Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology

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Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology

Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology

Author:
Publisher: www.philosophy.cua.edu
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought


1

(2002-2004)

I would like to thank all those who have been kind enough to tell me about their publications and in particular Dr. Frank Griffel from Yale University. He told me not only about his own publications but also about all interesting publications in his field and in German. Thanks are also due to my Assistant Ms. Arianne Dempsey for her technical help.

Section I. Falsafa

a. Collective Works

Across the Mediterranean Frontiers: Trade, Politics and Religion, 650-1450, ed. by Dionisius A. Agius & Ian Richard Netton (International Medieval Research, 1).Turnhout: Brepols, 1997, xiv-422 pp., ISBN 2-503-50600-3.

Aristotele e i suoi esegeti neoplatonici: Logica e ontologia nelle interpretazioni greche e arabe. Atti del convegno internazionale, Roma, 19-20 ottobre 2001, ed. by Vincenza Celluprica & Cristina D’Ancona with Riccardo Chiaradonna. Naples: Bibliopolis, 2004, xxi-282 pp., ISBN 88-7088-461-9.

Averroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph des Rationalismus. Internationales Symposium anlässlich des 800. Todestages des islamischen Philosophen. Heidelberg, 7.-11. Oktober 1998, ed. by Raif Georges Khoury. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2002, 390 pp., ISBN 3-8253-1265-8.

Averroes y los averroísmos. Actas del III Congreso Nacional de Filosofía Medieval. Saragossa: Sociedad de Filosofía Medieval, 1999, 501 pp., ISBN 84-89513-84-8.

Before and After Avicenna: Proceedings of the First Conference of the Avicenna Study Group, ed. by David C. Reisman with Ahmed H. Al-Rahim (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science: Texts and Studies, 52). Leiden: Brill, 2003, xx-302 pp., ISBN 90-04-12978-2.

The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, ed. by Peter Adamson & Richard C. Taylor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, xviii-448 pp., ISBN 0521-81743-9 (cloth) & 0-521-52069-X (paper).

The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy, ed. by Daniel H. Frank & Oliver Leaman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, xxiv-483 pp., ISBN 0-521-65574-9.

A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages, ed. by Jorge J.E. Gracia & Timothy B. Noone (Blackwell Companions to Philosophy). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003, ISBN 0-631-21672-3.

Interpreting Avicenna: Science and Philosophy in Medieval Islam. Proceedings of the Second Conference of the Avicenna Study Group, ed. by Jon McGinnis with David C. Reisman (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science. Texts and Studies, LVI). Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2004, xviii-262 pp., ISBN 90-04-13960-5.

Metaphysics in the Twelfth Century: On the Relationship among Philosophy, Science And Theology, ed. by Matthias Lutz-Bachmann, Alexander Fidora & Andrea

Niederberger (Fédération Internationale des Instituts d’Etudes Médiévales; Textes

et Etudes du Moyen Age, 19). Turnhout: Brepols, 2004, xiv-220, ISBN 2-503-

52202-5 [e. Burnett & Averroes, Marler].

Problems in Arabic Philosophy, ed. by Miklós Maróth. Piliscsaba: The Avicenna

Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, 2003, 150 pp., ISBN 963-86359-24.

b. Special Issues of Journals

Islamic Philosophy, The Muslim World, 94, n.1 (January 2004), ed. by David Burrell, 138 pp.

Les traductions gréco-arabes et la réception du livre Lambda de la “Métaphysique”:

Études historiques et critiques , Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, 70,

2 (2003): section spéciale, pp. 359-436 [articles by Thillet, Janssens & Geoffroy].

Philosophie arabe, Philosophie (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit), n. 77 (1er mars

2003), 110 pp.

c. Bibliographies and Chronicles

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Brief Bibliographical Guide in Medieval Islamic Philosophy and Theology (1998-2002),” at http://philosophy.cua.edu/faculty/tad/biblio.cfm.

Urvoy , Dominique, “Bulletin de Philosophie arabe et islamique,”Revue Thomiste , 103

(2003): 309-24.

d. Greek and Syriac Sources

Alexandre d’Aphrodise ,Traité De la providence (Περι προνο?ας). Version arabe de Ab? Bišr Matt? ibn Y?nus , intr. , ed. and transl. by Pierre Thillet (Philosophie). Lonrai: Verdier, 2003, 170 & 64 pp., ISBN 2-86432-395-8

[Aristotle], Il Kit?b Aris????l?s al-faylas?f f? l-fir?sa nella traduzione di HunaynBen Ish?q , ed. by Antonella Ghersetti (Quaderni di studi arabi. Studi e testi, 4). Venice: 1999.

Plotino , La Discesa dell’anima nei corpi (Enn. IV 8[6]). Plotiniana Arabica (Pseudo

Teologia di Aristotele, Capitoli 1 e 7; “detti del sapiente Greco”], ed. by Cristina

D’Ancona. Padova: Il Poligrafo, 2003, 550 pp., ISBN 88-7115-275-1.

Adamson , Peter, The Arabic Plotinus: A Philosophical Study of the ‘Theology of

Aristotle’. London: Duckworth, 2002, x-240 pp., ISBN 0-7156-3163-2.

Aouad , Maroun &Rashed , Marwan, “L’exégèse de laRhétorique d’Aristote: recherches sur quelques commentateurs grecs, arabes et

byzantins. Deuxième partie,”Medioevo , 25 (1999-2000): 551-649 pp. [the first part was inMedioevo , 23 (1997): 43-190].

Daiber , Hans, “Der Aristoteleskommentar Alexander von Aphrodisias (2./3. Jh. N. Chr.) und der samaritanische Gelehrte Levi über die Ewigkeit der Welt,”Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam , 27 (2002): 305-47 [with edition].

D’Ancona , Cristina, “Greek into Arabic: Neoplatonism in Translation,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 10-31.

------- , “The Timaeus’ Model for Creation and Providence: An Example of Continuit and Adaptation in Early Arabic Philosophical Literature,” inPlato’s Timaeus as Cultural

Icon , ed. by Gretchen J. Reydams-Schils. Notre Dame: Indiana: University of Notre

Dame Press, 2003, pp. 206-37 [mainly on al-Kindi].

De Smet , Daniel, “The Influence of the Arabic Pseudo-Empedocles on Medieval Latin

Philosophy: Myth or Reality?,” inAcross the Mediterranean , pp. 225-34.

-------,Empedocles Arabus: Une lecture néoplatonicienne tardive. Brussels: Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen. Letteren en Schone Kunsten, 1998, 257 pp., ISBN 90-6569-684-9.

Geoffroy , M. , “Remarques sur la traduction Ust?t du livre Lambda de la“Métaphysique”, chapitre 6,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 70 (2003): 417-36.

Giannakis , Elias, “The Quotations from John Philoponus’De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum in al-B?r?n?’s India,”Zeitschrift für Geschichte der arabisch-islamischen Wissenschaften , 15 (2002-2003): 185-95.

Gutas , Dimitri,Greek Philosophers in the Arabic Tradition (Variorum Collected Studies

Series). Aldershot: Ashgate, Variorum, 2000, xii-322 pp., ISBN 0-86078-837-7 [1. Pre

Plotinian Philosophy in Arabic (Other than Platonism and Aristotelianism): A Review of

the Sources; 2. Sayings by Diogenes Preserved in Arabic; 3. Adrastus of Aphrodisias,

(Pseudo-) Cebes, Democrates ‘Gnomicus’, and Diogenes the Cynic in Arabic Sources; 4.

Plato’sSymposium in the Arabic Tradition; 5. Galen’sSynopsis of Plato’sLaws and

F?r?b?’sTalh?? ; 6. The Spurious and the Authentic in the Arabic Lives of Aristotle; 7.

The Life, Works,and Sayings of Theophrastus in the Arabic Tradition; 8. Eudemus in the

Arabic Tradition; 9. Paul the Persian on the Classification of the Parts of Aristotle’s

Philosophy: A Milestone between Alexandria and Baghdad; 10. The Starting Point of Philosophical Studies in Alexandrian and Arabic Aristotelianism; 11. Philoponus and Avicenna on the Separability of the

Intellect: A Case of Orthodox Christian-Muslim Agreement; and 12.The Malady of Love ].

Hugonnard-Roche , H., “La constitution de la logique tardo-antique et l’élaboration

d’une logique “matérielle” en syriaque,” inAristotele e i suoi esegeti neoplatonici , pp.

55-83.

Lettinck , Paul, “Aristotle’s “Physical” Works in the Arabic World,”Medioevo , 27 (2002): 22-52.

Lyons , Malcolm C., “Poetic Quotations in the Arabic Version of Aristotle’sRhetoric ,”

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 12 (2002): 197-216.

Martini Bonadeo , Cecilia, “ΩΣ ΕΡΩΜΕΝΟΝ: alcune interpretazioni diMetaph . Λ 7,” in

Aristotele e i suoi esegeti , pp. 213-43.

Oelsner , J., “Vom alten Orient zum Islam: Überlegungen zum Ende der altorientalsichen Kultur,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 87-104.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “”Castigos” de Aristóteles en los‘Uyûn al-anbâ’ de Ibn Abî

Usaybi’a,”Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval , 10 (2003): 139-46.

Rashed , Marwan, “Priorité de l’ΕΙΔΟΣ ou du ΓΕΝΟΣ entre Andronicos et Alexandre:

vestiges arabes et grecs inédits,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 14 (2004): 9-63.

Reisman , David C., “Plato’sRepublic in Arabic: A Newly Discovered Passage,”Arabic

Sciences and Philosophy , 14 (2004): 263-300.

Salama Carr , Myriam, “Translation as Seen by al-J?hiz and Hunayn ibn Ishaq: Observer

versus Practitioner,” inAcross the Mediterranean , pp. 385-93.

Takahashi , Hidemi, “The Greco-Syriac and Arabic Sources of Barhebraeus’ Mineralogy

and Meteorology inCandelabrum of the Sanctuary , Base II,” Islamic Studies , 41,2

(2002): 215-69.

Teixidor , Javier,Aristote en Syriaque. Paul le Perse, logicien du VIe siècle (CNRS philosophie). Paris: CNRS Editions, 2003, 152 pp., ISBN 2-271-06161-X.

Thillet , P., “Remarques sur le livre Lambda de la “Métaphysique”,”Recherches de

Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 70 (2003): 417-36.

Yousif , Ephrem Isa,La floraison des philosophes syriaques . Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003,

332 pp., ISBN 2-7475-4348-X [includes a section on Syriac philosophers under the

Abbassids though they wrote in Arabic].

e. Latin and Hebrew Translations and Influences

Burnett , Charles, “Arabic into Latin: The Reception of Arabic Philosophy into Western Europe,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 370-404.

-------, “The Blend of Latin and Arabic Sources in the Metaphysics of Adelard of Bath,

Hermann of Carinthia, and Gundisalvus,” inMetaphysics in the Twelfth Century , pp. 41-

65.

-------, “Physics before thePhysics : Early Translations from Arabic of the Texts

Concerning Nature in Mss. British Library, Additional 22791 and Cotton Galba E IV,”

Medioevo , 27 (2002): 53-110.

-------, “The Translation of Arabic Science into Latin: A Case of Alienation of Intellectual Property?,”Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies , 4 (2002): 145-57.

Dobbs-Weinstein , Idit, “Gersonides: The Last Explicit Heir of Averroes,” in Problems in

Arabic Philosophy, pp. 69-86.

Fernández García , María Socorro, “La cuestión de la inmortalidad del alma en el averroísmo paduano. Pietro Pomponazzi,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 289-99.

Guldentops , Guy, “Beyond Averroism and Thomas: Henry Bate on the Potential and the Agent Intellect,”Archives d’Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge , 69 (2002):

115-52.

Harvey , Steven, “Islamic Philosophy and Jewish Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge

Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 349-369.

-------, “Arabic into Hebrew: The Hebrew Translation Movement and the Influence of

Averroes upon Medieval Jewish Thought,” in Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish

Philosophy, pp. 258-80.

Joose , N. Peter,A Syriac Encyclopaedia of Aristotelian Philosophy: Barhebraeus (13 thc.), Butyrum sapientiae, Books of Ethics, Economy and Politics , ed. & transl. with intro., commentary and glossaries (Aristoteles Semitico-Latinus, 16). Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2004, viii-289 pp., ISBN 90-04-14133-2.

Lohr , Charles, “The Arabic Background to Ramon Lull’sLiber chaos (ca. 1285),”

Traditio , 55 (2000), 159-70.

Moreno Urbaneja , Juan Antonio, “Crisis del espíritu agustiniano en la polémica averroísta del siglo XIII,” inAverroes y los averoísmos , pp. 327-37.

Reinhardt , Elisabeth, “La última discusión de Tomás de Aquino sobre el

monopsiquismo: elCompendium theologiae ,” in Averroes y los averroísmos , pp.

349-58.

Tolan , John, “Saracen Philosophers Secretly Deride Islam,”Medieval Encounters , 8

(2002); 184-208 [Ramon Martín, Roger Bacon, Ramon Llull, & Riccoldo da

Montecroce].

Verdú Berganza , Ignacio, “El movimiento averroísta y el pensamiento de Thomas Bradwardine. Dos concepciones del hombre enfrentadas,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 387-95.

Ziai , Hossein, “Recent Trends in Arabic and Persian Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge

Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 405-25.

f. General Studies

Bakar , Osman,Classification of Knowledge in Islam: A Study in Islamic Philosophies of Science , Foreword by Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Cambridge: Islamic Text Society, 1998, xviii-312 pp., ISBN 0-946621-71-3 [reprint of 1992 in Kuala Lumpur; covers al-Farabi, al-Ghazali, and al-Shirazi].

Black , Deborah L., “Psychology: Soul and Intellect,” inThe Cambridge Companion to

Arabic Philosophy , pp. 308-26.

Brague , Rémi, “History of Philosophy as Freedom,”{EPOCHÉ} , 7 (2002), 39-50.

Brentjes , Sonja, “On the Location of Ancient or ‘Rational’ Sciences in Muslim

Educational Landscapes (AH 500-1100),”Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-

Faith Studies , 4 (2002): 47-71.

Bu?an , Daniel, “Arabic Philosophic Terms and Their Translation,” inProblems in

Arabic Philosophy , pp. 109-16.

Buijs , Joseph A., “Religion and Philosophy in Maimonides, Averroes, and Aquinas,”

Medieval Encounters , 8 (2002): 160-84.

Butterworth , Charles E., “Ethical and Political Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge

Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 266-86.

Dagli , Caner, “On Beginning a New System of Islamic Philosophy,”The MuslimWorld ,

94 (2004): 1-27.

Daiber , Hans, “’Was heist und zu welchem Ende studiert man Geschichte der islamischen Philosophie?’—Zur Geschichte einer vernachlässigten Disziplin,” in

Problems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 1-23.

Dallal , Ahmad, “The Adjustment of Science,”Bulletin of the Royal Institute fo rInter-

Faith Studies , 4 (2002): 97-107.

D’Ancona , Cristina, “La notion de “cause” dans les texts néoplatoniciens arabes,”

inMétaphysiques médiévales. Etudes en l’honneur d’André de Muralt , ed. by Curzo Chiesa & Léo Freuler and with a new essay by André de Muralt (Cahiers de la Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 20) (Genève: Revue de Théologie et de Philosophie, 1999, pp. 47-68.

Deheidel , D.A.H., “Sobre el principio de causalidad (‘ilal ) en la gramática árabe,”

Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos, sección Árabe-Islam , 52 (2003): 95-103.

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Metaphysics,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic

Philosophy , pp. 327-48.

-------, “Philosophy in Islam,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Medieval Philosophy , ed. by A.S. McGrade. Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 97-120.

-------- “Scienza e filosofia,” inStoria della scienza, vol. III, La Civiltà islamica . (Rome:

Enciclopedia Italiana, 2002), pp. 72-76.

