Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya33%

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Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

Author:
Publisher: www.etheses.bham.ac.uk
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought


Note:

This book was initially a thesis reperesented at University of Birmangham, and we set in book form taken from its pdf which is available on this link: http://etheses.bham.ac.uk/4226/

Alone with the Beloved:

The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

By Mahmood G. Dhalla

A Thesis Submitted to

The University of Birmingham For The Degree of

M.Phil. (B)

Department of Theology and Religion University of Birmingham

1st June 2012

OUTLINE AND CHAPTERISATION

ABSTRACT. 5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. 6

Chapter 1: Prologue 7

Methodology, Approach, Aim and Objective 8

CHAPTER 2 The Ṣaḥīfa and ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn: An insight into their Context and Setting  10

1. Setting the Context 10

1.1 Background. 11

Chapter 3: Life and Works of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. 15

Introduction. 15

1.1 General Sketch. 15

1.2 Childhood. 16

1.3 How Imamate came to him. 17

2.1 Hagiographical reports on His Personality and Spiritual Standing. 18

3.1 Karbalā – The Prelude 19

3.2 Karbalā 21

Chapter 4: The place of the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya. 25

In Muslim Tradition: An Analysis Into Authenticity. 25

1.1 Background of the Ṣaḥīfat al-Sajjādiyya93 25

2.1 Authenticity of Text 26

2.2 Semantic meanings and usage of the word Ṣaḥīfa 26

2.3 Linguistic Analysis 27

2.4 Sajʿ in the Ṣaḥīfat al-Sajjādiyya 28

2.5 Authenticity of Early Arabic Poetry. 30

3.1 Traditional Analysis 31

CHAPTER 5: The Style and Themes in the Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya. 34

1. The Style of Supplications in terms of Content and Structure 34

1.1 Basic General Tenets of the Prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 36

1.1.1 Individuality and Spontaneity. 36

1.2 Particular tenets of prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 37

1.2.1 Theological Tenets- Unity of God and the notion of Lordship and Servant-hood  37

1.2.1.1 Variety of Names and Attributes of God to approach Him by during various needs 38

1.1.2 Spiritual Dimensions 39

1.1.3 Ethical and Moral Dimensions 40

1:1:4 Social and Political Dimensions 40

1.1.5 Esoteric Dimensions 41

2. Broad Categories of the Prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 41

2.1 Broad Genera- Spontaneous and Premeditated. 42

2.2 Another Broad Genera- Rational and Intuitive 42

2:2 Five Particular Genera 42

2.2.1 Prayers designed as paeans of praise and thanks to God. 42

2.2.2 Invocations that include requests of forgiveness and clemency. 43

2:2:3 Prayers for individual’s spiritual betterment or for the spiritual, emotional and material wellbeing of others 44

2.2.4 Prayers that are made on behalf of others 44

2.2.5 All prayers not locatable in any of the above 44

CLOSING REMARKS. 46

Bibliography. 47

Notes 55

University of Birmingham Research Archive

e-theses repository

This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation.

Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder.

ABSTRACT

For over thirteen centuries the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya has enjoyed importance amongst Muslims, its authorship attributed to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn (d. 95/713-4), the great grandson of Prophet Muḥammad, and fourth Imam in the Twelver Shīʿi School.

Despite its immense and rich repository, the study of Shīʿism has mostly been a neglected branch of Islam in the West, consequently little has been written on the Ṣaḥīfa, other than a significant and valuable translation with an introduction by Chittick.

This, being a first serious research of the Ṣaḥīfa focuses to reconstruct its context, based on the thesis that to understand a text is to follow its dynamics, its movement from what it says to that which it discloses, including a biography, investigation into authenticity, an exploration of style and themes and conclusion.

Chittick describes the Ṣaḥīfa as “one of the deepest veins of Islamic spirituality”.

Religion and even non-religious systems although diverse, universally and inevitably aim to achieve a better life by guiding the individual and community by what is most natural in the form of common human values and aspirations. These are reflected and resonated in the Ṣaḥīfa, directing both the individual and community towards growth and thereby fulfilling their own purpose.

