina but this place acted as an exit point for all the people going out from Mecca for all the other places. When the Holy Prophet halted at this place after his last pilgrimage to make his all-significant announcement it was extremely hot at that time, and it was close to mid-day. There was no shelter present over there at that time. In fact there existed merely small minor patches of shades provided by a few acacia trees.

Date:

The date is 18th Zilhajjah of the year 10 AH. (10 March 632) Event Backdrop:

The Holy Prophet asked his companions to call the Muslims in general to attend for a pilgrimage to the Holy Kaaba. The Holy Prophet specified that he himself would also be there to attend for the pilgrimage and teach the Muslims the rituals of the pilgrimage and convey his significant messages directly to all. The call for the pilgrimage was made. On his way to Makkah more than 70,000 Muslims joined him. By the fourth of Zilhajjah more than 120,000 Muslims had collected for the Haj with the Holy Prophet.

After the Last pilgrimage:

After completing the last pilgrimage the Holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.) along with the Muslims set out of Mecca. On their way back the Muslims reached a place called Ghadir-e-khumm. The following verse was revealed to the Holy Prophet: "0 Apostle! Deliver what has been sent down to you from your God; and if you don't do it, you have not delivered His message (at all); and Allah will protect you from the people..." ( Quran 5:67) Delivery of the sermon:

On receiving the above verse, the Holy Prophet stopped at that very place called Ghadir-e-khum. He ordered his companions to call back those of the Muslims who had gone ahead. He waited for those Muslims who had remained behind to join them. He ordered Salman to prepare for a pulpit with the help of rocks and camel tooling. It was prime noontime and Muslims had covered their heads and legs on account of the heat. Muslims sat near the temporary pulpit. The Holy Prophet was at this place for about 5 hours. He recited nearly 100 verses of the Holy Quran most of which were in the praise of Ali. Seventy three times he reminded and admonished the Muslims about their deeds and future.

The following is a part of the lengthy speech of --the Holy Prophet which has also been narrated by the Sunni scholars repeatedly:

"It seems the time has approached when I shall be called away (by Allah) and I shall answer that call. I am leaving for you two precious things. And if you adhere to them both, you will never go astray after me. They are the Book of Allah and my Progeny that is my Ahlul Bayt.

These two shall never separate from each other until they come to me by the Pool (of Paradise)." Then the Holy Prophet in an attempt to remind Muslims of his own authority over them said: "Do I not have more right over the believers than what they have over themselves?" Muslims answered unanimously "Yes, 0' Messenger of God". This served as a stepping stone for the announcement of his successor and vicegerent. The Holy Prophet held out the hand of Ali (p.b.u.h.) and said: "For whomever I am his Leader (mawla), 'Ali is his Leader (mawla)." The Holy Prophet then continued to say: "0' God, love those who love him, and be hostile to those who are hostile to him." Revelation of the verse 5:3

Once the Holy Prophet completed his speech this verse of the Holy Quran was revealed to him: "Today I have peifected your religion and completed my favour upon you, and I am satisfied that Islam be your religion." (Quran 5:3). This verse explicitly mentions that only along with this express announcement of the vicegerancy by the Holy Prophet the religion of Islam can be considered complete and perfect. Without this announcement or because of the disregard of this announcement, the religion of Islam will be merely half truth. As indicated earlier, many times half truths are more dangerous than full falsehoods. No doubt if the Muslims disregard this announcement, they will have to endure oppression and hardship both materially and spiritually.

Hessan Bin Thabit's poetry:

Immediately after completion of the sermon Hessan Bin Thabit sought the permission of the Holy Prophet to convey to the audience his poetry which he had instantaneously composed regarding this event of ghadir. The Holy Prophet told him "Say with the blessings of Allah". He then conveyed the following poem to the audience:

"He calls them, (on) the day of Ghadir, their ProphetIn Khum so hear (and heed) the Messenger's call, He said: "Who is your guide and leader? (mawlakum wa waliyyukum )" They said, and there was no apparent blindness (clearly): “You're God, our guide, and you are our leader And you won't find from among us, in this, any disobedient,” He said to him: "Stand up 0' Ali, for I am Pleased to announce you Imam and guide after me (min ba'di imam wa hadi),

So whomever I was his leader (mawla), then this is his leader (mawla)So be to him supporters in truth and followers,"

Oath of allegiance:

The Holy Prophet according to his long term merciful nature towards the people did not get satisfaction only on this announcement. He wanted this announcement to take the shape of appropriate action from the side of the Muslims. He ordered the Muslims to meet Ali and give oath of allegiance to him. Umar Bin Khattab came first to Ali, gave oath of allegiance to Ali and said "Well done Ibn Abi Talib! Today you became the Leader (mawla) of all believing men and women." After Umar were Abu Bakr, Uthman, Talha and then others. The entire process of giving allegiance to Ali by the present 120,000 people took 3 days.

Revelation of the verse 70:1-3:

The news about the above announcement and the subsequent oath of allegiance given by the Muslims to Ali (p.b.u.h.) spread across both the urban and rural areas. This event was so significant that it touched the Muslims all across the globe. In this process Harith Ibn Nu'man alFahri (or Nadhr Ibn Harith according to another tradition) came to know about this. He hurriedly came to Medina and started disputing with the Holy Prophet on the issue of appointment of Ali (A.S.) as the vicegerant. He told the Holy Prophet "You commanded us to testify that there is no deity but Allah and that you are the Messenger of Allah. We obeyed you. You ordered us to perform the prayers five times a day and we obeyed. You ordered us to observe fasts during the month of Ramadhan and we obeyed. Then you commanded us to offer pilgrimage to Makkah and we obeyed. But you are not satisfied with all these and raised your cousin upon us as our master by saying 'Ali is the mawla of whom I am mawla.' Is this imposition from, Allah or from you?"