Fakhry , Majid,A History of Islamic Philosophy , 3r ed. New York: Columbia University

Press, 2004, xxviii-430 pp., ISBN 0-231-13221-2 [changes and updatings are minimal].

Kemal , Salim, The Philosophical Poetics of Alfarabi, Avicenna and Averroës: The

Aristotelian reception. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, vi-362 pp., ISBN 0-7007-1348-

4.

Kraemer , Joel L., “The Islamic Context of Medieval Jewish Philosophy,” inCambridge Companion to…Jewish Philosophy , pp. 38-68.

Leaman , Oliver,Islamic Aesthetics: An Introduction . Notre Dame, IN: University of

Notre Dame Press, 2004, viii-211 pp., ISBN 0-268-03370-6.

Lomba Fuentes , Joaquín,El Ebro: Puente de Europa. Pensamiento musulmán y Judío . Saragossa: Mira Editores, 2002, 639 pp., ISBN 84-8465-105-3.

Maróth , Miklós, “Logic and Stylistics,” inProblems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 25-35.

-------, “Greek Logic and Arabic Stylistics,” inProblems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 87-

107.

-------, “The Changes of Metaphor in Arabic Literature,”Journal of Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 12 (2002): 241-55.

McGinnis , Jon, “The Topology of Time: An Analysis of Medieval Islamic Accounts of

Discrete and Contiguous Time,”The Modern Schoolman , 81 (Nov. 2003): 5-25.

Michel , Alain, “Géométrie et philosophie: de Th?bit ibn Qurra à Ibn al-Haytham. Essay-

Review of R. Rashed,Les mathématiques infinitésimales ,” Arabic Sciences and

Philosophy , 13 (2003): 311-15.

Rashed , Marwan, “Natural Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 287-307.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “El escepticismo en el mundo árabe medieval,” inLa ética, aliento de lo eterno (Salamanca: 2003): 319-33.

Rashed , R.,Les mathématiques infinitésimales du IXe au XIe siècles, vol. IV: Méthodes géométriques, transformations ponctuelles et philosophie des mathématiques . London: al-Furq?n Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2002, xiii-1064-vii pp.

Raybaud , Nathalie, “La philosophie arabe: une philosophie du commentaire?,”Philosophie , n.77 (1er mars 2003): 85-110.

Rubenstein , Richard E., Aristotle’s Children: How Christians, Muslims, and Jews

Rediscovered Ancient Wisdom and Illuminated the Dark Ages. Orlando: Harcourt, 2003,

xii-368 pp., ISBN 0-15-100720-9.

Saliba , George, “Islamic Astronomy in Context: Attacks on Astrology and the Rise of theHay’a Tradition,”Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies , 4 (2002): 25-46.

Street , Tony, “Logic,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 247-65.

Walbridge , John, “Logic in the Islamic Intellectual Tradition: The Recent Centuries,”

Islamic Studies , 39 (2000): 55-75.

Walker , Paul E., “The Ism?’?l?s,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 72-91.

Wasserstrom , Steven M., “The Islamic Social and Cultural Context,” in History of

Jewish Philosophy, ed. by Daniel H. frank & Oliver Leaman (Routledge History of

World Philosophies, II) (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 93-114.

Ab? Ma’shar

Hackett , Jeremiah, “Albumasar (Ab? Ma’shar),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 102-3.

Averroes

[Averroès (Ibn Rušd)], Commentaire moyen à laRhétorique d’Aristote, critical edition of the Arabic text and French transl. by Maroun Aouad, 3 vol. Paris: Vrin, 2002, Vol. I: Introduction générale et tables, x-501 pp.; Vol. II: Edition et Traduction, 353 & 352 pp.; Vol. III: Commentaire duCommentaire , vi-450 pp., ISBN 2-7116-1610-X.

[Averroës], Middle Commentary on Aristotle’sDe anima . A Critical Edition of the

Arabic Text and English Translation, Notes, and Intro. by Alfred L. Ivry (Graeco-Arabic

Sciences & Philosophy). Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 2002, xxxii-281

& 137 pp., ISBN 0-8425-2473-8.

[Averroes Latinus], Physica, VIII, Chs. 78-79 & 86 , by Guy Guldentops,Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, Bibliotheca 4 (supplement to) 69 (2002): xix-xxii, plus 1-16.

[Averroès], “Sur les prédicats dans les démonstrations; Sur le livreDe la démonstration

d’Al-Farabi; Sur la définition du singulier. Opuscules,” transl. by Stéphane Diebler with

an intro. by Ali Benmakhlouf,Philosophie , n. 77 (1er mars 2003): 3-11.

[Averroès], Grand Commentaire (Tafs?r) de laMétaphysique, Livre Bêta , Intro. and

transl. by L. Bauloye (Sic et Non). Paris: Vrin, 2002, 336 pp., ISBN 2-7116-1548-0.

Abed al-Jabiri , Mohammed, “Ibn Rushd et le dialogue des cultures,” in Autour

d’Averroès: L’héritage andalou(Rencontres d’Averroès) (Marseille: Editions

Parenthèses, 2003), pp. 33-41.

Abi Rached , N., “Averroès et deux romans du XXe siècle,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 359-68.

Acosta Rodríguez , Juan, “Averroes en elDe principiis naturae de Juan de Sècheville,”

inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 251-56.

Aertsen , Jan A., “Metaphysics: Theology or Universal Science?,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, Bibliotheca 4 (supplement to) 69 (2002): vii-ix.

Aertsen , Jan A., Steel , Carlos, & Arnzen , Rüdiger, “ Averrois Cordubensis Commentaria

Magna in AristotelisPhysica, De caelo etMetaphysica,” Recherches de Théologie et

Philosophie médiévales, Bibliotheca 4(supplement to) 69 (2002): i-vi.

Ait El Ferrane , M., “Averroes bei den heutigen Arabern,” in Averroes (1126-1198) oder

der Triumph, pp. 345-57 [in Arabic].

Al-Jemni , O.M., “L’Epreuve” d’Ibn Rushd vue par ??h? Husayn,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 369-77.

Amerini , Fabrizio, “Aristotle, Averroes and Thomas Aquinas on the Nature of Essence,”

Documenti e Studi , 14 (2003): 79-122.

Ayala Martínez , Jorge M., “¿Fue Averroes un averroísta?,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 257-66.

Bauloye , L., “Note sur la doctrine rushdienne de la substance d’après le Grand

Commentaire de la Métaphysique,” in Averroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 233-

42.

Benmakhlouf , Ali, “Averroès, définition, démonstration,”Philosophie , n. 77 (1er mars 2003): 12-22.

Blasberg , Ralf, “El averroísmo según el tratadoDe tempore de Alberto Magno,” in

Averroes y los averroísmos , pp. 267-75.

Brague , R., “Avicenne et Averroès,” inSur la science divine , ed. by J.-C. Bardout & O. Boulnois (Epiméthée). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2002, pp. 57-82.

Brasa Díez , Mariano, “Averroes y Santo Tomás leen a Aristóteles (De Anima),” in

Averroes y los averroísmos , pp. 183-91.

Brenet , Jean-Baptiste,Transferts du sujet. La noétique d’Averroès selon Jean de Jandun (Sic et non). Paris: Vrin, 2003, 505 pp., ISBN 2-7116-1653-3.

-------, “Pefection de la philosophie ou philosophe parfait? Jean de Jandun lecteur

d’Averroès,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 68 (2001): 310-48.

Buijs , Joseph A., “Religion and Philosophy in Maimonides, Averroes, and Aquinas,”Medieval Encounters , 8 (2002): 160-83.

Corral Lafuente , José Luis, “La sociedad andalusí en la época de Averroes,” inAverroes

y los averroismos , pp. 145-61.

Cruz Hernández , Miguel, “Averroes y el sentido del Islam,” in Averroes y los Averroísmos, pp. 11-28.

de Libera , Alain, “Une figure emblématique de l’héritage oublié,” inAutour d’Averroès: L’héritage andalou (Rencontres d’Averroès) (Marseille: Editions Parenthèses, 2003), pp. 11-24.

Di Donato , Silvia, “IlKit?b al-kašf ‘an man?hi? di Averroè nella traduzione ebraico-latina di Abraham De Balmes,”Annali di Ca’ Foscari , 41,3 (2002): 5-36.

Di Giovanni , Matteo, “La definizione delle sostanze sensibili nel Commento Grande (Tafs?r) di Averroè aMetafisica Z 10,”Documenti e Studi , 14 (2003): 27-63.

Elamrani-Jamal , A., “La démonstration du signe (burh?n al-dal?l ) selon Ibn Rušd

(Averroès),”Oriens-Occidens , n.3 (2000): 41-61.

El Ghannouchi , A., “Distinction et relation des discourse philosophique et religieux chez

Ibn Rushd:Fa?l al-maq?l ou la double vérité,” in Averroes (1126-1198) oder der

Triumph , pp. 139-45.

Forcada Nogués , Miquel, “La ciencia en Averroes,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 49-102.

Forment Giralt , Eudaldo, “La ciencia divina en Averroes y en Santo Tomás,” in

Averroes y los averroísmos , pp. 301-16.

García Cuadrado , José Ángel, “La recepción de la doctrina averroísta del intelecto agente en San Alberto Magno,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 277-88.

Geoffroy , Marc, “Ibn Rušd et la théologie almohadiste. Une version inconnue du Kit?b

al-Kašf ?an man?hi? al-adilla, dans deux manuscripts d’Istanbul,” Medioevo , 27 (2001):

327-51, plus 4 photos.

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Hamze , M., “Logique et grammaire arabe dans l’œuvre d’Averroès,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 157-74.

Hanafi , H., “Averroes als Jurist,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 183-

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Hasse , Dag Nikolaus, “Averroes in the Renaissance,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, Bibliotheca 4 (supplement to) 69 (2002): xv-xviii.

Hayoun , M.-R., ‘Vom jüdischen Averroismus zur Haskala: Von Maimonides und Moses

Narboni zu Salomon Maimon,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 283-96.

Horn , H.-J., “Das Problem der Fünfzahl der Sinne bei Aristoteles und Matteo da

Gubbio,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp.307-16.

Hugonnard-Roche , Henry, “Logique et physique: la théorie aristotélicienne de la

science interprêtée par Averroes,”Medioevo , 27 (2002): 141-64.

Jeamy , G., “La méthodologie d’Averroès, le Grand Commentateur,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 107-16.

Khoury , R., “Ibn Rushd et les théologiens arabes chrétiens,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 255-81.

Lambertini , R., “Zur Frage der Rolle des Averroes in der praktischen Philosophie des

Spätmittelalters: Vorbemerkung zur Rezeption seines Ethikkommentars,” inAverroes

(1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 243-53.

Leaman , Oliver, “Averroes’Commentary on Plato’s Republic and the MissingPolitics , inAcross the Mediterranean , pp. 195-203.

Maiza Ozcoidi , Idoia, “La doctrina de la eternidad del mundo en elTahâfut de

Averroes,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 20515.

Marler , Jack. C., “Averroes: The Platonic Rejection of Textual Conservatism,” in

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Mazliak , Paul, Avicenne et Averroès. Médecine et biologie dans la civilization de

l’Islam. Paris: Vuibert-Adapt, 2004, viii-247 pp., ISBN Vuibert 2-7117-5326-3 & Adapt 2-909680-53-3.

McAleer , G., “Was Medical Theory Heterodox in the Latin Middle Ages? The Plurality

Theses of Paul of Venice and the Medical Authorities, Galen, Haly Abbas and Averroès,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 68 (2001): 349-70.

Missaoui , S., “La nourriture dans l’œuvre d’Ibn Rušd,” in Averroes (1126-1198) oder

der Triumph, pp. 221-30.

Naaman , J., “Valeur et impact du commentaire d’Aristote par Averroès,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 175-82.

Nassar , N., “Averroès ou la philosophie encerclée,” in Averroes (1126-1198) oder der

Triumph, pp. 117-38.

Ortega Muñoz , Juan Fernando, “Presencia de Abenhazam en Averroes,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 487-501.

Pérez Estévez , Antonio, “Sustancialidad de la materia en Averroes,” in Averroes y los averroísmos, pp. 217-29.

Puig Montada , J., “Averroes’ Commentaries on Aristotle: To Explain and to Interpret, “ inIl Commento filosofico nell’occidente latino (secoli XIII-XV). The Philosophical Commentary in the Latin West (13-15 thCenturies) , ed. by Gianfranco Fioravanti, Claudio Leonardi & Stefano Perfetti (Société Internationale pour l’Etude de la Philosophie Médiévale, Rencontres de Philosophie Médiévale, 10). Turnhout: Brepols, 2002, pp. 327-58.

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--------- “Averroes, un pensamiento unitario,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 29-47.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “La transmissión a Europa de Averroes,” in Averroes y los

averroísmos, pp. 103-28.

Raña Dafonte , César, “Averroes según Ángel Amor Ruibal,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 339-48.

Roche Arnas , Pedro, “El gobernante y el gobierno recto en la Exposición de la

“República” de Platónde Averroes,” in Averroes y los averroísmos , pp. 241-49.

Sanagustin , F., “Le statut de la raison dans le Kit?b al-kulliyy?t al-?ibb,” in Averroes

(1126-1198) oder der Triumph, pp. 147-56.

Saranyana , Josep Ignasi, “Los presupuestos teológicos de Averroes,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 129-44.

Soto Bruna , María Jesús, “Averroes en elDe la Causa, Principio et Uno de Giordano

Bruno. El poder de la materia,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 359-69.

Steel , Carlos, “Averroes’s Interpretation of the Final Section of the Physics,” Recherches

de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales, Bibliotheca 4(supplement to) 69 (2002): xi-xiv.

Stern , Gregg, “Philosophy in Southern France: Controversy over Philosophic Study and

the Influence of Averroes upon Jewish Thought,” inCambridge Companion to…Jewish

Philosophy , pp. 281-303.

Taylor , Richard C., “Averroes: Religious Dialectic and Aristotelian Philosophical Thought,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 180-200.

-------, “Averroes (Ibn Rushd),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 182-95.

Tellkamp , Jörg Alejandro, “Averroes y el concepto de ser spiritual en la teoría del conocimiento del siglo XIII,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 231-39.

Trabelsi , H., “Crise de la pensée sous les Nasrides,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 213-220.

Vivanco Saavedra , Luis Ignacio, “Averroes e Ibn Jaldún: Referencias e Influencias,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 397-405.

Walz , D., “Aristoteles und Averroes bei Kaiser Friedrich II,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 317-30.

Zanner , Markus, Konstruktionsmerkmale der Averroes-Rezeption. Ein

religionswissenschaftlicher Beitrag zur Rezeptionsgeschichte des islamischenPhilosophen Ibn Ruschd (Regensburger Studies zur Theologie, 61). Frankfurt: Peter

Lang, 2002, 180 pp.

Zimmermann , A., “Averroes im Werk des Magisters Ferrandus de Hispania,” inAverroes (1126-1198) oder der Triumph , pp. 297-306.

Zonta , Mauro, “La tradizione giudeo-araba ed ebraica delDe intellectu di Alessandro di

Afrodisia e il testo originale delCommento di Averroè,” Annali di Ca’ Foscari , 40,3

(always 3, sic) (2001), Serie orientale 32, pp. 17-35.

Avicenna

[Avicenna], Metafisica: La scienza delle cose divine (al-Il?hiyy?t) dal Libro della Guarigione (Kit?b al-Šif?’) with Arabic and medieval Latin text, transl. by Olga Lizzini & Pasquale Porro (Il Pensiero Occidentale). Milan: Bompiani, 2002, lxiv-1311 pp., ISBN 88-452-9171-5.