The Ṣaḥīfā Sajjādiyya invites the reader to ponder over the depths of goodness inherent in the human being as it serves as a treatise of instruction in the development of the human self. God, as the Object of the Ṣaḥīfa portrays the most noble rank befitting humanity, serving as both a Means and the Ultimate goal for the culmination of human beauty.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In His Name the Most Elevated

Firstly I would like to express my thanks to the Lord of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn for allowing and honoring me to undertake this study. Secondly I would like to thank The Guide of the Time and ʿAlī. b. al-Ḥusayn (peace be upon them and their noble Household) whose treasured words are as alive today as they were centuries ago, striking the hearts of human beings then as today.

Many thanks are also due to Al-Mahdi Institute in Birmingham for allowing me to use their resources and particularly Ḥujjatul Islam, Shaykh ʿĀrif ʿAbdulḥussain, my Friend, Brother and Mentor, for his invaluable assistance and also Shaykh Michael Mumisa.

I can of course also not forget the Department of Theology at the University of Birmingham for providing me with a scholarship and all their staff, particularly my supervisor Dr. Haifaa Jawad.

Finally I would like to thank my family and parents for enduring with me and encouraging me through this long journey, specially my Father who introduced me to the Ṣahīfā, and my Mother, Wife, Children and Brothers who never ceased encouraging and supporting me.

May God bless All of them.

Chapter 1: Prologue

For over thirteen centuries the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya, lit. The Book of Sajjād, has been considered to be a literary work of great importance amongst Muslims, and a part of the Islamic literary inheritance.

According to Chittick (p.xv, 1988), the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiya (The Prayer Manual of Sajjād)1 is today one of the oldest prayer texts in the Islamic tradition. Attributed to have been authored by the great grandson of the Prophet Muḥammad; ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn (38-95/658-9-713-4), it has been part of the rich history of Islamic ritual.

It has also been part of the rich history of Islamic thought, holding a pivotal and essential position as a manual of prayers, particularly treasured within the Shīʿa Ithnā ʿAsharī (Twelver) school (hereafter referred to as the Shīʿi/Shīʿa)2 while its significance is still universally acknowledged among Muslims from other theological schools.

From early days, the prayers of Sajjād have become a part and parcel of the identity and lives of those who have used and drawn from it, becoming an essential part of Islamic spiritual life; Chittick describes it as “one of the deepest veins of Islamic spirituality” (Chittick, p. xivi, 1988).3 This vein can surely have been said to sustain and nourish the minds and souls of the Shīʿa communities in particular as much now as then, and possibly for Muslims in general. Amongst the Shīʿa, the Ṣaḥīfa is considered in rank only after the Qur’ān and the Nahj al-Balāgha of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661).

Moreover it is a popular and well-established principle amongst the Shīʿa that the authorship of the words contained in the Ṣaḥīfa belongs to the great-grandson of Prophet Muḥammad himself, namely ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn - also known as Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn and Sajjād - who in the Shīʿa school of thought is considered to be the fourth Imam.

It could be stated that the study of Shīʿism has for the most part been a neglected branch of Islamic studies in the West. However, during the last few decades a select group of scholars have given considerable attention so particular areas within Shīʿi Islam. The forerunners in this group include Rudolph Strothmann (1877-1960), Louis Massignon (1883-1962) and Henry Corbin (1903-1978). More recently scholars like Etan Kohlberg, M.A Amir-Moezzi, Farhad Daftary, Moojan Momen, Ḥusain M. Jafri, Heinz Halm, Wilferd Madelung and others have further improved our understanding of Shīʿi Islam.

Despite this recent research, particularly the first two centuries have not received the same share of modern scholarship and in-depth study they deserve. The general body of Muslim heresiographers have generally regarded the Shīʿa as those who digressed from the norm. Western scholars of Islam have many times adopted a similar view and treated Shīʿi Islam as a digression or heterodoxy as opposed to an orthodoxy.