The Prophet said: "By Allah who is the only deity, this is from Allah, the Mighty and the Glorious. ".

On hearing this while going back to his camel Harith said "0 Allah! If what Muhammad said is correct" then fling on me a stone from the sky and subject me to severe pain and torture." He had not even reached his camel that Allah flung a stone on him who struck him on his head and penetrated his entire body and he was instantaneously left dead. At this the following verse was revealed "A questioner questioned about the punishment to fall. For the disbelievers there is nothing to avert it, from Allah the Lord of the Ascent." (Quran 70:1-3).

We have mentioned above the entire episode of the Ghadir. But unfortunately, even after knowing and understanding the entire truth we see heads move in rejecting the truth. There are basically 3 excuses which the opponents offer. Though these excuses are self-evident to be no more than futile excuses, but we will deal with them in detail so that the opponents are left with no shelter place.

Excuses:

1., The tradition of Ghadir is not reliable and authentic.

2. The word Mawla used in the tradition does not imply master, but it means friend. Hence the Holy Prophet actually announced about the friendship of Ali (AS.) on the day of Ghadir and not about mastership of him.

3. It does not appeal to our common sense that the Holy Prophet appointed Ali (AS.) as his successor in clear terms and still the companions of the Holy Prophet disobeyed him and after his demise appointed a vicegerent by themselves.

We will deal with the above excuses separately and in such details as to dispel all doubts and lay bare the mischief of the mischief makers. Excuse 1: The tradition of Ghadir is not reliable and authentic Rebuttal:

A. Sunni references for the verse 5:67 revealed in relation and just before the tradition of Ghadir. Though there are at least 69 chains of transmitters present for this from Sunni sources, but due to lack of space we will mention only 9 books:

1. "Yanabi' al-mawaddah" - Khajah Kalan Sulayman bin Ibrahim, al- Husayni al-Balkhi al-Qunduzi al-Hanafi.

2. "Arbaein fi faza'il Amir al-Mu'minin" - lamal aI-Din 'Ata' Allah b. Fazl Allah, al-Husayni al-Shirazi.

3. "AI-Durr al-Manthur" - al-Suyuti, lalal aI-Din 'Abd alRahman b. Kamal aI-Din Abi Bakr, al-Shafiei.

4. "Tafsir Kashf ol-bayan" - AI-Tha'labi, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim, Abu Ishaq al-Nisaburi.

5. "Asbab al-Nuzul" - Wahidi, Abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Mattawayh, alNayshaburi.

6. "Dirayah fi Hadith al- Wilayah" (Kitab al-wilayah) Mas'ud b. Nasir b. 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad, Abu Saeid Sijzi( al -Sijistani).

7. Shawahid al-tanzil - Ibn Haddad Haskani, 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Abd Allah, Abu al-Qasim al-Hakim alNishaburi al-Hanafi.

8. Mafatih al-Ghayb (Tafsir al-kabir) - Fakhr aI-Din Razi, Muhammad b. 'Umar b. al-Hasan, Abu 'Abd Allah alShafiei.

9. Matalib Osul fi manaqib Ale Rasul - Muhammad b. Talhah, Abu Salim al-Qarashi al-Nasjbi Shafiei.

B. Sunni references regarding the tradition of Ghadir. Here it is more than sufficient to mention that Allama Amini has mentioned this tradition from 110 companions of the Holy Prophet and 84 second generation (Ta'bei) and 360 Sunni scholars. In fact at other places, other 200 Sunni ulema references are given which takes the number of Sunni ulema to have related the tradition of Ghadir to at least 560! Due to lack of space again here we will mention only 9 references from Sunni sources who have related the tradition of Ghadir and have specifically mentioned the words of "For whoever I am his Leader (mawla), 'Ali is his Leader (mawla).":

1. AI-Bidayah wa'l-Nihayah fi Ta'rikh - Ibn Kathir, 'Imad aI-Din Isma'il b. 'Umar b. Kathir b. Daw', al-Qarashi alDimashqi.

2. Manaqib 'Ali b. Abi Talib - Ibn Hanbal, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal b. Hilal b. Asad, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Shaybani al-Marwazi.

3. AI-Musnad - Ibn Hanbal, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal b. Hilal b. Asad, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Shaybani Marwazi.

4. Kanz al- 'ummal fi sunan al-aqwal wa'l afal - Nur alDin 'Ali b. 'Abd al- Malik Husam aI-Din al-Muttaqi Hindi.

5. Sunan - Ibn Majah, Muhammad b. Yazid, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Qazwini. 6. AI-Musannaf - Ibn Abi Shaybah, 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. 'Uthman, Abu Bakr al-'Absi al-Kufi.

7. al-'Iktifa fi fadl al-'arba'ah al-khulafa' - Ibrahiin b. 'Abd Allah, al-Wassabi al-Yamani al-Shafi'i. , 8.AI-Khasa'is fi fadl 'Ali b. Abi Talib - al-Nasa'i, Ahmad b. Shu'ayb b. 'Ali b. Sinan b. Barn, Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Khurasani al-Nasa'i.