[Avicenna], “Le dieci questionidi Avicenna,” critical Arabic ed., reprint of Andrea Alpago’s Latin transl., Italian transl. and intro. by Francesca Lucchetta,Quaderni di Studi arabi , 19 (2001): 101-34.

Acar , Rahim, “Avicenna’s Position Concerning the Basis of the Divine Creative Action,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 65-79.

-------, “Reconsidering Avicenna’s Position on God’s Knowledge of Particulars,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 142-56.

-------, “Intellect versus Active Intellect: Plotinus and Avicenna,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 69-67.

Adamson , Peter, “Non-Discursive Thought in Avicenna’s Commentary on theTheology of Aristotle ,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 87-111.

Aertsen , Jan, “’Res’ as Transcendental, its Introduction and Significance,” inLe Problème des transcendantaux du XVe au XVIIe siècle , ed. by G. Federici Vescovini (Bibliothèque d’Histoire de la Philosophie) (Paris: Vrin, 2002), pp. 139-56.

Ahmed , Asad Q., “Avicenna’s Reception of Aristotelian Modal Syllogistics: A Study Based on Conversion Rules and theBarbara problematic,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 3-24.

al-Akiti , M. Afifi, “The three Properties of Prophethood in Certain Works of Avicenna and al-?az?l?,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 189-212.

Alper , Ömer Mahir, “Avicenna’s Argument for the Existence of God: Was He Really Influenced by theMutakallim?n ?,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 129-41.

Al-Rahim , Ahmed H., “The Twelver-Š??? Reception of Avicenna in the Mongol Period,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 219-31.

Ammar , Sleim,Avicenne. La vie et l’œuvre , 3rd ed. (Quart). Tunisia: l’Or du Temps, 2003, 135 pp., ISBN 9973-44-008-0.

Anwar , Etin, “Ibn S?n?’s Philosophical Theology of Love: a Study of the Ris?lah f? al-?Ishq,”Islamic Studies , 42 (2003): 331-45.

Ayada , Souâd,Avicenne (Philo-philosophes). Paris: Ellipses, 2002, 80 pp., ISBN 2-7298-0918-X.

Bäck , Allan, “Avicenna on Relations and the Bradleyan Regress,” inLa Tradition médiévale des Catégories (XIIe-Xve siècles) , ed. by Joël Biard & Irène Rosier-Catch (Louvain-la-Neuve: Editions de l’Institut Supérieur de Philosophie; Louvain-Paris: Peeters, 2003), pp. 69-84.

Banchetti-Robino , Marina Paola, “Ibn S?n? and Husserl on Intention and Intentionality,”Philosophy East & West , 54 (2004): 71-82.

Belo , Catarina, “Ibn S?n? on Chance in thePhysics ofaš-Šif?’ ,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 25-41.

Bertolacci , Amos, “The Reception of Book B (Beta ) of Aristotle’sMetaphysics in theIl?h?y?t of Avicenna’sKit?b aš-Šif?’ ,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 157-74.

-------, “La ricezione del libro Γ dellaMetafisica nell’Il?hiyy?t delKit?b al-Šif?’ di Avicenna,” inAristotele e i suoi esegeti neoplatonici , pp. 173-210.

-------, “Some Texts of Aristotle’sMetaphysics in theIl?h?y?t of Avicenna’sKit?b aš-Šif?’ ,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 24-47.

-------, “The Structure of metaphysical Science in theIl?hiyy?t (Divine Science) of Avicenna’sKit?b al-Šif?’ (Book of the Cure) ,”Documenti e Studi sulla Tradizione filosofica medievale , 13 (2002): 1-69.

-------, “The Doctrine of Material and Fornal Causality in the “Il?hiyy?t” of Avicenna’s “Kit?b al-Šif?’”,”Quaestio , 2 (2002): 125-54.

Burrell , David B., “Avicenna (Ibn S?n?),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 196-208.

De Libera , Alain,L’Art des généralités: Théories de l’abstraction . Paris: Aubier, 1999, ch. IV deals with Avicenna, pp. 499-607 with in appendix translations from Arabic of relevant passages in Alexander of Aphrodisias and in the Metpahysics of theShif?’ by Marc Geoffroy, pp. 637-79, ISBN 2-7007-3355-X.

Dhanani , Alnoor, “Rocks in the Heavens?! The Encounter between ‘Abd al-?abb?r and Ibn S?n?,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 127-44.

Gutas , Dimitri, “Medical Theory and Scientific Method in the Age of Avicenna,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 145-62.

Hall , Robert E., “Intellect, Soul and Body in Ibn S?n?: Systematic Synthesis and Development of the Aristotelian, Neoplatonic and Galenic Theories,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 62-86.

Hasse , Dag Niklaus,Avicenna’s De Anima in the Latin West. The Formation of a Peripatetic Philosophy of the Soul 1160-1300 (Warburg Institute. Studies and Texts). London: The Warburg Institute, 2000, x-350 pp., ISBN 0-85481-125-7.

Inati , Shams C.,The Problem of Evil: Ibn S?n?’s Theodicy . Binghamton: Binghampton University, Global Publications, 2000, xii-215 pp., ISBN 1-566840-06-1.

Jaffer , Tariq, “Bodies, Souls and Resurrection in Avicenna’sar-Ris?la al-Adhaw?ya f? amr al-ma??d ,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 163-74.

Janssens , Jules, “Bahmany?r ibn Marzub?n: A Faithful Disciple of Ibn Sina,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp.177-97.

-------, “Avicenne et sa “paraphrase-commentaire” du livre Lambda (“Kit?b al-in??f”),”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 103 (2003): 401-16.

Jouanneau , Anne-Sophie, “Le polissage du miroir de l’âme chez Avicenne, Al-Ghaz?l? et Ibn ?Arab?,”Philosophie , n.77 (1er mars 2003): 69-84.

Lizzini , Olga, “The Relation Between Form and Matter: Some Brief Observations on the ‘Homology Argument’ (Il?h?y?t , II.4) and the Deduction ofFluxus ,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 175-85.

Luther , Irina, “The Conception of the Angle in the Works of Ibn S?n? and aš-Š?r?z?,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 112-25.

Marcotte , Roxanne D., “Resurrection (Ma’?d ) in the PersianHay?t an-Nuf?s of Ism?’?l Ibn Muhammad R?z?: The Avicennan Background,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 213-35.

Mayer , Toby, “Fahr ad-D?n ar-R?z?’s Critique of Ibn S?n?’s Argument for the Unity of God in theIš?r?t , and Na??r ad-D?n a?-??s?’s Defence,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 199-218.

McGinnis , Jon, “On the Moment of Substantial Change: A Vexed Question in the History of Ideas,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 42-61.

-------, “Methodologies in Medieval Islam: Induction and Experimentation in the Philosophy of Ibn S?n?,”Journal of the History of Philosophy , 41 (2003): 307-27.

Porro , Pasquale, “Universaux etesse essentiae : Avicenne, Henri de Gand et le

“troisième Reich”,” inLe réalisme des universaux (Cahiers de Philosophie de

l’Université de Caen, 38-39) (Caen: Presses Universitaires de Caen, 2002), pp. 50.

Rashed , M., “Ibn ‘Ad? et Avicenne: sur les types d’existants,” inAristotele e i suoi esegeti neoplatonici , pp. 107-71.

Reisman , David C., “Plato’sRepublic in Arabic: A Newly Discovered Passage,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 14 (2004): 263-300.

-------, “The Pseudo-Avicennan Corpus, I: methodological Considerations,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 3-21.

-------, “Stealing Avicenna’s Books: A Study of the Historical Sources for the life and Times of Avicenna,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 91-126.

-------,The Making of the Avicennan Tradition: The Transmission, Contents, and Structure of Ibn S?n?’s al-Mub?ha??t(The Discussions) (Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Science. Texts and Studies, 49). Leiden: Brill, 2002, xx-333 pp., ISBN 90-04-12504-3.

-------, “A New Standard for Avicenna Studies,”Journal of the American Oriental Society , 122 (2002): 562-77 [A Review of Ibn Sînâ, lettre au vizir Abû Sa’d: Editio princes d’après le manuscript de Bursa by Yahya Michot. Beirut: al-Bouraq, 2000].

Rizvi , Sajjad, “Process Metaphysics in Islam? Avicenna and Mull? ?adr? on Intensification in Being,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 233-47.

Sebti , Meryem, “La distinction entre intellect pratique et intellect théorique dans la doctrine de l’âme humaine d’Avicenne,”Philosophie , n.77 (1er mars 2003): 23-44.

-------, “La signification de la définition avicennienne de l’âme comme “perfection première d’un corps naturel organique” dans le livre I duTraité de l’âme du Šif?’ ,” Bulletin d’Études Orientales , 51 (1999): 299-312.

Street , Tony, “An Outline of Avicenna’s Syllogistic,”Archiv für Geschichte der

Philosophie , 84 (2002): 129-60.

Takahashi , Hidemi, “The Reception of Ibn S?n? in Syriac: The Case of Gregory Barhebraeus,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 249-81.

Udina i Cobo , Josep Manuel, “Ernst Bloch y el averroísmo de suAvicena y la izquierda aristotélica ,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 371-85.

Wisnovsky , Robert, “Avicenna and the Avicennian Tradition,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 92-136.

-------,Avicenna’s Metaphysics in Context . Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003, xii-305 pp., ISBN 0-8014-4178-1.

-------, “Towards a History of Avicenna’s Distinction between Immanent and Transcendent Causes,” inBefore and After Avicenna , pp. 49-68.

-------, “Final and Efficient Causality in Avicenna’s Cosmology and Theology,”Quaestio , 2 (2002): 97-123.

Bahmany?r

See Avicenna, Janssens.

al-Dj?hiz

Marín Guzmán , R., “Religosidad, tradiciones islámicas ymu’tazilismo en la obra de al-Yahiz,”Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Árabe-Islam , 52 (2003): 125-46.

al-Farabi

[al-Farabi], Aphorismes choisis, transl., intro and notes by Soumaya Mestiri & Guillaume Dye, Commentary by Guillaume Dye (Bibliothèque Maktaba). Paris: Fayard, 2003, 237 pp., ISBN 2-213-61624-8.

[al-Farabi], La Philosophie de Platon, ses parties, l’ordre de ses parties, du commencement jusqu’à la fin, transl. with notes by Olivier Sedeyn & Nassim Lévy. Paris: Allia, 2002, 43 pp., ISBN 2-84485-097-9.

[al-Farabi], El camino de la felicidad (Kit?b al-tanb?h ?alà sab?l al-sa??da), transl. and intro. by Rafael Ramón Guerrero. Madrid: Editorial Trotta, 2002, 82 pp., ISBN 84-8164-540-0.

“Alfarabi. Epístola sobre los sentidos del término “intelecto”,” transl. by Rafael Ramón Guerrero,Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval , 9 (2002): 215-23.

Alon , Ilai,Al-Farabi’s Philosophical Lexicon . Oxford: E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 2002, Vol. I: Arabic Text, cxxxiv-532 pp.; Vol. II: English Translation, pp. 539-1042, ISBN 0-906094-44-5 (vol.I) & 0-906094-46-1 (vol.II).

Aouad , Maroun &Schoeler , Gregor, “Le syllogisme poétique selon al-Farabi: un syllogisme incorrect de la deuxième figure,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 12 (2002): 185-96.

Black , Deborah, “Alfarabi (Al-Farabi),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 109-17.

Brague , Rémi, “Une note sur les sources philosophiques du Ps.-F?r?b?,La quiddité de l’âme ,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 13 (2003): 239-41.

Crone , P., “What was Al-Farabi’s ‘Islamic’ Constitution?,”Arabica , 50 (2003): 306-21.

Freudenthal , Gad, “La quiddité de l’âme , traité populaire néoplatonisant faussement attribué à al-Farabi: traduction annotée et commentée,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 13 (2003): 173-237.

Hankey , Wayne J., “Political, Psychic, Intellectual, Demonic, Hierarchical, Cosmic, and Divine Justice in Aquinas, Al-Fârâbî, Dionysius, and Porphyry,”Dionysius , 21 (2003): 197-218.

Harvey , Steven, “Did Alfarabi Read Plato’sLaws ?,”Medioevo , 28 (2003): 51-68.

-------, “Can a Tenth-Century Islamic Aristotelian Help Us Understand Plato’sLaws? ,” inPlato’s Laws: From Theory into Practice. Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum. Selected Papers , ed. by Samuel Scolnicov & Luc Brisson (International Plato Studies, 15). (Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag, 2004), pp. 320-330.

-------, “Falaquera’s Alfarabi: An Example of the Judaization of the Islamic Falâsifah,”Trumah , 12 (2002) 97-112.

Hilal , Aziz, “F?r?b? et le problème de l’homonymie accidentelle,”Studia Islamica , n.92 (2001): 155-64.

Lafleur , Cl. &Carrier , J., “Abstraction, separation et tripartition dela philosophie théorétique: quelques éléments de l’arrière fond farabien et artien de Thomas d’Aquin, Super Boethium “De trinitate”, question 5, article 3,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 67 (2000): 248-71.

Najjar , Fauzi M., “Al-Farabi’s Harmonization of Plato’s and Aristotle’s Philosophies,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 29-44.

O’Meara , Dominic,Platonopolis: Platonic Political Philosophy in Late Antiquity . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003, has a section on al-Farabi’sPerfect State , pp. 185-97, ISBN 0-19-925758-2.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Apuntes biográficos de al-Farabi’ según sus vidas árabes,”Anaquel de Estudios Árabes , 14 (2003): 231-38.

-------, “LaÉtica a Nicómaco en la obra de Alfarabi,” in Etica y sociologia. Estudios en memoria del professor José Todolí, O.P. (Salamanca: San Esteban, ????): 201-12.

Reisman , David C., “Al-Farabi and the Philosophical Curriculum,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 52-71.

Roman , André, “Aperçus sur la naissance de la langue à partir duKit?b al-hur?f d’al-Farabi,”Studia Islamica , n.92 (2001): 127-54.

Terkan , Fehrullah, “Does Zayd Have the PowerNot to Travel Tomorrow? A Preliminary Analysis of al-Farabi’s Discussion on God’s Knowledge of Future Human Acts,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 45-64.

Türker , Sadik, “The Role of Translations in the Development of Islamic Thought,”Kutadgubilig Felsefe , 3 (2003): 223-36 [in Turkish].

-------, “The Utterances Employed in Logic,”Kutadgubilig Felsefe , 2 (2002): 93-178 [in Turkish, intro. and translation].

Ibn B?jjah (Avempace)

[Ibn B?jjah], “Avempace. Tratado de la unión del intelecto con el hombre,” intro. and transl. by Joaquin Lomba,Anaquel de Estudios Árabes , 11 (2000): 369-91.

Azanza Elío , Ana, “Algunos aspectos de la política de Avempace enEl régimen del solitario , circa 1085-1138,” inAverroes y los averroísmos , pp. 407-16.

Franco , Abel B., “Avempace, Projectile Motion, and Impetus Theory,”Journal of the History of Ideas , 64 (2003): 521-46.

Hamid , Idris Samawi, “Avempace (Ibn B?jjah),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 172-73.

Matula , Jozef, “Thomas Aquinas and his Criticism of Avempace’s Theory of the Intellect,”Verbum , VI,1 (2004): 95-107.

Puig Montada , Josef, “Philosophy in Andalusia: Ibn B?jja and Ibn Tufayl,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 155-79.

-------, “Avempace’s ?s?????,” inProblems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 51-67.

Ibn al-Haytham

Lindberg , David C., “Alhacen (Al-Hasan),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 127-28.

Ibn Khaldûn

[Ibn Khaldûn] ,Le Livre des Exemples: I Autobiographie, Muqaddima , transl., intro., and notes by Abdesselam Cheddadi (Bibliothèque de la Pléiade). Paris: Gallimard, 2002, lxi-1559 pp., ISBN 2-07-011425-2.