Similarly the Ṣaḥīfa being a text of such substance and significance, no thorough study has been undertaken of it, apart from Howarth’s dissertation in part-fulfilment of his M.A., and Chittick’s introduction to the translation. However, Chittick’s translation and introduction of the Ṣaḥīfa and Risālat al-ḥuqūq are a welcomed and essential contribution to the vast and rich literary Islamic and Shīʿi heritage.

The Ṣaḥīfa and some sayings and poems, and the Risāla4 are the only surviving works going back to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.

The importance of theses document and the possibility of a wider reading, a besides analytical and linguistic investigation have been largely overlooked in Islamic scholarship and particularly in Western scholarship where these texts still remain fairly unknown. Most of the studies done on the texts, even that done by Chittick (1988) has adopted a reductionist approach by focusing only on its place within Muslim ritual. In order to advance a wider application within Islam and beyond, based on a re-reading of ʿAlī b. Ḥusayn’s texts it is necessary to move from a ritualised status quoist reading to a quest for the historical and spiritual ʿAlī b. Ḥusayn.

Methodology, Approach, Aim and Objective

In this research I intend to do two things, firstly I will study and reconstruct the historical context in which the Ṣaḥīfa was produced. This approach will be based on the thesis that to understand it is to follow the dynamics of the work, its movement from what it says to that about which it speaks. Beyond my situation as a reader, beyond the situation of the author, I offer myself to the possible mode of being-in-theworld that the text opens up and discloses to me in what Gadamer calls Horizontverschmelzung in historical knowledge. Secondly, applying the Reader Response Theory, I will engage the texts from a contemporary discourse. This will focus primarily on a flesh and blood, and socially located reader. Attention will also be given to praxis.

Although the Ṣaḥīfa is used in ritual, and sometimes theological discourses, it’s a written text that has been circulated within Muslim society for centuries.

Consequently, it’s may also be treated as a form of literature and that means that we will have to examine its validity as a historical text attributed to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. In other words, the production of the Ṣaḥīfa can be seen to have taken place in a similar manner to that of literature. Thus, it is possible to study it critically with the same methods that are used to study any other ancient literature. For example, we will ask questions about the setting within which the text emerged and the motives that were the directing force for its production. The text will then be delineated by observing changes in literary style, shifts in vocabulary and phrasing, breaks in continuity, types of connectors, thematic, and factual inconsistencies. Thus, through the process of textual criticism we will try to identify changes that may have occurred in the transmission of the text while at the same time employing literary criticism to examine the content of the text; such as its language, composition, and origin. This includes a philological study of the text, analysis of its content, investigation of the sources used, determining the literary genre of particular passages, and drawing judicious conclusions regarding the authorship of the text.

In order to have a better appreciation of the context of the Ṣaḥīfa, the circumstances and environment within which they were produced and to provide a wider perspective of the life ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, We will begin with seeking to explore the milieu contemporary to him and prior to him, during the life of his great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad (d. 632/11) and also

before, relating only significant issues in order to enhance and develop and augment this study as an in depth and detailed historical survey would fall outside the scope of this work. The massacre at Karbalā (680/61) where he was present will also be related.

Subsequently we will advance to the following chapter where I will draw a picture of his life and personality, affording a valuable window to the author and through him to the text and a closer glance of his mindset.

With this behind us we will move forward to seek to investigate the text as a textual production observing its historical background, tracing its origins and transmissions, continuing to undertake a critical study of the text’s authenticity, attempting to apply both traditional Islamic and contemporary Western methods. This will also entail a linguistic analysis of the text, examining its forms and literary aspects. Moreover, an account will also be given of reports of what has been said of the Ṣaḥīfa.

Following this, the next chapter will explore the style and salient themes found across the Ṣaḥīfa, before finally arriving at the closing remarks and conclusion. Where reference is made to the Qur’ān Yūsuf ʿAlī’s translation has been used unless otherwise indicated.