9. Miftah al-naja fi manaqib Al al-'aba - Mirza Muhammad b. Mu'tamad Khan al-Harithi al-Badakhshi (al- Badakhshani).

C. Sunni references about the verse 5:3 being revealed immediately after the sermon of Ghadir. Again here we can provide at least 35 chains of transmitters but due to lack of space we will mention only 9 Sunni books to confirm:

1. Manaqib 'Ali Ibn. Abi Talib - Ibn al-Maghazili, 'Ali b. Muhammad, Abu al-Hasan al-Tayyib al-Jullabi al-Shafi'i. 2. Miftah al-naja fi manaqib ab - Mirza Muhammad b. Mu'tamad Khan al-Harithi al-Badakhshi (al- Badakhshani).

3. Ma nazala min ai-Qur'an fi 'Ali - Abu Nu'aym, Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah, al 'Isfahani.

4. Manaqib 'Ali b. Abi Talib - Ibn al-Maghazili, 'Ali b. Muhammad, Abu al Hasan al- Tayyib al-Jullabi al-Shafi'i. 5. al-Khasa'is al- 'Alawiyyah - Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Ibrahim, Abu al-Fath al-Natanzi.

6. Kitab al-Manaqib - Khatib al-Kharazmi, Muwaffaq b. Ahmad, Abu al- Mu'ayyad al-Makki, known as Akhtab alMuwaffaq.

7. AI-Duff al-Manthur - al-Suyuti, Jalal aI-Din 'Abd alRahman b. Kamal aIDin Abi Bakr, al-Shafi'i.

8. Fara'id al-samtayn fi fada'il al-Murtadawa al-batul wa al-sibtayn - al- Juwayni, Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. alMu'ayyad, Sadr aI-Din Abu al-Majami' al-Hamawayni or al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i.

9. Tafsir aI-Qur'an al-'Azim - Ibn.Kathir, 'Imad aI-Din Isma'il b. 'Umar b. Kathir b. Daw', al-Qarashi alDimashqi.

D. References of Hessan Bin. Thabits poetry:

1. Ma nazala min aI-Qur'an fi 'Ali - Abu Nu'aym, Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah, aI- 'lsfahani.

2. Fara'id al-samtayn fi faza'iI al-Murtadawa aI-batuI wa aI-sibtayn - aIJuwayni, Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. aI Mu'ayyad, Sadr aI-Din Abu al-Majami' al-Hamawayni or al-Hamawi al-Shafi'i.

3. Kashf al-ghamma fi ma'rifat al-A'immah - al-Irbili, 'Ali b. 'Isa b. Abi al- Fath, Abu al-Hasan al-'Irbili.

4. al-'Azhar fi ma 'aqdahu al-shu'ara' min al-'ash'ar - alSuyuti, lalal aI-Din 'Abd al-Rahman b. Kamal ai-Din Abi Bakr, al-Shafi'i.

5. Kifayat al-Talib - Muhammad b. Yusufb. Muhammad, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Kanji al-Shafi'i.

6. al-Khasa'is al- 'Alawiyyah - Muhammad b. 'Ali b. Ibrahim, Abu al-Fath al-Natanzi. 7. Tazkirat khawass al-'ummah fi ma'rifat al-a'immah Sibt b. al-lawzi, Shams aI-Din Yusufb.Qizughli, Abu alMuzaffar.

E. References of Oath of allegiance as mentioned above:

1. AI-Bidayah wa'l-Nihayah fi al- Ta'rikh - Ibn Kathir, 'Imad aI-Din Isma'il b. 'Umar b. Kathir b. Daw', al.: Qarashi al-Dimashqi.

2. Manaqib 'Ali Ibn. Abi Talib - Ibn Hanbal, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Hanbal b. Hilal b. Asad, Abu 'Abd Allah al-Shaybani al-Marwazi. 3. AI-Musannaf - Ibn Abi Shaybah, 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. 'Uthman, Abu Bakr al- _Absi al-Kufi.

4. Fada'il 'Ali - 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad b. Hanbal, Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al- Shaybani.

5. al-Fusul al-muhimmah li ma'rifat al-a'immah - Ibn alSabbagh, Nur aI-Din 'Ali b. Muhammad b. Ahmad, alGhazzi al-Maliki.

6. Manaqib Al Abi Talib - Ibn Shahrashub, Muhammad b. 'Ali, Abu la'far. 7. Sharaf al-Mustafa - 'Abd al-Malik b. Muhammad, AbuSa'd al-Wa'iz al- Nisaburi al-Kharkushi (al-Khargushi).

8. Tafsir Kashf wa'l-bayan - AI-Tha'labi, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim, Abu Ishaq al-Nisaburi.

9. Riyad al-Nadirah - Muhibb aI-Din Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah, Abu al- 'Abbas al-Tabari al-Makki al-Shafi'i. Again due to paucity of space we limit to 9 books refferences. There are otherwise at least 76 chains of narrators mentioned in books for this.

F. The revelation of the verse 70: 1-3 is regarding the event of the dispute of Harith as mentioned earlier. References for this are:

1. al-'Arba'in fi faza'il Amir al-Mu'minin - Jamal aI-Din 'Ata' Allah b. Fazl Allah, al-Husayni al-Shirazi.