Osman , Ghada, “The Historian of Language: Ibn Khaldun and the Communicative Learning Approach,”Middle East Studies Association (MESA) Bulletin , 37 (2003): 50-57.

Ibn al-?ayyib

Ferrari , C., “Der Duft des Apfels. Ab? l-Fara? ‘Abdall?h Ibn a?-?ayyib und sein Kommentar zu denKategorien des Aristoteles,” inAristotele e i suoi esegeti neoplatonici , pp. 85-106.

Ibn Tufayl

Hayoun , Maurice-Ruben, “Moses Narbonis Kommentar zum Hayy ibn Yaqzan des ibn Tufayl,” and “Hebrew ed. of Moses Narboni’sKommentar zum Hayy ibn Yaqzan ,” inTrumah , 12 (2002): pp.199-??? and 1*-.???.

Puig Montada , Josef, “Philosophy in Andalusia: Ibn B?jja and Ibn Tufayl,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 155-79.

Ikhw?n al-?af?’

[Ikhw?n al-?af?’], “Ikhwân al-?afâ’: des arts scientifiques et de leur objectif,” Le Muséon , 116, 1-2 (2003): 231-58 &“Ikhwân al-?afâ’: Sur les limites du savoir humain,” intro. and transl. by G. de Callataÿ of theÉpître XXVIII des Frères de la Pureté,Le Muséon , 116, 3-4 (2003): 479-503.

Mohamed , Yasien, “The Cosmology of the Ikhw?n al-Saf?, Miskawayh and al-I?fah?n?,”Islamic Studies , 39 (2000): 657-79.

al-Kind?

“The Epistle of Ya?qûb ibn Ish?q al-Kind? on The Device for Dispelling Sorrows,” transl. by Ghada Jayyusi-Lehn,British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies , 29, 2 (2002): 121-35.

[al-Kindi], Le moyen de chasser les tristesses et autres textes éthiques, intro. transl. and notes by Soumaya Mestiri & Guillaume Dye (Bibliothèque Maktaba). Paris: Fayard, 2004, 129 pp., ISBN 2-213-61840-2 [includes alsoLes Paroles de Socrate ; abstracts fromLes Paroles d’al-Kind? ; Épître relative au propos sur l’âme, abrégé du livre d’Aristote, de Platon et des autres philosophes].

[al-Kindi], De radiis. Théorie des arts magiques, transl. from Latin by Didier Ottaviani. Paris: Editions Allia, 2003, 103 pp., ISBN 2-84485-115-0.

Adamson , Peter, “Al-Kind? and the Reception of Greek Philosophy,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 32-51.

-------, “Al-Kind? and the Mu’tazila: Divine attributes, Creation and Freedom,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 13 (2003): 45-77.

-------, “Before Essence and Existence: al-Kind?’s Conception of Being,”Journal of the History of Philosophy , 40 (2002): 297-312.

-------, “Ab? Ma?šar, al-Kind? and the Philosophical Defense of Astrology,”Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales , 69 (2002): 245-70.

Jolivet , Jean, “Alkindi (Al-Kind?),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 129-35.

al-Dj?hiz

[al-Dj?hiz] , Le livre des animaux. De l’étonnante sagesse divine dans sa Création et autres anecdotes, intro. and transl. by Mohamed Mestiri & commentary by Soumaya Mestiri (Bibliothèque MAKTABA). Paris: Fayard, 2003, 228 pp., ISBN 2-213-61625-6.

Miskawayh

Arshad , Asmaa’ Mohd., “A Comparative Analysis of al-Ghazâlî and Miskawaih on Child Education,”Islamic Culture , 77,4 (2003): 1-30.

Mulla Sadra

See Avicenna, Rizvi

[Mulla Sadra], The Elixir of the Gnostics. A parallel English-Arabic text, transl., intro., and notes by William C. Chittick (Islamic Translation Series). Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 2003, xxxviii-148 & 87 pp., ISBN 0-934893-70-5.

Fabbri , Renaud, “The Question of Posthumous Conditions According to the Metaphysical Doctrines of Mullâ Sadrâ et René Guénon,”Sophia , 9,2 (Winter 2003/2004): 135-50.

Jambet , Christian,L’Acte d’être. La philosophie de la révélation chez Mollâ Sadrâ (L’espace intérieur). Paris: Fayard, 2002, 447 pp., ISBN 2-213-6137-61.

Kalin , Ibrahim, “Mulla aadra’s Realist Ontology of the Intelligibles and Theory of Knowledge,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 81-106.

-------, “An Annotated Bibliography of the Works of Mulla Sadra with a Brief Account of His Life,”Islamic Studies , 42 (2003): 21-62.

Massi Dabake , Maria, “The Soul asBarzakh : Substantial Motion and Mulla aadra’s Theory of Human Becoming,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 107-30.

Rizvi , Sajjad H., “Mysticism and Philosophy: Ibn ‘Araba and Mulla Sadra,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 224-46.

al-Raza (Aba Bakr)

Razi’s Traditional Psychology (Abû Bakr Muhammad ibn Zakaraya al-Raza), transl. by A. J. Arberry. Damascus: IBS, s.d., 110 pp., no ISBN [in fact a reprint without the intro. ofThe Spiritual Physick of Rhazes . London: Murray, 1950, same pagination].

[Razi], La Médecine spirituelle, intro. and transl. by Rémi Brague (GF). Paris: Flammarion, 2003, 206 pp., ISBN 2-08-071136-9.

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Alrazi (Al-Raza),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 136-37.

Katouzian-Safadi , Mehrnaz, “Séparation de la médecine et la pharmacie: plaidoyer d’al-Raza,” inScience and Technology in the Islamic World , ed. by Razaullah Ansari (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002): 217-22.

Shahrazara (d. ca. 1299)

Marcotte , Roxanne D., “Les facultés internes selon le commentaire de Shahrazara (m. ca. 1288) duHikmat al-ishraq de Suhravarda (m. 1191),” inIran. Questions et connaissances, Vol. II: Périodes médiévale et moderne , ed. by Maria Szuppe (Studia Iranica. Cahier 26) (Paris: Association pour l’Avancement des Études Iraniennes, 2002): 411-25.

Suhrawarda

See, Shahrazara, Marcotte.

Gutas , Dimitri, “Suhrawarda and Greek Philosophy: Essay-Review of John Walbridge’sThe Leaven of the Ancients ,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 13 (2003): 303-09.

Walbridge , John, “Suhrawarda and Illuminationism,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 201-23.

--------,The Leaven of the Ancients. Shurawarda and the Heritage of the Greeks . Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000, xviii-305 pp., ISBN 0791443604.

al-Tasa (Nasar al-Dan)

See Avicenna, Mayer.

[Tasa], Contemplation and Action: The Spiritual Autobiography of a Muslim Scholar (Sayr wa Sulak), new Arabic ed. and English transl. by S.J. Badakhchani. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999, xiv-86 & 24 pp., ISBN 1-86064-523-2.

Vakily , Abdollah, “Khvajah Nasar al-Dan Tasa’s aghaz va Anjam: An Introduction and Abridged Translation,”Islamic Studies , 40 (2001): 89-103.

Yahya ibn aAda

[Yahya ibn aAda], The Reformation of Morals. A Parallel English-Arabic text, transl., and intro. by Sidney H. Griffith (Eastern Christian Texts). Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University press, 2002, xlvi-135 pp., ISBN 0-934893-69-1.

Bualwan , Kamal, “Introduction of Yahya ibn aAda’s (†974) Conception of the One in the Treatise on Unity,”Parole de l’Orient , 28 (2003): 485-95.

Lizzini , Olga “Le Traité de l’Unité de Yahya ibn aAda (†974),”Parole de l’Orient , 28 (2003): 497-529.

Martini Bonadeo , Cecilia, “Un commento adAlpha Elatton “sicut litterae sonant” nella Baadad del X secolo,”Medioevo , 38 (2003): 69-96.

Raad , Samih, “L’homme parfait dans le “Traité d’éthique” de Yahya ibn aAda,”Parole de l’Orient , 28 (2003): 531-36.

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “El “Tratado sobre los seres” de Yahya b. aAda. Ensayo de traducción castellana,”Anaquel de estudios Árabes , 12 (2001): 639-49.

Rashed , M., see Avicenna.

Section II. Kalam

a. General Studies

Abrahamov , Binyamin,Divine Love in Islamic Mysticism: The Teachings of al-Ghazâlî and al-Dabbâgh . London: Routledge, 2003, xii-190 pp.

-------, “The Creation and Duration of Paradise and Hell in Islamic Theology,”Der Islam , 79 (2002): 87-102.

Alami , Ahmed, “L’aš’arisme face à la théorie des modes,”Philosophie , n.77 (1er mars 2003): 45-68.

Bar-Asher , M.M., “Sur les éléments chrétiens de la religion Nusayrite-‘Alawite,”Journal Asiatique , 289 (2001): 185-216.

Bar-Asher, M.M. &Kofsky , A.,The Nusayra-‘Alawa Religion: An Enquiry into its Theology and Liturgy (Jerusalem Studies in Religion and Culture, 1). Leiden: Brill, 2002, xii-244 pp., ISBN 90-04-12552-3.

-------, “A Druze-Nusayra Debate in the “Epistles of Wisdom,”Quaderni di Studi Arabi , 17 (1999): 95-103.

-------, “The Theology ofKitab al-usas : An Early Pseudepigraphic Nusayra Work,” Rivista degli Studi Orientali , 71 (1997): 55-81.

Ben-Shammai , Haggai, “Kalam in Medieval Jewish Philosophy,” inHistory of Jewish Philosophy , ed. by Daniel H. Frank & Oliver Leaman (Routledge History of World Philosophies, II) (London: Routledge, 1997), pp. 115-48.

Dhanani , Alnoor, “Problems in Eleventh-CenturyKalam Physics,”Bulletin of the Royal Institute for Inter-Faith Studies , 4 (2002): 73-96.

Griffith , Sidney H.,The Beginnings of Christian Theology in Arabic: Muslim-Christian Encounters in the Early Islamic Period (Variorum Collected Studies Series). Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002, x-326 pp., ISBN 0-86078-889-X [1. Comparative Religion in the Apologetics of the First Christian Arabic Theologians; 2. Habib ibn Hidmah Abu Rat’itah, a Christianmutakallim of the First Abbasid Century; 3. ‘Ammar al-Basri’sKitab al-Burhan : ChristianKalam in the First Abbasid Century; 4. The Apologetic treatise of Nonnus of Nisibis; 5. Disputes with Muslims in Syriac Christian Texts: From Patriarch John (d. 648) to Bar Hebraeus (d. 1286); 6. Muslim and Church Councils; the Apology of Theodore Abu Qurrah; 7. Muhammad and the Monk Bahira: Reflections on a Syriac and Arabic Text from Early Abbasid Times; 8. The Kitab Misbah al-Aql of Severus Ibn al-Muqaffa’: A Profile of the Christian Creed in Arabic in Tenth Century Egypt; 9. The Muslim Philosopher al-Kindi and his Christian Readers: Three Arab Christian Texts on “The Dissipation of Sorrows’; 10. From Aramaic to Arabic: The Languages of the Monasteries of Palestine in the Byzantine and Early Islamic Periods; and 11. Bashir/Beser: Boon Companion of the Byzantine Emperor Leo III; The Islamic Recension of his Story inLeiden Oriental MS 951 (2) ].

Kouloughli , Djamel E., “L’influence mu’tazilite sur la naissance et le développement de la rhétorique arabe,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 12 (2002): 217-39.

Martin , Richard C. &Woodward , Mark R. withAtmaja , Dwi S.,Defenders of Reason in Islam: Mu’tazilism fromMedieval School toModern Symbol . Oxford: Oneworld, 1997, xvi-251 pp., ISBN 1-85168-147-7.

Nagel , Tilman,Im Offenkundigen das Verborgene. Die Heilszusage des sunnistischen Islams (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Philologisch-Historische Klasse; 3. Folge, Bd 244). Göttingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 2002, 711 pp.

Penn , Michael, “Syriac Sources for the Study of Early Christian/Muslim Relations,”Islamochristiana , 29 (2003): 59-78.

Schmidtke , Sabine,Theologie, Philosophie, und Mystik im Zwölferschiitischen Islam des 9/15. Jahrhunderts. Die Dedankenwelten des Ibn Abî aumhûr al-Ahsâ’î (um 838/1434-35-nach 906-1501) (Islamic Philosophy, Theology, and Science. Texts and Studies, 39). Leiden: Brill, 2000.

Van Ess , Josef, “Political Ideas in Early Islamic Religious Thought,”British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies , 28 (2001): 151-64.

-------,Der Fehltritt des Gelehrten. “Die Pest von Emmaus” und ihre theologischen Nachspiele (Supplemente zu den Schriften der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Bd 13). Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2001, 453 pp.

Williams , Wesley, “Aspects of the Creed of Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal: A Study of Anthropomorphism in Early Islamic Discourse,”International Journal of Middle East Studies , 34 (2002): 441-63.

Wisnovsky , Robert, “One Aspect of the Avicennian Turn in Sunna Theology,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 14 (2004): 65-100.

Aba Hasham

Alami , Ahmed,L’ontologie modale. Étude de la théorie des modes d’Aba Hašim al-aubba’I (Études musulmanes, XXXVI). Paris: Vrin, 2001, 244 pp., ISBN 2-7116-1435-2.

al-Dhahaba

Gilliot , Claude, “Al-Dhahaba contre la pensée spéculative,” inProblems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 117-50.

al-Djabbar

See, Avicenna, Dhanani.

Vasalou , Sophia, “Equal before the Law: The Evilness of Human and Divine Lies. ‘Abd al-aabbar’s Rational Ethics,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 13 (2003): 243-68.

Fakhr al-Dan al-Raza

Kafrawi , Shalahudin, “The Notion of Necessary Being in Fakhr al-Dan al-Raza’s Philosophical Theology,”Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations , 15 (2004): 125-33.

al-Ghazala

[al-Ghazzali], On Listening to Music, transl. from Persian [from theAlchemy of Happiness ] by Muhammad Nur Abdus Salam & Intro. by Laleh Bakhtiar (Great Books of the Islamic World). Chicago: distributed by KAZI, 2002, 32 pp., ISBN 1-57644-690-6 [many typos].

On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam: Aba Hamid al-Ghazala’sFaysal al-Tafriqa , transl. by Sherman A. Jackson (Studies in Islamic Philosophy). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, xvi-156 pp., ISBN 0-19-579791-4.

[al-Ghazâlî], La déliverance de l’erreur (Al-munqidh min al-dalâl), Intro. & transl. with notes by Hassan Boutaleb. Beirut: Albouraq, 2002, 102 pp., ISBN 2-84161-176-0.

[al-Ghazâlî], Le livre de l’Unicité divine et de la remise confiante en Dieu ( Kitâb at-tawhîd wa at-tawakkul) , transl. intro.and notes by Hassan Boutaleb. Beirut: Albouraq, 2002, 199 pp., ISBN 2-84161-195-7.

[al-Ghazâlî], Griffel , Frank,Über Rechtgläubigkeit und religiöse Toleranz. Eine Übersetzung der Schrift Das Kriterium der Unterscheidung zwischen Islam und Gottlosigkeit (Faysal at-tafriqa bayna l’Islâm wa-z-zandaqa) . Zurich: Spur Verlag, 1998, 110 pp.

Akdogan , Cemil, “Ghazala, Descartes, and Hume: The Genealogy of Some philosophical Ideas,”Islamic Studies , 42 (2003): 487-502.

al-Akiti , M. Afifi, “The three Properties of Prophethood in Certain Works of Avicenna and al-aazala,” inInterpreting Avicenna , pp. 189-212.