It is my hope that in this research I will be able to show first; how the text is as relevant today as it was when it was first produced and secondly; how a demythologised ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as a historical figure represents the contemporary human aspirations.

CHAPTER 2 The Ṣaḥīfa and ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn: An insight into their Context and Setting

1. Setting the Context

This chapter will serve to be preparing to the thesis generally. It will examine the contemporary thoughts and trends of the time and milieu duringʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, such as the social, political and theological state of affairs and characteristics of the time, going back to the period of his great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad (d.11/632) and prior, referring to the most significant issues as seen complementary to the thesis.

This would afford the study with a fuller understanding of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as it is necessary that the wider context of his life is examined. It could be argued that it may be close to impossible to understand the fuller and wider perspective of the texts and the personality of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn without considering his background inasmuch as him being from the Banū Hāshim and being the great grandson of Prophet Muḥammad and grandson of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, both towering and significant figures in the Islamic landscape.

However, in order to confine this study within boundaries only the most considerable events will be expounded upon, as the enquiry otherwise would be far too broad and also fall outside the parameters of this work.

It is commonly accepted amongst all Muslims that Prophet Muḥammad and his family hold a high and esteemed position within Islam, so much so that they are accorded an elevated rank in the Qur’ān above all other believers. This is in line with the Qur’ān relating similar importance to past prophets and their families, prophets who prayed for divine assistance and favour towards their righteous family members, kin and offspring.5 A well known example of this is the verse known as the verse of ṭathīr (purification).

...And Allāh only wishes to remove all abomination from you, ye members of the Family, and to make you pure and spotless.6

Another example depicting the status of the family of the Prophet can be seen in the following verse:

We gave him Isaac and Jacob: all (three) guided: and before him, We guided Noah, and among his progeny, David, Solomon, Job, Joseph, Moses, and Aaron: thus do We reward those who do good...

...These were the men to whom We gave the Book, and authority, and prophethood: if these (their descendants) reject them, Behold! We shall entrust their charge to a new people who reject them not.7

Thus in light of the Qur’ān the successorship of the prophets in relation to mulk (leadership), ḥukm (rule), ḥikma (wisdom), kitāb (the book) and Imamate (a divine institution in relation to leadership)8 is something that belongs to the descendants and close family of the prophets.

In Madelungs judgement the Prophet Muḥammad could not have considered the continual leadership after him over the Muslim community regarding his succession in any other way than reflecting in the light of the Qur’ān inasmuch as following the example of succession of the previous prophets.9 However, in Watt’s opinion in that the most obvious choice in

successorship after the Prophet was Abū Bakr as he was the Prophet’s trusted counsellor and a leading deputy and personality, while also being one of the most significant converts in the early days of Islam.10 The contested succession to Muḥammad is clearly the key question in the Shīʿi school of thought and the principal factor separating the Shīʿa from the Sunnī majority.

These nascent trends and issues after the Prophets demise would clearly be seen to have implications and an impact upon the life of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn during his life. The issue of succession is not as simple as to who the leader of the new Muslim community would be and the question is not only who the successor of Muḥammad was but also the nature of the role of this successor, for it is on both these points that both of these schools of thought have differing views.

However it is not the aim nor the place of this study to evaluate the details of the succession to Muḥammad or to analyse the differing views of the Sunnī and Shīʿa as that would digress from the aim; which is to provide a closer insight into the circumstances and the milieu of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn and the era preceding him. Thus only significant and major circumstances have been taken into account in order to provide and arrive at a fuller picture of his persona and position.