2. Tafsir Kashf wa'l-bayan - Al-Tha'labi, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Ibrahim, Abu Ishaq al-Nishaburi.

3. Tadhkirat khawass al-'ummah fi ma'rifat al-a'immah Sibt b. al-Jawzi, Shams aI-Din Yusufb.Qizughli, Abu alMuzaffar.

4. al-'Iktifa fi fadl al-'arba'ah al-khulafa' - Ibrahim b. 'Abd Allah, al-Wassabi al-Yamani al-Shafi'i.

5. Hidayat al-su'ada' - Shihab aI-Din Ahmad b. Shams alOin 'Vmar, Malik al- 'Vlama' al-Zawali al-Dawlatabadi. 6. Ma'arij al-wusul - al-Zarandi, Jamal ai-Din Muhammad b. Yusuf b. al-Hasan al-Madani al-'Ansari alHanafi. .

7. Wasilat al-ma'al fi 'add manaqib al-'AI - Ba Kathir alMakki, Ahmad b. al- Fadl b. Muhammad, al-Shafi'i. '

8. Jawahir al'iqdayn fi fadl al-sharafayn sharaf al- 'ilm aljali wa al-nasab al- 'ali - al-Samhudi, Nur aI-Din 'Ali b. 'Abd Allah b. Ahmad, al-Hasani al-Shafi'i. 9. al-Fusul al-muhimmah li ma'rifat al-a'immah - Ibn alSabbagh, Nur aIEssays Din 'Ali b. Muhammad b. Ahmad, alGhazzi al-Maliki.

Again we are unable to mention other sources due to paucity of space. There are atleast 31 chains of transmitters for this.

Excuse 2: The word Maula used in the tradition does not imply master but it means friend. Hence the Holy Prophet actually announced about the friendship of Ali on the day of Ghadir, and not about mastership of Ali (p.b.u.h.).

Rebuttal:

Though multitude of reasons could nullify the above excuse we will mention only 5 of them:

A. The first proof is the Holy Qur'an and the revelation of the verse: "0 Apostle! Deliver which has been revealed to you from your God; and if you do it not, then you have not delivered His message, and Allah will protect you from the people." (5.67)

Qazi in "Kashf Ghumma" gives a report from Razi Bin Abdullah: "In the days of the Holy Prophet we" used to read this verse thus: '0 our Prophet (Muhammad) deliver what has been sent down to you from your Lord, that' is, Ali is the master of the believers. If you do not, then you have not delivered His message." Also Suyuti in his Durru'l-Mansur from Ibn Mardawiyya, Ibn Asakir and Ibn Abi Hatim from Abu Sa'id Khadiri, Abdullah Ibn Mas'ud (one of the writers of Divine - revelations) and Qazi Shukani in Tafsir-e-Fathu'l- Ghadir narrate that in the day of the Holy Prophet. In short, the warning contained in this verse says: "If you do it not then (it will be as if) you have not delivered His message (at all)..." shows that the message which the Holy Prophet had been ordered to deliver was of great importance. It was in fact essential to the completion of Prophethood itself. Therefore, the issue in question was surely the matter of the imamate, the conferring of authority on one who would guide the people according to the tenets of Islam after the death of the Holy Prophet. This important issue cannot be the friendship of someone by any stretch of imagination.

B. Second proof is the revelation of the verse "This day have I perfected for you your religion and completed my favor on you and chose for you Islam as a religion."

(5:3). Scholars trusted by sunnis, such as Jalalu'd-din Suyuti in Durru'l- Mansur, vol. II, p. 256 and Itqan, vol. I, p. 31; Imamu'l-Mufassirin Tha'labi in Kashfu'l-Bayan; Hafiz Abu Nu'aim Ispahani in Ma Nusala Mina'l-Qur'an Fi Ali; Abu'l-Fatha Nazari in Khasa'isu'l-Alawi; Ibn Kathir Shami in Tafsir, vol. II, p. 41, following Hafiz Ibn Mardawiyya: Muhammad Bin Jarir Tabari, scholar, commentator and historian of the 3rd century A.H. in Tafsir-e- Kitabu'l- Wilaya; Hafiz Abu'l-Qasim Haskani in Shawahid-ut- Tanzil; Sibt Ibn Jauzi. in Tadhkira-eKhawasu'l-Umma, p. 18; Abu Ishaq Hamwaini in Fara'idus- Simtain, ch. XII; Abu Sa'id Sijistani in Kitabu'lWilaya; AI-Khatib-e- Baghdadi in Ta'rikh-e-Baghdad, vol. VIII, p. 290; Ibn Maghazili Faqih Shafi'i in Manaqib, ch. XIV and Maqtalu'l-Husain, ch. IV, all have written that on the day of Ghadir-e-Khurn the Holy Prophet appointed Ali by divine order to the rank of wilaya (Vicegerent). He told the people whatever he was ordained to say about Ali and raised his hands so high that the white of both his armpits was visible. He addressed the people thus: "Salute Ali because he is the amir (master) of the believers. The whole Community complied with his order. They had not yet departed from one another when the aforesaid verse was revealed." The Holy Prophet was highly pleased with the revelation of this verse. So, addressing the people, he said: "Allah is Great, He Who has perfected for them their religion and has completed His favor on them, and is satisfied with my Prophethood and Ali's vicegerency after me." C. In that hot desert, where there was no protection for the travelers, the Holy Prophet gathered the whole nation (umma). People sat in the shade of the camels, with their feet covered, in the scorching heat of the sun. In these conditions, the Prophet delivered a long address, which Kharizmi and Ibn Mardawiyya in their Manaqib and Tabari in his Kitabu'l- Wilaya and others have narrated.