Bargeron , Carol L., “Sufism’s Role in al-Ghazala’s First Crisis of Knowledge,”Medieval Encounters , 9 (2003): 32-78.

Binti Sa’ari , Che Zarrina, “Al-Ghazâlî’sal-Risâlah al-Ladunniyyah and its influence on Malay Muslim Thought,”Islamic Culture , 76 (2002): 37-64.

Daccache , Salim, “L’ascèse (az-zuhd) d’après Ibn al-‘Ibrî et al-aazâlî,”Al-Machriq , 77 (2003): 339-58 [in Arabic].

Dallal , Ahmad, “Ghazala and the Perils of Interpretation,”Journal of the American Oriental Society , 122 (2002): 773-87 [A Review of Richard Frank,Al-Ghazala and the Ashaarite School . Durham: Duke University Press, 1994].

Druart , Thérèse-Anne, “Algazali (Al-Ghazala),” inA Companion to Philosophy , pp. 118-26.

Eran , Amira, “Al-Ghazali and Maimonides on the World to Come and Spiritual Pleasures,”Jewish Studies Quarterly , 8 (2001): 137-66.

Gianotti , Timothy J.,Al-Ghazala’s Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul: Unveiling the Esoteric Psychology and Eschatology of the Ihya’ (Brill Studies in Intellectual History). Leiden: Brill, 2001, xii-205 pp.

Götz , Ignacio, “The Quest for Certainty: Al-Ghazali and Descartes,”jpr Journal of Philosophical Research , 28 (2003): 1-22.

Griffel , Frank, “Al-aazala’s Concept of Prophecy: The Introduction of Avicennan Psychology into Ashaarite Theology,”Arabic Sciences and Philosophy , 14 (2004): 101-44.

-------, “Toleration and Exclusion: al-Shâfi’î and al-Ghazâlî on the Treatment of Apostates,”Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , 64 (2001): 339-54.

Highland , James, “Guidance, Tolerance, and the Reverent Mindset in the Thought of al-Ghazzali and Symeon,”The Muslim World , 94 (2004): 259-73.

Jackson , Sherman,On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam: Abû Hâmid al-Ghazâlî’s Faysal al-Tafriqa bayna al-Islâm wa al-zandaqa (Studies in Islamic Philosophy, 1). Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Janssens , Jules, “Al-Ghazzala and His Use of Avicennian Texts,” inProblems in Arabic Philosophy , pp. 37-49.

-------, “LeMi’yar al-ailm fa fann al-mantaq d’al-Ghazzala: sources avicenniennes et farabiennes,” Archives d’Histoire doctrinale et littéraire du moyen âge , 69 (2002): 39-66.

Kemal , Salim, “Al-Ghazala, Metaphor and Logic,” inAcross the Mediterranean , pp. 205-23.

Lizzini , Olga, “Occasionalismo e causalità filosofica: la discussione della causalità in al-aazala,”Quaestio , 2 (2002): 155-83.

Marmura , Michael E., “Al-Ghazala,” inThe Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy , pp. 137-54.

Menn , Stephen, “TheDiscourse on the Method and the Tradition of Intellectual Autobiography,” inHellenistic and Early Modern Philosophy , ed. by Jon Miller & Brad Inwood. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 141-91 [focuses on al-Ghazali as influenced by Galen].

Mitha , Farouk,Al-Ghazâlî and the Ismailis. A Debate on Reason and Authority in Medieval Islam (Ismaili Heritage Series, 5). London: I.B. Tauris, 2001, 128 pp.

Shukri , Abdul Salam Muhamad, “Al-Ghazala’s Course in The Munqidh Min Al-Dalal,”The Islamic Quarterly , 47 (2003): 157-72.

Sinai , Nicolai,Menschliche oder göttliche Weisheita Zum Gegensatz von philosophischem und religiösem Lebensideal bei al-Ghazali und Yehuda ha-Levi (Ex oriente lux, 2). Würzburg: Ergon Verlag, 2003, ix-115 pp.

Wahyudi , Yudian, “The Epistemology of Al-Munqidh Min Al-Dalal,”The Islamic Quarterly , 47 (2003): 19-33.

Ibn Hazm

Adang , Camilla, “Ibn Hazm on Homosexuality. A Case-study of Zahira Legal Methodology,”Al-Qanaara , 24 (2003): 5-31.

Ljamai , Abdelilah,Ibn Hazm et la polémique islamo-chrétienne dans l’histoire de l’islam (The Medieval and Early Modern Iberian World, 17). Leiden: Brill, 2003, xii-248 pp., ISBN 90-04-12844-1.

Puig Montada , Josep, “Reason and Reasoning in Ibn Hazm of Cordova (d. 1040),”Studia Islamica , n.92 (2001): 165-86.

Ibn Masarra

Ramón Guerrero , Rafael, “Ibn Masarra, gnóstico y místico andalusí,” inLas raíces de la cultura europea. Ensayos en homenaje al professor Joaquín Lomba , ed. by José Solana Dueso, Elvira Burgos Díaz & Pedro L. Blasco Aznar (Saragosa: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza, 2004), pp. 223-39.

Ibn Taymiyya

[Ibn Taymiyya] , “A Mamlak Theologian’s Commentary on Avicenna’sRisala Adhawiyya : Being a Translation of a Part of theDar’ al-taarud of Ibn Taymiyya, with Introduction, Annotation, and Appendices,” by Yahya Michot,Journal of Islamic Studies , 14 (2003): 149-203 & 309-63.

al-Maturada

Kutty , Ahmad, “Kitab al-Tawhad by Aba Mansar al-Maturada. A Report with Reference to his Role in the Development of Kalam,”Hamdard Islamicus , 26,4 (2003): 51-57.

CHAPTER V: THE QUALITIES OF HIS CHARACTER

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, had all the noble qualities that made him appropriate for undertaking the spiritual and the temporal leadership of this community. Each of his qualities raised him to the top which no one reaches except the unique people of the time. He was as the poet said:

He was from the Hashimites whose glory was as high as the sky.

They made the people die of jealousy.

They were the people for whom Allah wanted the noble

qualities of religion and this world to be without time.

Through his abilities and his talents the Imam was distinguished from the great men and the reformers. He was distinguished by his outstanding merits and his immortal deeds. He was distinguished by his clear lineage. He was distinguished by all that though which man becomes high. Among the things by which he was distinguished are as follows:

His Imamate

Allah endowed him with the Imamate and singled him out with the general authority on behalf of his grandfather, Allah's Apostle, may Allah bless him and his family. He was among his successors and his trustees whom the Prophet regarded as life-boats, the security of people, related to the Koran, and appointed as signposts (of knowledge) for his community to protect it from divisions, discords, and crises.

The Prophet, may bless him and his family, took intense precautions for the affair of his community. He appealed it not to be behind the caravan of the communities and the nations. He wanted glory and dignity for it. He wanted it to be the best community that was brought forth for the people. Thus, he took much care of the Caliphate and Imamate. He summoned the people to take care of it more than he summoned them to take care of any other religious obligations. That is because it is the solid base for developing his community in the intellectual, social, and political fields. He confined it to the pure Imams from the members of his House, who did not yield in all conditions to any material desire. Rather they preferred Allah's obedience and the interest of the community to all things.

Imam al-Baqir, peace be on him talked about his Imamate subjectively and inclusively. We will mention it when we talk about his intellectual and scientific heritage. As for his Imamate, the general and the private nominations indicated it. Among them was the nomination of Imam (‘Ali), the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him, and the Imamate of the pure Imams after him.[1] There are other nominations for his Imamate. We will mention them in the chapters that follow.

Infallibility

Among the highest qualities of Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, were infallibility and purity from deviation and atrocities.

Indeed, infallibility is a favor from Allah, the Most High. He grants it to whomever He wills from His servants whose hearts He tests with belief,

whom He purifies and chooses to carry out His message and reform His creatures. Infallibility is among the firm beliefs with the Shi‘ites, and one of the basic principles for the Imamate with them. We will talk briefly about it:

The Definition of Infallibility

The Shi‘ite theologians gave various definitions of infallibility. Among them is the definition of Shaykh al-Mufïd. He defined it as follows: Infallibility means refraining willingly from committing sins and abominations during the favor which Allah, the Most High, does for the person. The person who is singled out with the favor refrains from sins and leaving disobedience willingly.[2] Concerning the definition of infallibility, scholar al-Hilli said: “It is a favor from Allah. He grants it to the person. With that, the person has no excuse to leave obedience and commit sins willingly.”[3] The Shaykh of the sect, Shaykh Tusi, defined it : “Infallibility means that the person refrains from sins when he is able to commit them. ”

In the light of these definitions, infallibility is the absolute perfection of the soul, its perfect freedom from all the inclinations of desire, conceit, and recklessness, and refraining from committing any crime or sin whether intentionally or unintentionally. It is natural that no one is distinguished by that except him whom Allah chooses to convey His message and to guide His creatures, whether the person is a prophet or an Imam.

The Evidence for Infallibility

The Shi‘ites produced enough undoubtable evidence in support of the infallibility of the Imam. Hisham b. al-Hakam, a Shi‘ite theologian, produced wonderful evidence in support of infallibility. He said : “Indeed there are four reasons for sins. There is no fifth reason for them. These reasons are: envy, anger, miserliness, and desire. The Imam had none of these qualities. It is impossible for the Imam to be miserly for this world, for this world was under his ring. He was the trustee of the property of the Moslems. So, why was he miserly? It was impossible for him to be envious. That is because the person envies those who are superior to him. There was no one superior to him. So, why did he envy those who were inferior to him? It was impossible for him to be angry for a certain affair of this world. However, it was possible for him to be angry for Allah, the Great and Almighty. That is because Allah made it incumbent on the Imam to put punishments into practice. It was impossible for him (the Imam) to follow desires and prefer this world to the next world. That is because Allah made desirable the next world for him, as He made desirable this world for us. So, the Imam looked at the hereafter, as we look at this world. Thus, have you ever seen a person who prefers an ugly face to a pretty face, bitter food to delicious food, rough clothes to smooth clothes, and close immortal blessing to transient mortal world?”[4]

The Shi‘ites produced enough reliable, rational and traditional evidence in support of the necessary infallibility of the Imams. Their theological books are full of them.[5] Donna Ledson said: “The Shi‘ite idea of infallibility has developed Islamic theology. Thanks to them for studying this matter not only in Islam but also in all the other religions.”[6] They were the first to open the door of scientific argument and conversation based on

the rational proofs that have fixed the affairs of their basic principles in the Imamate.

Doubts and Imaginations

Many doubts and imaginations have been raised about infallibility. The Shi‘ites have been accused of inactivity and exaggeration. Those who criticized them said: “Indeed the Imams were like other people. They obeyed Allah and disobeyed him. They committed sins intentionally or unintentionally. There was no difference between them and other people.

I firmly believe that the violent attacks against the cleaving of Shi‘ites to the infallibility of their Imams were launched to justify the Umayyad and the ‘Abbasid kings who had given themselves great qualities and noble titles. They claimed that they were the servants of the religion and the caliphs of Allah in his earth. Still, they committed sins and crimes. Therefore, infallibility is not a condition for him who undertakes the affairs of Moslems. The Shi‘ites have intensely denied that. They believe that the caliphate of those kings was illegal. That is because their deeds did not agree with the simplest rules of the Islamic religion. In other words, they went too far in practicing prostitution, amusement, and impudence. Moreover, their palaces became theaters for amusement, dance, and corruption. Thus, the poet said concerning al-Mahdi, the ‘Abbasid Caliph, :

Banu Umayya (the sons of Umayya), wake up,

for your sleep has become long.

Indeed the Caliph is Ya‘qub b. Dauwd.

O People, your caliphate has become lost.

Look for Allah's caliph between the flute and the lute.

The desire controlled the Caliph. Thus, he was between the flute and the lute. So, was it possible for him to be the Imam of the Moslems and caliph of Allah in the earth?

Islam took great care of the affair of the Islamic caliphate. That is because it is the important center for the happiness of the Moslems, their progress, and the development of their life. Thus, it is illogical to call those kings the caliphs of Allah in His earth, and His trustees (of authority) over His servants. Besides it is illogical to believe in the legality of their caliphate.

The Shi‘ites believe in the infallibility of their Imams, for their Imams were the most high example of man's perfection. The historians have unanimously agreed on that none of the Imams deviated from the right path or disobeyed Allah's orders and prohibitions. Didn't Imam (‘Ali), the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him, say: “By Allah, if I was given the seven regions and what is under their orbits to disobey Allah through taking a grain of barley from the mouth of a locust, I would not do (that). “This is the infallibility which the Shi‘ites ascribe to their Imams, peace be on them. Thus, there is neither inactivity nor exaggeration in this infallibility. Rather it was agreeing with the reality that indicated the behavior the Imams of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them, who conformed intensely to the affairs of their religion, and preferred Allah's obedience to all things. Thus, the Holy Book has denoted their infallibility and their purity from deviation and sins. Allah, the Most High,

said: “Allah only wants to keep away the uncleanliness from you, the members of the House, and purify you thoroughly. “The Great Prophet joined them to the Koran. He, may Allah bless him and his family, said: “I leave behind me among you two things which, if you cleave to them, you will never go astray that is the Book of Allah and my offspring from my family. They will never scatter (from you) till they lead you to me at the (sacred) waters of (Heaven). Falsehood does not come to the Holy Book from before it nor does it comes to it from behind it. Such is the pure family (of the Prophet). Otherwise the comparison between the is incorrect.

His Clemency

As for clemency, it was the most prominent quality of Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him. The historians have unanimously agreed that the Imam did not mistreat those who wronged him and were aggressive towards him. Rather he forgave them and treated them kindly. The historians have reported many examples of his clemency. Among them are:

1. An adherent of a revealed religion (kitabi) attacked the Imam, was aggressive towards him, and addressed him with bitter words: “You are baqar (cows). ”

However, the Imam treated him kindly. He smiled at him, saying: “No, I am Baqir. ”

The adherent went on attacking the Imam, saying: “You are the son of the cook. ”

The Imam smiled at him. This aggression did not excite him. Rather he said to him: “That is her job. ”

Still the adherent went on attacking the Imam, saying:

“You are the son of the black woman.... ”

The Imam did not become angry. Rather he treated him kindly, saying:

“If you are truthful, may Allah forgive you. If you are a liar, may Allah forgive you. ”

Thus, the adherent admired the Imam's high morals that marked the morals of the prophets. Then he became Moslem.[7]

2. Among those wonderful examples of his clemency is a Syrian attended his assembly, listened to his lectures and admired them. Then the Syrian walked towards the Imam, saying: “Mohammed, I am afraid of your assembly. I do not love you. I say: No one is more hateful with me than you, the members of the House. I know that the obedience of Allah and the obedience of the Commander of the Faithful is through your hate. However, I think that you are an eloquent man with morals and good utterance. I visit you frequently because of your good manners!”

However, the Imam treated him kindly. Then the Syrians became righteous. He loved the Imam and followed him. He became a friend of the Imam till death came to him. Thus, he asked the Imam to pray over him.[8]

Through these high morals, the Imam followed the example of his grandfather, the Apostle, may Allah bless him and his family, who could with his standard morals bring the hearts together, unify the feelings and the sentiments, and make the people follow the word of monotheism while they had been groups and parties. “Each party is rejoicing in that which is with them.”

His Patience

Patience was among the personal qualities of the pure Imams from the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. Indeed they were patient through the hardships of time and the misfortunes of the days. They bore the misfortunes which the creatures were unable to bear. At the plateau of Karbala', Imam Husayn, peace be on him, received the exhausting misfortunes, saying: “O Lord, I am patient towards Your decree. There is no god but You. “Imam al-Baqir, like his grandfathers, was patient towards the hardships and the misfortunes, of which are the following:

1. (The people of) authority disparaged his pure grandfathers. They cursed them openly on the pulpits and through the minarets (of the mosques). He, peace be on him, listened to that. However, he was unable to say even a word. He restrained his anger. He entrusted the affair to Allah to judge among his servants with the truth.