1.1 Background

It is commonly believed by Muslims that Prophet Muḥammad’s lineage can be traced back to the patriarch Abraham. Thus, for the Shīʿa, the lineage of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn is also linked to Abraham through his father Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, his grandmother Fāṭima bint Muḥammad, grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad b. ʿAbdullāh b. ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib. Shīʿa theologians uphold that ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn merits a privileged status since his ancestor Abraham, being venerated by Christians, Jews and Muslims alike, holds an esteemed position in the monotheistic faith systems. Moreover the Qur’ān explicitly indicates that Muḥammad, his great grandfather, followed the way and creed of Abraham.11

Furthermore the Prophet also revived aspects of Abraham’s life which has significantly influenced the faith and conduct of Muslims.12 Thus, for Shīʿa theologians, ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s status is not based on a mere genealogical link with Abraham but also on a spiritual connection through Prophets Ishmael, Ishaq, and their successors. The narrative of God’s commandment upon Abraham to sacrifice his son holds an important position in Islam. The Qur’ān describes the commandment as a divine test from God upon Abraham and how God averted the actual slaughter at the final moment and had a sacrificial animal replace his son.13

According to Shīʿa exegesis, the Qur’ān clearly states that the actual sacrifice which was merely postponed in order to be replaced by a far greater sacrifice from among Abraham’s descendants;

So when they had both submitted their wills (to Allāh), and he had laid him prostrate on his forehead (for sacrifice), We called out to him "O Abraham! Thou hast already fulfilled the vision!" - thus indeed do We reward those who do right. For this was obviously a trial- And We

ransomed him with a momentous sacrifice: And We left (this blessing) for him among generations (to come) in later times:14

The last part of the above verse is thus interpreted as referring to the sacrifice and massacre of Ḥusayn, his family and companions at Karbalā, -where Zayn al-ʿĀbidin was also present- as a fulfilment of God’s promise to carry out the sacrifice from among generations (to come) in later times.15 This is succinctly captured by ʿAllāma Muḥammad Iqbāl, also known as Iqbāl-e-Lahorī where he says:

Ismail was the beginning, Ḥusayn was the ultimate16

Although this is by no means an agreed interpretation among all scholars of Qur’ānic exegesis, it has been influential among devout Shīʿa scholars and followers.17

Alongside the Prophet, being his great grandfather, the other towering personality in Islam was the grandfather to be of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, namely ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib who was born on the 13th Rajab 24. It is widely reported among both the Sunnī and Shīʿa, the Shīʿa popularly accepting that he was born in the Kaʿba in Mecca, an incident that had been never been reported to have taken place previously or after.18 It would not be difficult to imagine what commotion the news of this birth would have caused as it would have spread around Mecca and further onwards by people coming for pilgrimage as they returned back. After some years Muḥammad would follow the example of his uncle Abū Ṭālib when he took the young ʿAlī under his guardianship and care.

After the death of his protector, carer and uncle Abū Ṭālib and his wife Khadīja, who had been a great support for him, the persecutions against Muḥammad increased in number and intensity. This eventually led to the hijra, Muḥammad’s migration from Mecca to Medina in the year 622.19 The Quraysh, receiving information of this sent an armed troop who surrounded Muḥammad’s house with intent to kill him before his imminent departure. However to their surprise they found that Muḥammad had managed to leave and instead found ʿAlī in his place inside his bed.20 Shīʿa commentators also interpret in their exegesis that the following verse refers to this particular incident, and according to them together with many other verses and prophetic traditions further distinguishing the position of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib.

And there is the kind of man who gives (sells) himself to earn the pleasure of Allāh. And Allāh is full of kindness to (His) devotees.21

In the year 62322 the grandmother to be of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, Fāṭima, whom Muḥammad dearly loved and considered as his own flesh and blood, being his only surviving child, was married to ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib after many suitors had been refused.23 From such distinguished and venerated personalities were born ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s father Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, his uncle Ḥasan b. ʿAlī, (more known as Imam Ḥusayn and Imam Ḥasan) and aunts Zaynab and Kulthūm bint ʿAlī, the latter two who would also be with him through the massacre and ordeal at Karbalā.