Does it make sense to think that the Prophet would require thousands of his followers to spend three days in the blazing desert to swear allegiance to Ali merely to indicate that Ali was their friend? It is reasonable to conclude therefore, that these arrangements were made not merely to indicate that people should befriend Ali. The event, in fact, marked the completion of the Prophet's message; the establishment of the Imamate, the source of the umma's guidance after the death of the Prophet.

D. Some of Sunni reputable ulema have acknowledged that the primary meaning of "maula" is "master." Among them is Sibt Ibn Jauzi, who after giving ten meanings of the word in his Tadhkira-e-Khawas, ch. 11, p. 20, says that none of them except the tenth one corresponds with what the Holy Prophet meant to say. He says: "The hadith specifically means obedience; so the tenth meaning is correct, and it means 'mastery over others.' Hence, the hadith means 'of whoever I am the 'maula' (master) Ali is also his 'maula' (master)." In the book Maraju'l-Bahrain Hafiz Abdu'l-Faraj Yahya Bin Sa'id Saqafi interprets it in the same way. He narrates this hadith with his own sources from his leaders, who said that the Holy Prophet, holding Ali by the hand, said: "Of whomsoever I am 'wali' or master over him, Ali is also his 'wali' or master." Sibt Ibn Jauzi says, "The saying of the Holy Prophet that Ali has authority or is the master over all the believers clearly proves the Imamate or vicegerency of Ali, and that obedience to him is obligatory."

E. Ali (p.b.u.h.) himself has referred to the tradition of Ghadir to mean master and has emphasized that he was clearly appointed as the vicegerant at Ghadir. Also others have referred to this event in form of reasoning protest or Munashadah (adjuration). Some places where Ali has reminded the event of Ghadir vis-a-vis his appointment as vicegerent are:

(a.) On the day of shura (counsel after Umar's death). (b.) During the days of Uthman’s rule.

(c.) The Day of Rahbah (year 35 AH) when many Companions stood up and bore witness that they attended and heard the tradition of the Prophet directly, twelve of whom were the participants of the Battle of Badr.

(d.) The Battle of al-Jamal, year 36 AH where he reminded T alhah.

(e.) The Day of the Rukban (riders) where several witnesses testified.

(f.) The Day of Battle of Siffin (year 37 AH).

Other members of the Household reminded people: (a.)Ihtejaj by Fatimah al-Zahra'(S.A.)

(b.) Munashadah by ImamHusein( AS.) (c .)Munashadah by ImamHusayn( AS.).

Other munashadahs and ihtejaj: munashadah of youth with Abu Hurayrah; Ihtijaj of Abd Allah b. Ja'far with Mu'awiyah; Ihtijaj in refutation of Amr b. al- 'Asi; Ihtijaj of Amr b. al-'Asi with Mu'awiyah; Ihtijaj of Ammar b. Yasir on day of Siffin; Ihitjaj of Asbagh b. Nubata in a sitting with Mu'awiyah; Munashadah of a man with Zayd b. Arqam; Munashadah of an Iraqi man with Jabir b. Abd Allah al-Ansari; Ihtijaj of Qays al-Ansari with Mu'awiyah in Madinah; Ihtijaj Darmiyyah al-Hajwaniyyah with Mu'awiyah; Ihtijaj of Amr al-Awdi; Ihtijaj of Umar b. Abd al-aziz, the Umayyad caliph; ihtijaj of Ma'mun, the Abbasid caliph, with jurists.

The above clearly refutes the second excuse and renders it baseless. Excuse 3: It does not appeal to our common sense that the Holy Prophet appointed Ali as his successor in clear terms and still the companions of the Holy Prophet disobeyed him and after his demise appointed a caliph by themselves.

Rebuttal:

A. This excuse may be common but it is not sense. Common sense does actually accept it very easily that if any leader identifies a vicegerent, and the followers are not entirely sincere, then they will not abide by this appointment.

B. Both sects accept that the Holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.) had said to Ali that "You are to me as Aaron was to Moses except that there shall be no prophet after me."

Now let us analyze the similarities between Aaron and Ali so that we come to understand that how it is possible for the companions of a Prophet to disobey and disregard the clear appointment of the vicegerant. The Holy Qur'an states that when Moses appointed Aaron as his successor, he gathered round him the Bani Isra'il (according to some reports, 70,000 people).

Moses emphasized that in his absence they should obey Aaron, his successor. Moses then went up the mountain to be alone with Allah. Samiri incited dissension among the Isra'ilis. He fashioned a golden calf and Bani Isra'il, having left Aaron, gathered round the treacherous Samiri in large numbers. It was a short time before this that the Bani Isra'il had heard Moses say that during his absence Aaron was to be his Caliph and those they should obey him.

Nevertheless, 70,000 people followed Samiri. The Prophet Aaron loudly protested this action and forbade them from indulging in such sinful acts, but no one listened to him. The verse of Chapter A'raf states that when Moses came back, Aaron said to him: "Son of my mother! The people reckoned me weak and had well-nigh slain me..." (7:150). The Bani Isra'il themselves heard the clear instruction from Moses, but when Moses went up to the mountain, Samiri seized his opportunity. He fashioned a golden calf and misguided the Bani Isra'il. Similarly, after the death of the Prophet, some people who had heard him say that Ali was his successor, turned against Ali. Imam Ghazali referred to this fact in the beginning of his fourth treatise in Sirru'l-'Alamin.