2. Among the hard misfortunes which the Imam endured was the headmen from the hirelings of the Umayyad authority who tortured severely and killed the followers of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. However, the Imam was unable to say even a word. That is because (the Umayyad) authority kept an intense eye on him. They surrounded him with their secret agents. They did not respond to any request from him concerning the affair of his followers.

3. Concerning the Imam's great patience, the historians reported that while he was sitting with his companions, he heard a loud cry from his house. One of his servants hurried to him and told him secretly (about the accident). However, the Imam, peace be on him, said to the servant: “Praise belongs to Allah for what he has given and praise belongs to Him for what he has taken. Prevent them from weeping. Prepare him for burial. Ask her to be calm and tell her: ‘No harm will hit you. You are free for Allah because of the fear that has controlled you. '

“Then the Imam went back to his conversation. The people were unable to ask him (about the accident). Then his servant came to him and said to him: We have prepared him for burial. ' Thus, the Imam ordered his companions to pray over his son and to bury him. He told his companions concerning his son and said to them: ‘ He fell off a slave-girl who was carrying him and died.’”[9] States change and civilizations perish while these ‘Alid morals are immortal, for they represent the honor of humanity and its noble values.

4. The historians said: “The Imam had a son. The son became ill. Thus, the Imam feared for his safety, for he loved him very much. Then the son died. So, the patience of the Imam became calm. Thus, it was said to him:‘We fear for your safety, son of the Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him and his family.’ However, the Imam answered with calmness and satisfaction with the decree of Allah, saying: ‘Indeed we pray to Allah in what He loves. If what we hate occurs, we do not oppose Allah in what He loves.’”[10]

Surely, the Imam habituated himself to patience. He faced the misfortunes of the world and the disasters of time with strong will and firm

belief. He endured the misfortunes without boredom, for he was desirous of the reward from Allah.

His Honoring the Poor

Among his high morals was that he glorified the poor and raised their position lest the people should see the abasement of the need on them. The historians said: “He ordered his family not to say to the beggar: ‘Beggar, take this.’ Rather he ordered them to say: ‘Servant of Allah, you are blessed.’[11] He also ordered them to call the beggars with their best names.”[12]

Surely, they are the morals of the Prophet, who came to make man high, to supply him with glory and dignity, and to save him from submission and abasement.

His Releasing the Slaves

The great Imam was fond of releasing the slaves and saving them from enslavement. He released a family of eleven slaves.[13] He had sixty slaves. He released one-third of them when he was about to die.[14]

His Spending on his Companions

The most enjoyable thing for the Imam in this world was spending on his companions. He did not tire of spending on them and those who came to him and hoped from him.[15] Moreover, he entrusted his son al-Sadiq to spend on his companions and his students. For he wanted them to devote themselves to proclaiming knowledge among the people.

His Alms to the Poor of Medina

The Imam, peace be on him, did a lot of charity and favor for the poor of Medina (Yathrib). His alms for them were counted. They amounted eight thousands dinars.[16] He gave them a dinar as alms every Friday. He said: “The alms on Friday is better than it is on the other days.”[17]

His Generosity and his Liberality

As for generosity, it was among the basic elements of the Imams of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. Indeed, they lent a helping hand to the poor and the beggars. Concerning them, the poet said:

If there was a custom of glory before them

You would find it from them for miles.

If you came to them, you would see among their houses

generosity that protects you from the attitudes of beggary.

The light of prophethood and noble deeds is burning in the old

and the children from them.[18]

Concerning them, al-Kumayt said:

They are rains and lions. When the people become hungry,

they (the Imams) are the shelter of the nurses of the orphans.

Concerning them, al-Kumayt also said:

If a cloud arises from them in a land,

then the plant is not prohibited,

nor is lightning without rain.

How wonderful what was said is! For it is appropriate for them:

They are generous and those who were before them were generous, too.

Their children after them are generous.

The people are a land in generosity and liberality.

When the generous are numbered, they (the Imams) are a sky.

The Imam had a natural disposition for doing good, spending on the people, and making them happy. Ibn al-Sabbagh al-Maliki said: “Though Mohammed b. ‘Ali b. al-Husayn (al-Baqir) had knowledge, outstanding merits, leadership, and Imamate, his generosity was apparent in Shi‘a and non-Shi‘a, he was famous for generosity for all people, and he was known for favor and kindness in spite of his big family and his middle condition.”[19]

The historians said: “Imam al-Baqir was the least of the members of his House in money. Still, he was the greatest of them in provision.”[20] In spite of that, he gave generously what he had to help the poor and the deprived. The narrators have mentioned many attitudes of his generosity. Among them are:

1. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Ubayd and ‘Amru b. Dinar reported. They said: “When we met Abu Ja‘far Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir), he gave us money and clothes. Then he said: ‘These had been prepared for you before you met me.’”[21]

2. Sulayman b. Qaram reported: “Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir) gave us five hundred, six hundred, or one thousand dirhams. He was not tired of spending on the companions, those who came to him, and those who hoped from him.”[22]

3. Al-Hasan b. Kuthayr said: “I complained to Abï Ja‘far Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir) of the need and the abandonment of the friends. He, peace be on him, was moved (by that). Then he said: Bad is the friend who takes care of you when you are rich and abandons you when you are poor. ' Then he ordered his servant-boy to take out a pouch in which were seven hundred dirhams. Then he said: ‘Spend these (dirhams). When you have used them, then inform me (of that).’”[23]

4. He, peace be on him, gave from a hundred to a thousand (dirhams) to the people who came frequently to his assembly. He liked sitting with them. Among them were ‘Amru b. Dinar and ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Ubayd. He gave them gifts and clothes. Then he said to them: We have prepared them for you since the beginning of the year.’”[24]

5. His retainer, Salma, reported: “His companions came to him. They did not leave him till he offered them delicious food and gave them good clothes and granted them dirhams. “Salma blamed him for that. Thus, he said to her: “Nothing is hoped in this world except the relatives and the companions.”[25] He used to say: “The world is not good except for the gift of the companions and the relatives.”[26] These are some of the attitudes which have been reported concerning his generosity and liberality. They indicate that kindness and charity were among his elements and qualities.

His Worship

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, was among the Imams of the pious. He knew Allah to the extent that this knowledge included all his

heart. He devoted himself to his Lord through a repentant heart. He was very excellent at obeying Him. As for the aspects of his worship, they are:

A. His Reverence in his Prayers

The historians reported that when he prepared himself for prayers, his color became yellow out of fear of Allah.[27] He knew the mighty of Allah, the Exalted, the Creator of the universe and Giver of life. Thus, the Imam worshipped him as the pious and the repentant did.

B. His many Prayers

He said many prayers. The reporters said: “He said one hundred and fifty ruk‘as by day and night.”[28] His scientific affairs and his general authority for the community did not divert him from saying many prayers. That is because the prayers were the most lovable thing with him, for they were the relationship between him and Allah.

C. His Supplications during his Prostration

It has been mentioned in the tradition: “The servant is closer to his Lord when he is prostrate (in prayer). Thus, during his prostration, the Imam, peace be on him, headed for Allah through his heart and his feelings. He whispered a supplication to Him sincerely. Some supplications have been reported on his authority. The following are some of them:

1. Ishaq b. ‘Ammar reported on the authority of Abï ‘Abd Allah (al-Sadiq), who said: “I prepared bed for my father and waited for him till he came. When he went to his bed and slept, I went to my bed. One night he was late. After the people had slept, I went to the mosque to look for him. There was no one in the mosque except him. Suddenly, I saw him prostrating in the mosque. I heard him say:

“O Allah, glory belongs to You. You are my true Lord. O My Lord, I am prostrating my self in worship and slavery. O Allah, my deed is weak, so double it for me. O Allah, protect me from Your torment on the day when You raise Your servants from the dead. Forgive me. Indeed You are the Most Forgiving, the Most Merciful.”[29]

2. Abu ‘Ubayda al-Hadha' reported: While Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir) was prostrating himself in worship, I heard him say:

“(O Allah), I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to change my sins into good deeds and reckon me easily.”

Then he said in the second prostration:

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to suffice me the provision of the world and weaken the terror before Paradise.”

Then he said in the third (prostration):

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to forgive me my few and many sins and accept the little work from me.”

Then he said in the forth (prostration)

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to make me enter Paradise, to make me among its dwellers, and

to save me from the burning fire through Your mercy. May Allah bless Mohammed and his family.”[30]

These supplications denote his intense attachment to Allah, his great turn to Him in repentance, and his cleaving to His obedience.

D. His Supplication during his Personal Prayers

Some supplications which he said during his personal prayers have been reported on his authority. The following are some of them:

“O Allah, indeed, my enemy has followed his vigor, persisted on his enmity, and felt safe from the consequence through the clemency that has included him. Thus, he has dared against You and disobeyed You when he has separated himself from You. O Allah, You have moments of wrath at night when they are asleep, by day when they are heedless, openly when they play, and suddenly when they are forgetful. Indeed the strangling rope has become more intense, the shackle has become stronger, the hearts have been eliminated, the minds are disguised, patience has perished and its strings are about to break. Surely, You observe the oppressive and see the grieved. The passing of overtaking does not hurry You and the prohibition of the forbidder does not make You powerless. Rather You act carefully. Your argument is intense and irrefutable in all circumstances. The weakness of humanity and the feebleness of mankind are in Your servants. The supreme power of divinity, the kingdom of creation, the violence of deliberateness, and the punishment of perpetuation are for You.

“O Allah, if there is a reward in bearing patiently the cordiality of the supported one from the oppressive and the sadness of him who sees from those who alternate you, then grant me more support and a help of directing till the time when Your will is valid towards him whom You make happy and him whom You make unhappy. Do me a favor to submit to Your inevitable decrees and to bear Your issued determinations. Grant me love for what You love from the past and the next (things), the immediate and the postponed (things). (Grant me) preference to what You choose from the close and the remote (things). In spite of that, do not deprive us of the sentiments of Your mercy and Your good protection.”[31]

I do not think that there is a political document that showed the same ability in mentioning the situations of the country at that time as this supplication showed. That is because the Imam talked about the political crises from which the Moslems suffered during the days of the Umayyad government with which the Imam was contemporary, and especially as it concerns the tyrant, ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, who did his best to abase the Moslems and to force them to follow what they hated. He appointed over them the tyrant, al-Hajjaj b. Yousif al-Thaqafi, who wasted their religion and world and made trouble in the earth. He poured all kinds of oppression on the Moslems to the extent that the insights missed the mark, the hearts rose up to the throats, and patience was over. Thus, the Imam asked Allah to save the Moslems from their critical situation and to punish severely the disobedient oppressive Umayyads.

2. He, peace be on him, prayed to Allah with this supplication in his personal prayers: “Through Your favor and generosity. O You Who knows the obsessions of inner selves, the hidden places of consciences, and the

facts of thoughts. O You Who is present for every unseen, remember every forgotten (person), have power over all things, see all (the creatures), the slowness has become far, the moment of death has approached, the deed has become weak, and the hope is full of doubt.

“O Allah, You are the last as You are the first. You destroy whom You originate and turn into wear. You entrust their deeds to them and make them carry their burdens till the time of their resurrection from their raise from the dead when the trumpet will be blown, the sky split open with the light, and coming out of the place of resurrection to the yard of the gathering. Their eyes will not revert to them and their hearts vacant. They will run into the worry of their past deeds. They will be asked for a long time when the had lived. There they will be reckoned for what they had committed. Their books will be wide open around their necks. They shall bear their burdens on their backs. There will be neither escape nor refuge from the punishment. The proof will confute them. So, they will live in the perplexity of the destination and the whisper of the noise. They will be deviated from the destination except him who Allah promised good. So, he will be safe from the fearful sight and the great coming. And he was not among those who disobeyed (Allah) in the world. He did not annoy Allah's friends nor did he enslave them nor did he possess alone their rights.

“O Allah, indeed the hearts have risen up to the throats, the souls have come up to the throats, and the lives have come to an end because of waiting (for Your ease), not because of the paucity of insight nor because of the accusation of a decree, but because they have disobeyed You, opposed Your orders and prohibitions, played with Your friends, and supported Your enemies.

“O Allah, therefore, approach that which has become close, bring that which has become imminent, achieve the thoughts of those who are certain (of You), and make the believers achieve their hopes in establishing Your justice, supporting Your religion, and showing Your proof.”[32]

This Holy Supplication denotes that Allah has vast knowledge. He encompasses all things whether they are seen or unseen. It also denotes the hereafter. Moreover, it indicates that people will be raised from the dead on the Day of Judgment to be reckoned by Allah. They will carry on their backs the sins of what they had done in the world. They will be asked about what they had committed. They will be reckoned for what they had done. No one will be safe from that fearful sight except those whom Allah promised good, those who had not mutinied against (Allah) in the world nor had they enslaved Allah's servants. Worth mentioning, in this supplication, the Imam confronted the Umayyad rulers possessed alone the property of Allah and enslaved his servants. Thus, the hearts had risen up to the throats because of their oppression and tyranny, as the Imam, peace be on him, said.

His Pilgrimage

When Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, made the pilgrimage to Mecca, he dedicated himself to Allah and turned to Him in repentance. The marks of humility and obedience appeared on his face. His retainer, Aflah, reported: [I performed the hajj with Abï Ja‘far, Mohammed al-Baqir. When he entered the mosque, he wept loudly. So, I said to him:]

“May my father and mother be ransom for you, the people are waiting for you. If you please, weep quietly.”

However, the Imam paid no attention to him. Rather he said to him: “Aflah, woe unto you! I am weeping loudly in order that Allah may look at me through his mercy. So, I will win it tomorrow.”

Then the Imam circumambulated the Kaaba, and he came to pray behind the standing place (of Prophet Abraham). When he ended (his prayers), the place of his prostration became wet out of the tears of his eyes.[33] One time when he, peace be on him, performed the hajj, the pilgrims surrounded him and crowded around him. They asked him for legal opinions concerning the affairs of their religion. The Imam answered them. Thus, the people admired his vast knowledge. They asked each other about him. So, one of his companions introduced him to them, saying:

“This is the one who has split open the knowledge of the apostles. This is the one who has explained the ways. This is the best one who became firmly established in the backs of the owners of the ship. This is the (grand)son of Fatima, the Chaste. This is the (grand)son of Mohammed, Khadija, ‘Ali, and Fatima. This is the standing signpost of religion.”[34]

The references have not mentioned the number of his pilgrimages to the Sacred House of Allah, for they have neglected that.

His Whispered Prayer with Allah

The Imam, peace be on him, said whispered prayers with Allah in the darkness of night. Among what he said in his whispered prayer is:

“You have ordered me, but I have not followed Your order. You have prevented me, but I have not followed Your prevention. Here I am, Your servant before You.”[35]

His Praising Allah

The historians said: “He always remembered Allah. His tongue praised Allah constantly. He walked and praised Allah. He spoke to the people, but that did not divert him from praising Allah. He gathered his children and ordered them to praise Allah till the sun rose. He also ordered them to recite the Koran. He ordered those who could not read to praise Allah.”[36]

His Renouncing Worldly Pleasures

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, renounced all the worldly pleasures. He turned away from the ornament of life. He did not furnished his house. Rather he spread out a mat at his sitting-place.[37] He looked deeply at life. He considered carefully all its affairs. Thus, he renounced its pleasures and devoted himself to Allah through a repenting heart. Jabir b. Zayd al-Ju‘fi said: Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir) said to me:

“Jabir, I am grieved and my heart is busy.”