Historical sources point out that immediately following the Prophet’s death in Medina (11/632) there was a dispute regarding his succession and an ad hoc assembly by the notables and leading figures in Islam met at th

saqīfa (assembly hall) in Medina to settle on the essential question of leadership.24

However the election that ended in favour of ʿAbdullah b. ʿUthmān (d. 13/634), better known by his kunya or agnomen, as Abū Bakr was not as simple as is generally believed. A conspicuous absentee during this election was ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, ʿAlī b.al-Ḥusayn’s grandfather, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, as he had remained at the Prophet's deathbed and occupied with the funeral services. Several sources suggest the existence of at least a few people at this early meeting at the saqīfa who felt that ʿAlī had a valid claim to the succession who considered that in the view of a number of statements made by Muḥammad in his lifetime, ʿAlī should have occupied the leading position – not only as the temporal head (caliph) but also as the spiritual head (Imam). They objected giving the bayʿa (allegiance) to Abū Bakr stating they would not give it to anyone but ʿAlī, although Abū Bakr was considered a prominent companion of Muḥammad during his lifetime and subsequently became the first Muslim to rule after him. The followers of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib however believed he violated Muḥammad's direct orders and effectively a coup d’état was orchestrated.25

What is significant from the point of view of this study and historically are reports which maintain such claims and sentiments about ʿAlī and his family and which are contained in the earliest Islamic writings.26 Some accounts uphold that the dissent raised in favour of ʿAlī did not quiet down after the decision was made in favour of Abū Bakr at the saqīfa.27 These sentiments survived in varying degrees during the reign of the two following Caliphs, ʿUmar b. al-Khattāb (d. 644) andʿUthmān b. al-Affān (d.656) which in the future would have a significant impact upon the life of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn.

It was during the last years of the reign of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 656) that the social and political unrest began leading to his assassination, after which the Muslims rallied around the grandfather of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, ʿAlī .b Abī Ṭālib to take up the office of the Caliphate. ʿAlī reluctantly accepted, as he describes the situation in his famous Khutba Shiqshiqiyya.28

ʿAlī’s rule lasted between the years 656-661, this was one of the more chaotic periods in Muslim history, and also coincided with the First Fitna during which a schism took place which led to the first civil war in Muslim history, leading to ʿAlī’s fatal wounding while leading prayers in the mosque of Kūfa, ending in his death (40/661).

The Kūfans then pledged allegiance to ʿAlī’s son Ḥasan b. ʿAlī, being Zayn al-ʿĀbidīns uncle, who ruled for a short period. During this time, Muʿāwiya b. Abū Sufyān held command of the largest force in the Muslim Empire, and had declared himself caliph, despite ʿAlī’s explicit instructions and designation - naṣṣ, of Ḥasan and that only the Ahl al-Bayt of Muḥammad were to reign the caliphate29 , and marched his army into Iraq, the seat of Ḥasan's caliphate. War followed during which Muʿāwiya gradually subverted the generals and commanders of Ḥasan's army with large sums of money deceiving promises and threats until the army rebelled against him. Finally, Ḥasan was forced to make peace and to yield the caliphate to Muʿāwiya.

These events during this continued tumultuous period would ultimately lead to the massacre at Karbalā where most part of the males in ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s family were killed along with their few companions and where he remained as one of the only male survivors.

The massacre at Karbalā and the events that took place there would form to greatly impact upon the life and persona of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. In the next chapter we will closer examine his personal biography, the person, and the mindset, providing us with a window to the author and through him to the text.

Chapter 3: Life and Works of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn

Introduction

This chapter will explore the life and contribution of ʿAlī b al-Ḥusayn and establish a link between the socio-cultural and political context of that time with the text attributed to him. Although the Ṣaḥīfa is generally viewed as a text on devotional supplication (du’a), however it can also be read as a wider commentary of the time in which it was produced. The Ṣaḥīfa and other texts attributed to ʿAlī b al-Ḥusayn are part of the literary, theological, spiritual, and political discourse of that era. Thus, there is in the text an interplay between spirituality, theology, and history.