He states that some people returned to the state of their former ignorance. In this respect, there is great similarity between the situation of Aaron and that of Ali. Like many of renowned Sunni scholars and historians, Ibn Qutayba Dinawari, the well-known Qazi of Dinawar, in his "AI-ImamaWa Siyasa", (Vol I, P.14) narrates in detail the events of Saqifa. He says that they threatened to burn down Ali's house.

They took him to the mosque by force, and threatened to kill him unless he swore allegiance to them. Ali went to the sacred grave of the Prophet and repeated the same words of the Holy Qur'an which Aaron spoke to Moses: "He (Aaron) said: Son of my mother! Surely the people reckoned me weak and had well-nigh slain me..."(7:150). C. Not all those 120,000 Muslims who were at Ghadir stayed at Madineh. Only a few thousand stayed at Madinah. Out of these, many were bedouins or slaves or poor men. Only a maximum of 100 influential people had gathered at Saqifa. So it will be wrong to say that all 120,000 people presented at the day of Ghadir, conspired and disobeyed the Holy Prophet It should not astonish us that around 100 people went against the verdict of the Holy Prophet (p.b.u.h.).

D. Communication system and circulation of information was not strong in those days. By the time everyone came to know of the selection of Abu Bakr against the verdict of the Holy Prophet it was too late. Abu Bakr had already become too powerful in material terms. Even if someone tried to oppose the ruling caliph he was silenced either through temptation or through intimidation. The episode of Malik Ibn Nuwayrah is a glaring example in this respect.

E. All the companions were not obedient. There are so many instances to prove the disobedience of the companions.

(a.) During the last days of his blessed life, the Messenger of God prepared an army to do battle with the Byzantines, and he appointed Usamah b. Zayd as its commander. This appointment of a young man, despite the availability of older men, proved displeasing to some of the Companions, and led to an argument among them. Those who strongly opposed to Usamah b. Zayd asked the Prophet to change him, but he paid no attention to their request and commanded Abu Bakr, 'Umar and 'Uthman to join the Muslim army as it departed from Madinah. However, they not only disregarded military discipline but also disobeyed the categorical command of the Prophet. Instead of proceeding to the front with the army, they split off and returned to Madinah - Ibn Hisham, (alSirah, Vol. IV p. 338), Ya'qubi, "al-Tarikh", (Vol. II, p.92); Ibn Athir, "al-Kamil", (Vol. II, PP. 120-21).

(b.) Some of Sunni historians and hadith scholars have written that when the Prophet decided to write a document that would prevent the Muslims from going astray, 'Umar said: "The Messenger of God has become delirious." Others, however, in order to soften the offensiveness of his words, maintain that he said: "Sickness has overcome the Prophet; you have the Book of God at your disposal, which is enough for us." (Muslem, 'al-Sahih', Vol. Ill, P.

1259); "al-Bukhari, alSahih, (Vol. IV, P.5); Ahmad b. Hanbal, "al-Musnad", hadith no. 2992.), when companions could disobey the Holy Prophet in his presence, they can very easily disobey in his absence after demise. But here it is worth mentioning that there were respectable and independent minded companions, who did not change their position after the death of the Prophet.

They obeyed the appointment of Ali (A.S.) as the vicegerent that took place at Ghadir. Although they were more or less compelled to remain silent, they remained loyal to 'Ali b. Abi Talib, as leader. Among the outstanding personalities belonging to this group were Salman al-Farisi, Abu Dharr al- Ghifari, Abu Ayyub Ansari, Khuzaymah b. Thabit, Miqdad bin Aswad, al- Kindi, 'Ammar b. yasir, Ubayy b. Ka'b, Khalid b. Sa'id, Bilal, Qays b. Sa'd, Aban, Buraydah Ashami, Abu 'l-Haytham b. al- Tayyihan, as well as many others whose names are recorded in Islamic history. Some scholars have listed two hundred and fifty Companions of the Prophet, complete with names and descriptions, as belonging to this class.

Ghadir in the words of Non-Muslim

We have enunciated sufficient reasons to dispel all possibilities for excuses.

Here we would also like to quote an orientalist for sake of reference. Vaglieri has said in the Encyclopedia of Islam about Ghadir Khum: It is certain that Muhammad did speak in this place and utter the famous sentence, for the account of this event has been preserved, either in a concise form or in detail, not only by Ya'kubi, whose sympathy for Ali is well known, but also in the collection of traditions which are considered canonical, especially in the Musnad of Ibn Hanbal; and the hadiths are so numerous and so well attested by the different attributions that it does not seem possible to reject them.

Vaglieri continues, "Several of these hadiths are cited in the bibliography, but it does not include the hadith which, although reporting the sentence, omit to name Ghadir Khum, or those which state that the sentence was pronounced at al-Hudaybiya. The complete documentation will be facilitated when the Concordance of Wensinck have been completely published. In order to have an idea of how numerous these narrations are, it is enough to glance at the pages in which Ibn Kathir has collected a great number of them with their refrences."