“What is your grief? What has made your heart busy?”asked Jabir.

The Imam, peace be on him, spoke to him about what had made him grieved and made him renounce this world, saying:

“Jabir, whoever enters the religion of Allah, the Great and Almighty, through a pure heart, it (Allah's religion) diverts him from other than Allah.

Jabir, what is the world? What may it be? Isn't it a mere riding animal you ride or a garment you wear or a woman you marry?”[38]

Many words have been reported on his authority. They urge (people) to renounce worldly pleasures, and to cleave to Allah. Meanwhile they warn them of the vanities and sins of the world. We will mention that in this book. With this, we end our talk about some of the aspects of the Imam's bright character.

Notes

[1] Al-Saffar, Basa’ir al-Darajat, p.108.

[2] Sharh ‘Aqa’id al-Saduq, p.114.

[3] Tawfiq al-Tatbiq, p.16.

[4] ‘Aqidat al-Shi‘a, p.317.

[5] Al-‘Allama al-Hilli, al-Alfayn.

 Al-Shaykh al-Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat fi al-Madhahib al-Mukhtara.

 Al-‘Allama al-Hilli, Minhajj al-Karama.

[6] Nazariyat al-Imama lada al-Shi‘a al-Ithna ‘Ashariya, p.134.

[7] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, 4/Q1/504.

[8] Bihar al-Anwar, vol.11, p.66.

[9] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar wa Funun al-Athar, p.218.

[10] Tarikh Dimashq, vol.51, p.52. Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar, vol.3, p.57.

[11] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar, vol.3, p.208.

[12] Al-Bayan wa al-Tabiyyin, p.158.

 A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/472.

[13] Sharh Shafiyat Abi Firas, vol.2, p.176.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/471.

[18] Zahr al-Adab, vol.1, p.94.

[19] Al-Fusu al-Muhimma, p.227.

[20] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/171.

[21] Al-Irshad, p.299.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[24] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar wa Funun al-Athar, p.217.

[25] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/506. Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh, vol.51, p.44.

[28] Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, vol.125.

 Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh, vol.51, p.44.

 Hulyat al-Awliya’, vol.3, p.182.

[29] Furu‘ al-Kafi, vol.3, p.323.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Muhajj al-Da‘awat, p.51.

[32] Ibid, p.52.

[33] Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[34] Ibn Shahr Ashub, al-Manaqib, vol.4, p.183.

[35] Nur al-Absar, p.130.

[36] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, 4/Q1/471.

[37] Da‘a’im al-Islam, vol.2, p.158.

[38] Al-Bidaya wa al-Nihaya, vol.9, p.310.

CHAPTER V: THE QUALITIES OF HIS CHARACTER

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, had all the noble qualities that made him appropriate for undertaking the spiritual and the temporal leadership of this community. Each of his qualities raised him to the top which no one reaches except the unique people of the time. He was as the poet said:

He was from the Hashimites whose glory was as high as the sky.

They made the people die of jealousy.

They were the people for whom Allah wanted the noble

qualities of religion and this world to be without time.

Through his abilities and his talents the Imam was distinguished from the great men and the reformers. He was distinguished by his outstanding merits and his immortal deeds. He was distinguished by his clear lineage. He was distinguished by all that though which man becomes high. Among the things by which he was distinguished are as follows:

His Imamate

Allah endowed him with the Imamate and singled him out with the general authority on behalf of his grandfather, Allah's Apostle, may Allah bless him and his family. He was among his successors and his trustees whom the Prophet regarded as life-boats, the security of people, related to the Koran, and appointed as signposts (of knowledge) for his community to protect it from divisions, discords, and crises.

The Prophet, may bless him and his family, took intense precautions for the affair of his community. He appealed it not to be behind the caravan of the communities and the nations. He wanted glory and dignity for it. He wanted it to be the best community that was brought forth for the people. Thus, he took much care of the Caliphate and Imamate. He summoned the people to take care of it more than he summoned them to take care of any other religious obligations. That is because it is the solid base for developing his community in the intellectual, social, and political fields. He confined it to the pure Imams from the members of his House, who did not yield in all conditions to any material desire. Rather they preferred Allah's obedience and the interest of the community to all things.

Imam al-Baqir, peace be on him talked about his Imamate subjectively and inclusively. We will mention it when we talk about his intellectual and scientific heritage. As for his Imamate, the general and the private nominations indicated it. Among them was the nomination of Imam (‘Ali), the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him, and the Imamate of the pure Imams after him.[1] There are other nominations for his Imamate. We will mention them in the chapters that follow.

Infallibility

Among the highest qualities of Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, were infallibility and purity from deviation and atrocities.

Indeed, infallibility is a favor from Allah, the Most High. He grants it to whomever He wills from His servants whose hearts He tests with belief,

whom He purifies and chooses to carry out His message and reform His creatures. Infallibility is among the firm beliefs with the Shi‘ites, and one of the basic principles for the Imamate with them. We will talk briefly about it:

The Definition of Infallibility

The Shi‘ite theologians gave various definitions of infallibility. Among them is the definition of Shaykh al-Mufïd. He defined it as follows: Infallibility means refraining willingly from committing sins and abominations during the favor which Allah, the Most High, does for the person. The person who is singled out with the favor refrains from sins and leaving disobedience willingly.[2] Concerning the definition of infallibility, scholar al-Hilli said: “It is a favor from Allah. He grants it to the person. With that, the person has no excuse to leave obedience and commit sins willingly.”[3] The Shaykh of the sect, Shaykh Tusi, defined it : “Infallibility means that the person refrains from sins when he is able to commit them. ”

In the light of these definitions, infallibility is the absolute perfection of the soul, its perfect freedom from all the inclinations of desire, conceit, and recklessness, and refraining from committing any crime or sin whether intentionally or unintentionally. It is natural that no one is distinguished by that except him whom Allah chooses to convey His message and to guide His creatures, whether the person is a prophet or an Imam.

The Evidence for Infallibility

The Shi‘ites produced enough undoubtable evidence in support of the infallibility of the Imam. Hisham b. al-Hakam, a Shi‘ite theologian, produced wonderful evidence in support of infallibility. He said : “Indeed there are four reasons for sins. There is no fifth reason for them. These reasons are: envy, anger, miserliness, and desire. The Imam had none of these qualities. It is impossible for the Imam to be miserly for this world, for this world was under his ring. He was the trustee of the property of the Moslems. So, why was he miserly? It was impossible for him to be envious. That is because the person envies those who are superior to him. There was no one superior to him. So, why did he envy those who were inferior to him? It was impossible for him to be angry for a certain affair of this world. However, it was possible for him to be angry for Allah, the Great and Almighty. That is because Allah made it incumbent on the Imam to put punishments into practice. It was impossible for him (the Imam) to follow desires and prefer this world to the next world. That is because Allah made desirable the next world for him, as He made desirable this world for us. So, the Imam looked at the hereafter, as we look at this world. Thus, have you ever seen a person who prefers an ugly face to a pretty face, bitter food to delicious food, rough clothes to smooth clothes, and close immortal blessing to transient mortal world?”[4]

The Shi‘ites produced enough reliable, rational and traditional evidence in support of the necessary infallibility of the Imams. Their theological books are full of them.[5] Donna Ledson said: “The Shi‘ite idea of infallibility has developed Islamic theology. Thanks to them for studying this matter not only in Islam but also in all the other religions.”[6] They were the first to open the door of scientific argument and conversation based on

the rational proofs that have fixed the affairs of their basic principles in the Imamate.

Doubts and Imaginations

Many doubts and imaginations have been raised about infallibility. The Shi‘ites have been accused of inactivity and exaggeration. Those who criticized them said: “Indeed the Imams were like other people. They obeyed Allah and disobeyed him. They committed sins intentionally or unintentionally. There was no difference between them and other people.

I firmly believe that the violent attacks against the cleaving of Shi‘ites to the infallibility of their Imams were launched to justify the Umayyad and the ‘Abbasid kings who had given themselves great qualities and noble titles. They claimed that they were the servants of the religion and the caliphs of Allah in his earth. Still, they committed sins and crimes. Therefore, infallibility is not a condition for him who undertakes the affairs of Moslems. The Shi‘ites have intensely denied that. They believe that the caliphate of those kings was illegal. That is because their deeds did not agree with the simplest rules of the Islamic religion. In other words, they went too far in practicing prostitution, amusement, and impudence. Moreover, their palaces became theaters for amusement, dance, and corruption. Thus, the poet said concerning al-Mahdi, the ‘Abbasid Caliph, :

Banu Umayya (the sons of Umayya), wake up,

for your sleep has become long.

Indeed the Caliph is Ya‘qub b. Dauwd.

O People, your caliphate has become lost.

Look for Allah's caliph between the flute and the lute.

The desire controlled the Caliph. Thus, he was between the flute and the lute. So, was it possible for him to be the Imam of the Moslems and caliph of Allah in the earth?

Islam took great care of the affair of the Islamic caliphate. That is because it is the important center for the happiness of the Moslems, their progress, and the development of their life. Thus, it is illogical to call those kings the caliphs of Allah in His earth, and His trustees (of authority) over His servants. Besides it is illogical to believe in the legality of their caliphate.

The Shi‘ites believe in the infallibility of their Imams, for their Imams were the most high example of man's perfection. The historians have unanimously agreed on that none of the Imams deviated from the right path or disobeyed Allah's orders and prohibitions. Didn't Imam (‘Ali), the Commander of the Faithful, peace be on him, say: “By Allah, if I was given the seven regions and what is under their orbits to disobey Allah through taking a grain of barley from the mouth of a locust, I would not do (that). “This is the infallibility which the Shi‘ites ascribe to their Imams, peace be on them. Thus, there is neither inactivity nor exaggeration in this infallibility. Rather it was agreeing with the reality that indicated the behavior the Imams of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them, who conformed intensely to the affairs of their religion, and preferred Allah's obedience to all things. Thus, the Holy Book has denoted their infallibility and their purity from deviation and sins. Allah, the Most High,

said: “Allah only wants to keep away the uncleanliness from you, the members of the House, and purify you thoroughly. “The Great Prophet joined them to the Koran. He, may Allah bless him and his family, said: “I leave behind me among you two things which, if you cleave to them, you will never go astray that is the Book of Allah and my offspring from my family. They will never scatter (from you) till they lead you to me at the (sacred) waters of (Heaven). Falsehood does not come to the Holy Book from before it nor does it comes to it from behind it. Such is the pure family (of the Prophet). Otherwise the comparison between the is incorrect.

His Clemency

As for clemency, it was the most prominent quality of Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him. The historians have unanimously agreed that the Imam did not mistreat those who wronged him and were aggressive towards him. Rather he forgave them and treated them kindly. The historians have reported many examples of his clemency. Among them are:

1. An adherent of a revealed religion (kitabi) attacked the Imam, was aggressive towards him, and addressed him with bitter words: “You are baqar (cows). ”

However, the Imam treated him kindly. He smiled at him, saying: “No, I am Baqir. ”

The adherent went on attacking the Imam, saying: “You are the son of the cook. ”

The Imam smiled at him. This aggression did not excite him. Rather he said to him: “That is her job. ”

Still the adherent went on attacking the Imam, saying:

“You are the son of the black woman.... ”

The Imam did not become angry. Rather he treated him kindly, saying:

“If you are truthful, may Allah forgive you. If you are a liar, may Allah forgive you. ”

Thus, the adherent admired the Imam's high morals that marked the morals of the prophets. Then he became Moslem.[7]

2. Among those wonderful examples of his clemency is a Syrian attended his assembly, listened to his lectures and admired them. Then the Syrian walked towards the Imam, saying: “Mohammed, I am afraid of your assembly. I do not love you. I say: No one is more hateful with me than you, the members of the House. I know that the obedience of Allah and the obedience of the Commander of the Faithful is through your hate. However, I think that you are an eloquent man with morals and good utterance. I visit you frequently because of your good manners!”

However, the Imam treated him kindly. Then the Syrians became righteous. He loved the Imam and followed him. He became a friend of the Imam till death came to him. Thus, he asked the Imam to pray over him.[8]

Through these high morals, the Imam followed the example of his grandfather, the Apostle, may Allah bless him and his family, who could with his standard morals bring the hearts together, unify the feelings and the sentiments, and make the people follow the word of monotheism while they had been groups and parties. “Each party is rejoicing in that which is with them.”

His Patience

Patience was among the personal qualities of the pure Imams from the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. Indeed they were patient through the hardships of time and the misfortunes of the days. They bore the misfortunes which the creatures were unable to bear. At the plateau of Karbala', Imam Husayn, peace be on him, received the exhausting misfortunes, saying: “O Lord, I am patient towards Your decree. There is no god but You. “Imam al-Baqir, like his grandfathers, was patient towards the hardships and the misfortunes, of which are the following:

1. (The people of) authority disparaged his pure grandfathers. They cursed them openly on the pulpits and through the minarets (of the mosques). He, peace be on him, listened to that. However, he was unable to say even a word. He restrained his anger. He entrusted the affair to Allah to judge among his servants with the truth.

2. Among the hard misfortunes which the Imam endured was the headmen from the hirelings of the Umayyad authority who tortured severely and killed the followers of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. However, the Imam was unable to say even a word. That is because (the Umayyad) authority kept an intense eye on him. They surrounded him with their secret agents. They did not respond to any request from him concerning the affair of his followers.

3. Concerning the Imam's great patience, the historians reported that while he was sitting with his companions, he heard a loud cry from his house. One of his servants hurried to him and told him secretly (about the accident). However, the Imam, peace be on him, said to the servant: “Praise belongs to Allah for what he has given and praise belongs to Him for what he has taken. Prevent them from weeping. Prepare him for burial. Ask her to be calm and tell her: ‘No harm will hit you. You are free for Allah because of the fear that has controlled you. '

“Then the Imam went back to his conversation. The people were unable to ask him (about the accident). Then his servant came to him and said to him: We have prepared him for burial. ' Thus, the Imam ordered his companions to pray over his son and to bury him. He told his companions concerning his son and said to them: ‘ He fell off a slave-girl who was carrying him and died.’”[9] States change and civilizations perish while these ‘Alid morals are immortal, for they represent the honor of humanity and its noble values.

4. The historians said: “The Imam had a son. The son became ill. Thus, the Imam feared for his safety, for he loved him very much. Then the son died. So, the patience of the Imam became calm. Thus, it was said to him:‘We fear for your safety, son of the Apostle of Allah, may Allah bless him and his family.’ However, the Imam answered with calmness and satisfaction with the decree of Allah, saying: ‘Indeed we pray to Allah in what He loves. If what we hate occurs, we do not oppose Allah in what He loves.’”[10]

Surely, the Imam habituated himself to patience. He faced the misfortunes of the world and the disasters of time with strong will and firm

belief. He endured the misfortunes without boredom, for he was desirous of the reward from Allah.

His Honoring the Poor

Among his high morals was that he glorified the poor and raised their position lest the people should see the abasement of the need on them. The historians said: “He ordered his family not to say to the beggar: ‘Beggar, take this.’ Rather he ordered them to say: ‘Servant of Allah, you are blessed.’[11] He also ordered them to call the beggars with their best names.”[12]

Surely, they are the morals of the Prophet, who came to make man high, to supply him with glory and dignity, and to save him from submission and abasement.

His Releasing the Slaves

The great Imam was fond of releasing the slaves and saving them from enslavement. He released a family of eleven slaves.[13] He had sixty slaves. He released one-third of them when he was about to die.[14]

His Spending on his Companions

The most enjoyable thing for the Imam in this world was spending on his companions. He did not tire of spending on them and those who came to him and hoped from him.[15] Moreover, he entrusted his son al-Sadiq to spend on his companions and his students. For he wanted them to devote themselves to proclaiming knowledge among the people.

His Alms to the Poor of Medina

The Imam, peace be on him, did a lot of charity and favor for the poor of Medina (Yathrib). His alms for them were counted. They amounted eight thousands dinars.[16] He gave them a dinar as alms every Friday. He said: “The alms on Friday is better than it is on the other days.”[17]

His Generosity and his Liberality

As for generosity, it was among the basic elements of the Imams of the members of the House (ahl al-Bayt), peace be on them. Indeed, they lent a helping hand to the poor and the beggars. Concerning them, the poet said:

If there was a custom of glory before them

You would find it from them for miles.

If you came to them, you would see among their houses

generosity that protects you from the attitudes of beggary.

The light of prophethood and noble deeds is burning in the old

and the children from them.[18]

Concerning them, al-Kumayt said:

They are rains and lions. When the people become hungry,

they (the Imams) are the shelter of the nurses of the orphans.

Concerning them, al-Kumayt also said:

If a cloud arises from them in a land,

then the plant is not prohibited,

nor is lightning without rain.

How wonderful what was said is! For it is appropriate for them:

They are generous and those who were before them were generous, too.

Their children after them are generous.

The people are a land in generosity and liberality.

When the generous are numbered, they (the Imams) are a sky.

The Imam had a natural disposition for doing good, spending on the people, and making them happy. Ibn al-Sabbagh al-Maliki said: “Though Mohammed b. ‘Ali b. al-Husayn (al-Baqir) had knowledge, outstanding merits, leadership, and Imamate, his generosity was apparent in Shi‘a and non-Shi‘a, he was famous for generosity for all people, and he was known for favor and kindness in spite of his big family and his middle condition.”[19]

The historians said: “Imam al-Baqir was the least of the members of his House in money. Still, he was the greatest of them in provision.”[20] In spite of that, he gave generously what he had to help the poor and the deprived. The narrators have mentioned many attitudes of his generosity. Among them are:

1. ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Ubayd and ‘Amru b. Dinar reported. They said: “When we met Abu Ja‘far Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir), he gave us money and clothes. Then he said: ‘These had been prepared for you before you met me.’”[21]

2. Sulayman b. Qaram reported: “Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir) gave us five hundred, six hundred, or one thousand dirhams. He was not tired of spending on the companions, those who came to him, and those who hoped from him.”[22]

3. Al-Hasan b. Kuthayr said: “I complained to Abï Ja‘far Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir) of the need and the abandonment of the friends. He, peace be on him, was moved (by that). Then he said: Bad is the friend who takes care of you when you are rich and abandons you when you are poor. ' Then he ordered his servant-boy to take out a pouch in which were seven hundred dirhams. Then he said: ‘Spend these (dirhams). When you have used them, then inform me (of that).’”[23]

4. He, peace be on him, gave from a hundred to a thousand (dirhams) to the people who came frequently to his assembly. He liked sitting with them. Among them were ‘Amru b. Dinar and ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Ubayd. He gave them gifts and clothes. Then he said to them: We have prepared them for you since the beginning of the year.’”[24]

5. His retainer, Salma, reported: “His companions came to him. They did not leave him till he offered them delicious food and gave them good clothes and granted them dirhams. “Salma blamed him for that. Thus, he said to her: “Nothing is hoped in this world except the relatives and the companions.”[25] He used to say: “The world is not good except for the gift of the companions and the relatives.”[26] These are some of the attitudes which have been reported concerning his generosity and liberality. They indicate that kindness and charity were among his elements and qualities.

His Worship

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, was among the Imams of the pious. He knew Allah to the extent that this knowledge included all his

heart. He devoted himself to his Lord through a repentant heart. He was very excellent at obeying Him. As for the aspects of his worship, they are:

A. His Reverence in his Prayers

The historians reported that when he prepared himself for prayers, his color became yellow out of fear of Allah.[27] He knew the mighty of Allah, the Exalted, the Creator of the universe and Giver of life. Thus, the Imam worshipped him as the pious and the repentant did.

B. His many Prayers

He said many prayers. The reporters said: “He said one hundred and fifty ruk‘as by day and night.”[28] His scientific affairs and his general authority for the community did not divert him from saying many prayers. That is because the prayers were the most lovable thing with him, for they were the relationship between him and Allah.

C. His Supplications during his Prostration

It has been mentioned in the tradition: “The servant is closer to his Lord when he is prostrate (in prayer). Thus, during his prostration, the Imam, peace be on him, headed for Allah through his heart and his feelings. He whispered a supplication to Him sincerely. Some supplications have been reported on his authority. The following are some of them:

1. Ishaq b. ‘Ammar reported on the authority of Abï ‘Abd Allah (al-Sadiq), who said: “I prepared bed for my father and waited for him till he came. When he went to his bed and slept, I went to my bed. One night he was late. After the people had slept, I went to the mosque to look for him. There was no one in the mosque except him. Suddenly, I saw him prostrating in the mosque. I heard him say:

“O Allah, glory belongs to You. You are my true Lord. O My Lord, I am prostrating my self in worship and slavery. O Allah, my deed is weak, so double it for me. O Allah, protect me from Your torment on the day when You raise Your servants from the dead. Forgive me. Indeed You are the Most Forgiving, the Most Merciful.”[29]

2. Abu ‘Ubayda al-Hadha' reported: While Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir) was prostrating himself in worship, I heard him say:

“(O Allah), I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to change my sins into good deeds and reckon me easily.”

Then he said in the second prostration:

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to suffice me the provision of the world and weaken the terror before Paradise.”

Then he said in the third (prostration):

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to forgive me my few and many sins and accept the little work from me.”

Then he said in the forth (prostration)

“I ask You by Your beloved one, Mohammed, may Allah bless him and his family, to make me enter Paradise, to make me among its dwellers, and

to save me from the burning fire through Your mercy. May Allah bless Mohammed and his family.”[30]

These supplications denote his intense attachment to Allah, his great turn to Him in repentance, and his cleaving to His obedience.

D. His Supplication during his Personal Prayers

Some supplications which he said during his personal prayers have been reported on his authority. The following are some of them:

“O Allah, indeed, my enemy has followed his vigor, persisted on his enmity, and felt safe from the consequence through the clemency that has included him. Thus, he has dared against You and disobeyed You when he has separated himself from You. O Allah, You have moments of wrath at night when they are asleep, by day when they are heedless, openly when they play, and suddenly when they are forgetful. Indeed the strangling rope has become more intense, the shackle has become stronger, the hearts have been eliminated, the minds are disguised, patience has perished and its strings are about to break. Surely, You observe the oppressive and see the grieved. The passing of overtaking does not hurry You and the prohibition of the forbidder does not make You powerless. Rather You act carefully. Your argument is intense and irrefutable in all circumstances. The weakness of humanity and the feebleness of mankind are in Your servants. The supreme power of divinity, the kingdom of creation, the violence of deliberateness, and the punishment of perpetuation are for You.

“O Allah, if there is a reward in bearing patiently the cordiality of the supported one from the oppressive and the sadness of him who sees from those who alternate you, then grant me more support and a help of directing till the time when Your will is valid towards him whom You make happy and him whom You make unhappy. Do me a favor to submit to Your inevitable decrees and to bear Your issued determinations. Grant me love for what You love from the past and the next (things), the immediate and the postponed (things). (Grant me) preference to what You choose from the close and the remote (things). In spite of that, do not deprive us of the sentiments of Your mercy and Your good protection.”[31]

I do not think that there is a political document that showed the same ability in mentioning the situations of the country at that time as this supplication showed. That is because the Imam talked about the political crises from which the Moslems suffered during the days of the Umayyad government with which the Imam was contemporary, and especially as it concerns the tyrant, ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan, who did his best to abase the Moslems and to force them to follow what they hated. He appointed over them the tyrant, al-Hajjaj b. Yousif al-Thaqafi, who wasted their religion and world and made trouble in the earth. He poured all kinds of oppression on the Moslems to the extent that the insights missed the mark, the hearts rose up to the throats, and patience was over. Thus, the Imam asked Allah to save the Moslems from their critical situation and to punish severely the disobedient oppressive Umayyads.

2. He, peace be on him, prayed to Allah with this supplication in his personal prayers: “Through Your favor and generosity. O You Who knows the obsessions of inner selves, the hidden places of consciences, and the

facts of thoughts. O You Who is present for every unseen, remember every forgotten (person), have power over all things, see all (the creatures), the slowness has become far, the moment of death has approached, the deed has become weak, and the hope is full of doubt.

“O Allah, You are the last as You are the first. You destroy whom You originate and turn into wear. You entrust their deeds to them and make them carry their burdens till the time of their resurrection from their raise from the dead when the trumpet will be blown, the sky split open with the light, and coming out of the place of resurrection to the yard of the gathering. Their eyes will not revert to them and their hearts vacant. They will run into the worry of their past deeds. They will be asked for a long time when the had lived. There they will be reckoned for what they had committed. Their books will be wide open around their necks. They shall bear their burdens on their backs. There will be neither escape nor refuge from the punishment. The proof will confute them. So, they will live in the perplexity of the destination and the whisper of the noise. They will be deviated from the destination except him who Allah promised good. So, he will be safe from the fearful sight and the great coming. And he was not among those who disobeyed (Allah) in the world. He did not annoy Allah's friends nor did he enslave them nor did he possess alone their rights.

“O Allah, indeed the hearts have risen up to the throats, the souls have come up to the throats, and the lives have come to an end because of waiting (for Your ease), not because of the paucity of insight nor because of the accusation of a decree, but because they have disobeyed You, opposed Your orders and prohibitions, played with Your friends, and supported Your enemies.

“O Allah, therefore, approach that which has become close, bring that which has become imminent, achieve the thoughts of those who are certain (of You), and make the believers achieve their hopes in establishing Your justice, supporting Your religion, and showing Your proof.”[32]

This Holy Supplication denotes that Allah has vast knowledge. He encompasses all things whether they are seen or unseen. It also denotes the hereafter. Moreover, it indicates that people will be raised from the dead on the Day of Judgment to be reckoned by Allah. They will carry on their backs the sins of what they had done in the world. They will be asked about what they had committed. They will be reckoned for what they had done. No one will be safe from that fearful sight except those whom Allah promised good, those who had not mutinied against (Allah) in the world nor had they enslaved Allah's servants. Worth mentioning, in this supplication, the Imam confronted the Umayyad rulers possessed alone the property of Allah and enslaved his servants. Thus, the hearts had risen up to the throats because of their oppression and tyranny, as the Imam, peace be on him, said.

His Pilgrimage

When Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, made the pilgrimage to Mecca, he dedicated himself to Allah and turned to Him in repentance. The marks of humility and obedience appeared on his face. His retainer, Aflah, reported: [I performed the hajj with Abï Ja‘far, Mohammed al-Baqir. When he entered the mosque, he wept loudly. So, I said to him:]

“May my father and mother be ransom for you, the people are waiting for you. If you please, weep quietly.”

However, the Imam paid no attention to him. Rather he said to him: “Aflah, woe unto you! I am weeping loudly in order that Allah may look at me through his mercy. So, I will win it tomorrow.”

Then the Imam circumambulated the Kaaba, and he came to pray behind the standing place (of Prophet Abraham). When he ended (his prayers), the place of his prostration became wet out of the tears of his eyes.[33] One time when he, peace be on him, performed the hajj, the pilgrims surrounded him and crowded around him. They asked him for legal opinions concerning the affairs of their religion. The Imam answered them. Thus, the people admired his vast knowledge. They asked each other about him. So, one of his companions introduced him to them, saying:

“This is the one who has split open the knowledge of the apostles. This is the one who has explained the ways. This is the best one who became firmly established in the backs of the owners of the ship. This is the (grand)son of Fatima, the Chaste. This is the (grand)son of Mohammed, Khadija, ‘Ali, and Fatima. This is the standing signpost of religion.”[34]

The references have not mentioned the number of his pilgrimages to the Sacred House of Allah, for they have neglected that.

His Whispered Prayer with Allah

The Imam, peace be on him, said whispered prayers with Allah in the darkness of night. Among what he said in his whispered prayer is:

“You have ordered me, but I have not followed Your order. You have prevented me, but I have not followed Your prevention. Here I am, Your servant before You.”[35]

His Praising Allah

The historians said: “He always remembered Allah. His tongue praised Allah constantly. He walked and praised Allah. He spoke to the people, but that did not divert him from praising Allah. He gathered his children and ordered them to praise Allah till the sun rose. He also ordered them to recite the Koran. He ordered those who could not read to praise Allah.”[36]

His Renouncing Worldly Pleasures

Imam Abu Ja‘far (al-Baqir), peace be on him, renounced all the worldly pleasures. He turned away from the ornament of life. He did not furnished his house. Rather he spread out a mat at his sitting-place.[37] He looked deeply at life. He considered carefully all its affairs. Thus, he renounced its pleasures and devoted himself to Allah through a repenting heart. Jabir b. Zayd al-Ju‘fi said: Mohammed b. ‘Ali (al-Baqir) said to me:

“Jabir, I am grieved and my heart is busy.”

“What is your grief? What has made your heart busy?”asked Jabir.

The Imam, peace be on him, spoke to him about what had made him grieved and made him renounce this world, saying:

“Jabir, whoever enters the religion of Allah, the Great and Almighty, through a pure heart, it (Allah's religion) diverts him from other than Allah.

Jabir, what is the world? What may it be? Isn't it a mere riding animal you ride or a garment you wear or a woman you marry?”[38]

Many words have been reported on his authority. They urge (people) to renounce worldly pleasures, and to cleave to Allah. Meanwhile they warn them of the vanities and sins of the world. We will mention that in this book. With this, we end our talk about some of the aspects of the Imam's bright character.

Notes

[1] Al-Saffar, Basa’ir al-Darajat, p.108.

[2] Sharh ‘Aqa’id al-Saduq, p.114.

[3] Tawfiq al-Tatbiq, p.16.

[4] ‘Aqidat al-Shi‘a, p.317.

[5] Al-‘Allama al-Hilli, al-Alfayn.

 Al-Shaykh al-Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat fi al-Madhahib al-Mukhtara.

 Al-‘Allama al-Hilli, Minhajj al-Karama.

[6] Nazariyat al-Imama lada al-Shi‘a al-Ithna ‘Ashariya, p.134.

[7] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, 4/Q1/504.

[8] Bihar al-Anwar, vol.11, p.66.

[9] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar wa Funun al-Athar, p.218.

[10] Tarikh Dimashq, vol.51, p.52. Ibn Qutayba, ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar, vol.3, p.57.

[11] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar, vol.3, p.208.

[12] Al-Bayan wa al-Tabiyyin, p.158.

 A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/472.

[13] Sharh Shafiyat Abi Firas, vol.2, p.176.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Ibid.

[17] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/471.

[18] Zahr al-Adab, vol.1, p.94.

[19] Al-Fusu al-Muhimma, p.227.

[20] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/171.

[21] Al-Irshad, p.299.

[22] Ibid.

[23] Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[24] ‘Uyyun al-Akhbar wa Funun al-Athar, p.217.

[25] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, Q1/4/506. Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh, vol.51, p.44.

[28] Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, vol.125.

 Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh, vol.51, p.44.

 Hulyat al-Awliya’, vol.3, p.182.

[29] Furu‘ al-Kafi, vol.3, p.323.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Muhajj al-Da‘awat, p.51.

[32] Ibid, p.52.

[33] Safwat al-Safwa, vol.2, p.63.

[34] Ibn Shahr Ashub, al-Manaqib, vol.4, p.183.

[35] Nur al-Absar, p.130.

[36] A‘yan al-Shi‘a, 4/Q1/471.

[37] Da‘a’im al-Islam, vol.2, p.158.

[38] Al-Bidaya wa al-Nihaya, vol.9, p.310.


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