Books related to Ghadir:

There are at least 185 Sunni books which have mentioned the event of Ghadir. It is not possible to mention all of them here but we mention just a few:

1. The well known commentator and historian of the fourth century hijri, Abu Ja'far Muharnmad Bin Jarir Tabari (died 310 A.H.), gives complete details of the hadith of Ghadir in his book Kitabu'l- Wilaya and has narrated it through seventy-five chains of transmission.

2. Hafiz Abu'l-Abbas Ahmad Bin Sa'id Abdu'r-Rahman Al-Kufi, popularly known as Ibn Iqda (died 333 A.H.), narrated this holy hadith in his book Kitabu'l- Wilaya through 125 chains on the authority of 125 companions of the Holy Prophet.

3. Ibn Haddad Hafiz Abu'l-Qasim Haskani (died 492 A.H.), in his Kitabu'l- Wilaya, has narrated in detail the event of Ghadir along with the revelation of the verses of the Qur'an.

Similarly some of the many books of Shia authors who have shown the event of Ghadir by providing extensive sunm sources are:

1. Al-Ghadir by Allama Amini - This is apparently the most magnanimous work on the event of Ghadir. This book is in 11 Volumes.

2. Abaqatul Anwar by Mir Hamid Husein - Out of total of 11 Volumes it has 3 bulky volumes dedicated to the subject of ghadir using Sunni references.

3. N afahatul Azhaar by syed Ali Milaani - This is basically explanation of the book Abaqatul Anwar. In this 4 volumes have been dedicated to the event of Ghadir.

4. Ihkaakul Haq by shaheed-e-thalis Qazi Noorullah Shustri - this book has dealt the subject of Ghadir in some of its parts out of a total of 30 huge volumes.

We end our article by quoting the verse of the Holy Quran "And say: The truth has come and the falsehood has vanished; surely falsehood is a vanishing (thing)." (17:81)

Zulfiqar Ali (Pakistan)

7- Ghadir in Islamic Traditions

According to the consensus of the narrators of the Islamic traditions, Tabarani and many others have quoted the narration of Zayd Ibn Arqam that:

"The Messenger of Allah (p.b.u.h.) once delivered a sermon at Ghadir Khum '0 people! It seems to me that soon I will be called upon and will respond to the call. I have my responsibility and you have yours. So, what do you say?" They said: "We bear witness that you have conveyed the Message, struggled and advised [the nation]; therefore, may Allah reward you with the best of His rewards".

He asked then,: "Do not you also bear witness that there is no God but Allah and that Muhammad is His Servant and Messenger, that His Paradise is just and that His Fire is just, that death is just. That the life after death is just; that the last day will undoubtedly arrive; and that Allah shall bring the dead to life from their graves?"

They said: "Yes, indeed, we bear witness to all of that".

He said: "O Mighty Lord! Bear witness that they have," Then he added: "O people! Allah is my Master, and I am the master (Mowla) of the believers. I have3 more authority over their lives than they themselves have 1. Therefore, to whomsoever I have been a master (mowla); this (Ali) is his master (mowla)4 ; "O Lord! Befriend whoever befriends him, and be enemy to whoever sets himself as his enemy." Then he said: "0 people! I am to precede you, and you will join me, at the Pool [of Kawsar]... and I shall ask you when you join me, about the Two Precious things, how you shall succeed me in faring with them; the Greater Precious Thing is the Book of Allah, the Omniscient, the Sublime, and the other are is my Ahlul-Bayt, for the most Gracious and Knowing (Allah) has informed me that they shall never part from each other till they join me at the Pool 5 In a section dealing with 'Ali's 3Many have contemplated upon this sermon, giving it due attention, and they have come to know that it is a reference to the fact that 'Ali's wiaiyat is a root of the faith; For the Prophet first put the question: "Do not you bear witness that there is no God but Allah, and that Muhammad is His Servant and Messenger?" Then he said:

"The Last Day is approaching; there is no doubt about it, and Allah shall certainly bring to life those who are in the graves," following that with a statement in which he mentioned the wilayat so that it would be understood that the latter bears the same significance like the matters about which he has asked them and to which they have agreed. This is obvious to all those who are familiar with the methods and objectives of speech.

4 His statement: "I am the mawla" is an outspoken testimony to a significant fact. The meaning of "mawla" is: one who is "awla", "has superior authority". Thus, the meaning of his statement is: "Allah is superior to me, and I am superior to the believers, and whoever considers me to be superior to him, must also consider Ali as such." 5 This wording of the hadith is quoted by Tabrani, Ibn Jarir, Hakim Tirmithi, from Zayd ibn Arqam. It is transmitted by 1bn Hajar from Tabrani and others in this exact wording, without questioning its authenticity; so, refer to page 25 of- Sawaiq al-Muhriqa.

virtues in A1Mustadrak, the author indicates that Zayd ibn Arqam6 is quoted through two sources both of which are held reliable by both Shaykhs: Hakim (one of such sources) says that when the Messenger of Allah, peace be upon him and his progeny, returned from his Farewell Pilgrimage, he camped at Ghadir Khum, and ordered the believers to sweep the area under a few huge trees where a pulpit of camel litters was made for him. He stood and said: "It seems, as if, I have been called upon and responded to the call, and I enjoin you to look after both the Book of Allah and my Progeny; see how you fare with them after me. They will never part from each other till they join me at the Pool."

Then he added: "Allah, the Dear and Mighty, is my Master, and I am the master of every believer".

Then he raised the hand of Ali and said: To whomsoever I am a master, this Ali is his master. 0 Lord! Befriend …..".

The author quotes this lengthy hadith, in its entirety. In his "Talkhis", al- Thahabi quotes it without commenting on it. Hakim Tirmazi, too, quotes it as narrated by Zayd ibn Arqam, in his Al-Mustadtak, admitting its authenticity. In spite of his intolerance Al- Thahabi admits the same in his Talkhis, to which you may refer. Ahmed ibn Hanbal has quoted the same hadith as narrated by Zayd ibn Arqam thus:

"We were in the company of the Messenger of Allah, (peace he upon him and his progeny), when he camped in a valley called Wadi Khum. He ordered everyone to gather for prayers in midday heat. He then delivered a sermon to us under the shade of a robe over a rush tree to protect him from the heat of the sun. He said: Do you know- or do you believe and accept- that I have more authority over the believers than themselves? They answered: "Yes, indeed, you do".

He said: "Whosoever accepts me as his mowla, Ali is his mowla. 0 Lord! Befriend whosoever befriends' Ali and he the enemy of whomsoever opposes Ali."

Nisaei quoted Zayd ibn Arqam saying that when the Prophet returned from the Farewell Pilgrimage and having reached Ghadir Khum he ordered the ground under a few huge trees to be swept clean. He announced: "It looks like I have been invited [to my Lords presence] and I have accepted the invitation. I leave with Y°'! Two Valuable Things; one of them is bigger than the other:

the Book of Allah and my Progeny, my Household. See how you care both of them, for they shall never part from each other till they join me at the Pool." Then he added: "Allah is my Master and I am the Master (mowla) of every 6 Refer to page 21 of AI-Khasa'is al- 'Alawiyya, where the Prophet is quoted saying: "To whomsoever I have been the wali, this (Ali) is his wali.

believer ." Taking Ali's hand, he added saying, "To whomsoever I have been a Master, this Ali is his Master; 0 Lord! Befriend those who befriend him, and be enemy of all those who are enemy to him".

Abu- Tufail says: "1 asked Zayd: 'Have you heard these words of the Messenger of Allah, yourself?"7 He answered that all those who were there under the huge trees saw the Prophet with their own eyes and heard him with their own ears. This hadith is recorded by Muslim, in a chapter, on the "virtues of Ali" in his "Sahih" from several different narrators, ending with Zayd ibn Arqam; but he abridged it, and cut it short- and so do some people behave.

Ahmed Ibn Hanbal has recorded this hadith from Bora ibn Azib.8 Nisa'i has quoted, "Ayesha daughter ofSa'd said that she heard her father saying: "I heard the Messenger of Allah, (peace be upon him and his progeny), on the Day of Juhfa, he took "Ali's hand arid delivered a sermon, praised and adored Allah", then said: "0 people! I am your Leader". They said: "You have said the truth." Then he raised Ali's hand and said: "This is my Leader unto you, he will discharge the responsibilities of my religion on my own behalf, and I support whoever supports him, and I am enemy of whosoever who chooses to be his enemy.

Sa'd is also quoted saying: "We were in the company of the Messenger of Allah, when he arrived at Ghadir Khum. Those who went ahead of him returned to join him, while he waited for those who lagged behind, till all people assembled. Then he said: "0 people! Whois your Master and Leader?" They answered: "Allah and His Messenger." Then he took "Ali's hand, made him rise and said: 'Whoever has taken Allah and His Messenger as his Master, this (Ali) is his Master; O Lord! Befriend whoever be friends him, and be enemy of whoever chooses to be his enemy."

7Abu- Tufayl's question is obviously indicative of his amazement at this nation's overlooking this matter regarding 'Ali in spite of the hadith he narrates from the Prophet in his honor on the day of the Ghadir. As if suspicious of the accuracy of the narrated hadith, he went ahead and inquired of Zayd, having heard him narrate the same, "Did you hear it from the Messenger of Allah?!" His tone is that of someone amazed, and skeptical. Zayd answered him that all individuals present under those trees had, indeed, seen the Prophet with their eyes and heard him with their ears; so, Abul- Tufayl then knew that the matter was just as Kumait, may Allah be merciful unto his soul, says: .

On the day of the dawh, the dawh of the Ghadir,Caliph.!lte was made for him manifest and clear, Only if the throngs opted to obey;

Yet I have never seen such a day,

Nor have I seen such right

Trampled upon, discarded outright;

But the men had sold it, and I never sawSuch a precious thing to sale would go...

8This occurs on page 281 of his AI-Khasa'isal- Alawiyya, in a chapter dealing with Ali's status in the eyes of Allah, the Exalted, the omni-Scient, and also on page 25 of another chapter enjoining acceptance of his wilayat and warning against bearing animosity towards him.

The books of traditions recording this incident are numerous and cannot be all counted here. They all contain explicit texts indicating that Ali is the Prophet's successor, just as Fazl Ibn Abbi, Abu Lahab has said:9 The one to be recognized as the successor, generation after generation, After Muhammad, is 'Ali since for he was his companion in every occasion.

Hamid Famagh (Iran) 9These are among poetic lines composed as the answer of Walid ibn 'Uqbah ibn Abu Ma'it, quoted by Mohammad Mahmud Rafi'i in his Introduction to Sharh al-Hashemiyyat, page 8.