1.1 General Sketch

Alī b. al-Ḥusayn was born in Medina, according to most sources in the year 37-38/658-9.30 He may have been too small to have remembered his grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, whom he lived with for two years and who was killed in 41/661. He was brought up in the presence of his uncle Ḥasan b. ʿAlī (d. 49/669) with whom he lived for 12 years and his father Ḥusayn b. ‛Alī (d. 60/680) whom he lived with for 23 years.31 Ḥasan and Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī were the Prophet's grandchildren from his daughter Fāṭima. Many Shīʿa sources state that his mother was Shahrbanū or Shazanān as she is also called, the daughter of Yazdigird, the last Sasanian king of Persia.32 Due to this, according to Ibn Khallikān he was said to be Ibn al-Khiyaratayn, the ‘son of the best two’, meaning the Quraysh among the Arabs and the Persians among the non-Arabs.33 According to some accounts, his mother was brought as a captive to Medina during the caliphate of ʿUmar, who wanted to sell her. ʿAlī suggested instead that she be offered her choice of the Muslim men as a husband and that her dower be paid from the public treasury. ʿUmar agreed and she chose ʿAlī’s son Ḥusayn. She is said to have died shortly after giving birth to her only son ʿAlī, Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn.34

At this stage we shall not recount in detail the massacre at Karbalā' in 60/680, when Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī and many of the male members of his family were killed by the forces of the ʿUmayyad caliph Yazīd, an event which had effects to a great extent on the Islamic world and gave impetus to the nascent Shīʿa movement. Several accounts are related concerning his grief over this tragedy. One such account is that for twenty years whenever food was placed before him, he would weep.35

Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn resided in Medina until his death at the age of fifty-four in the year 95/713-4.36 He was the object both of great sympathy because of the massacre of his family, and of veneration as the great grandson of the Prophet. He dedicated his life to learning and worship and became an authority on prophetic traditions and law, but he was known mostly for his nobility of character and his piety, which earned him his sobriquet already in his lifetime. The details that have reached us about his life in Medina mainly take the form of anecdotes affirming his constant preoccupation with worship and acts of devotion.37 He fathered fifteen children, eleven boys and four girls.38

After Karbalā, there were a number of different factions in the Shīʿi community, not all of whom supported ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as the rightful

leader and Imam of the Muslim community. Many Shīʿa, such as those involved in the Tawwābūn movement, felt that the ʿUmayyads had to be overthrown and that it was the duty of the Imam to lead a revolt, however he refused to become involved with politics.39

1.2 Childhood

Qarashī mentions that difficulty and pain accompanied him from the time of his childhood; among them being that his mother died while he was in infancy.40 He also states that Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī his father, tried his best to save her from the illness described as childbed fever, but was unable to do so. The fever had become intense and she suffered from severe pain for numerous days until she died. Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī together with prominent Muslim figures and a large number of Muslims escorted her burial procession and she was finally buried in Kūfā.41 His father then arranged for a nursemaid to see to the care of his son ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. Qarashī describes the nursemaid as a righteous lady, treating the child just like an affectionate mother would treat her own son and that ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn grew up in an atmosphere of intense secrecy regarding the death of his natural birth-mother, and no one told him about her death until he had become grown up lest he would become saddened.42 There are two other narratives regarding his mother one of which is that that she threw herself in the river Euphrates after the incident at Karbalā while the others says that she was among those who survived Karbalā.43

Qarashī describes him as quite thin and weak as he became old due to his constant worship, and also due to the effects and sorrow from the massacre at Karbalā.44

However, despite this, al-Shaykhani al-Qādirī narrates about him that “beholders were fixed in a gaze at the handsomeness of his face.”45

It is also interesting to note that the most well known of the titles or agnomen that ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn became known by, Sayyid al-ʿĀbidīn (the master of worshippers) is reported to have had its roots from the Prophet Muḥammad himself. One such report is from Al-Hāfiz b. ʿAsākir who reported on the authority of Sufyān b. ʿAyyina on the authority of b. al-Zubayr, who said:

“While we were (sitting) with Jābir, ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn came. Jabir said to him: ‘When I was (sitting) with Allāh’s apostle, may Allāh bless him and his family, al-Ḥusayn came to him. He (the Prophet) embraced him (al-Ḥusayn), kissed him, sat him beside him and said; ‘A son will be born from this son who will be called ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, and a caller will call out on the day of Judgment’; ‘let Sayyid al-ʿĀbidīn stand up’, ‘and he [i.e. ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn] will stand up.’ ”46

The first years of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn were spent under the wings of his father Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, paternal uncle Ḥasan b. ʿAlī and grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. The period with his grandfather lasted about two years after which ʿAlī b. Abi Talib died as a result from sustaining injuries after an assassination attempt at the Mosque of Kūfā during prayers by the infamous ʿAbd al-Rahmān b. al-Muljim, known as Ibn Muljim.

The climate that followed may be described as quite turbulent, with much unrest, particularly for those who subscribed to the leadership of ʿAlī b. Abī

Ṭālib and the Imamate. Those who considered ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and the Imams after him as the temporal and spiritual leaders came to be known as the Shīʿa (lit. followers, and in this context the Shīʿat ʿAlī, i.e. the followers of ʿAlī).47

It is evident that ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn grew up in the midst and surrounding of prominent personalities of Islam. As mentioned, his father Ḥusayn, uncle Ḥasan and aunts Zaynab and Umm Kulthūm all of them being the children of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and Fāṭima and thus the grandchildren of the Prophet and Abū Ṭālib. He may have been too young to remember the ordeal surrounding the death of his grandfather ʿAlī .b Abī Ṭālib, at which he was about two years old. He was subsequently looked after by his paternal uncle Ḥasan and father Ḥusayn, both of whom poured much affection, love and care unto the child. Qarashī mentions that Ḥusayn found his son’s qualities noble and similar to that of the Prophet, thus he took great care of him and instilled within him noble values, and accompanying him most of the time.48 It appears very likely that despite the tragic circumstances of the loss of his mother as a child and the difficult circumstances surrounding his grandfather’s death, he was showered with great care and affection from his family members. There is an interesting incident when ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as a child became ill, his father Ḥusayn hurried to visit him and asked him if he wanted or wished for anything saying; “What do you wish my little son?” He replied; “I wish I would be among those who did not suggest (anything) to their Lord. I am satisfied with what my Lord decides.” Ḥusayn was greatly moved by these words of his son and admired the indication of his great knowledge and deep sense of faith and said with admiration; “Bravo! You are similar to Abraham, the Friend of Allāh (referring to Abraham’s title Khalīl Allāh) when [angel] Gabriel asked him; ‘Have you any need?’ He (Abraham) replied; ‘I do not suggest (anything) to my Lord, rather Allāh is sufficient and the best Agent!’ “49

1.3 How Imamate came to him

Shīʿa scholars and historians provide various accounts regarding how ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn received the Imamate.50 One of the earliest incidents is reported to be during the lifetime of his grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. Qarashī describes it to be the time when ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib had been wounded51 and was in the last hours of his life, he gathered his family members and sons around him, including ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. He entrusted the Imamate to his sons, Ḥasan first and that Ḥusayn was to succeed his brother Ḥasan. ʿAlī also designated the young grandson as the future Imam (after Ḥusayn). Qarashī narrates that ʿAlī recited the greetings of the Prophet to ʿAlī b al-Ḥusayn and to his future son Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Bāqir (who was to be the fifth Imam, after ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn).52

Furthermore there are reports that the Prophet himself in his lifetime appointed and foretold of his twelve successors and trustees after him while also mentioning their names.53 Al-Qarashī further states that had there been no texts indicating and confirming the Imamate of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn even then his ideals and his outstanding qualities would be enough to confirm it.54 There is also a fascinating account of the Black Stone at the Kaʿba testifying to his Imamate at a time of dispute.55

2.1 Hagiographical reports on His Personality and Spiritual Standing

There appears to be a general consensus among early as well as later Muslims regarding the noble personality and high spiritual standing of ʿAlī b al-Ḥusayn. The Medieval Arabic biographer Ibn Khalikān writes in his Wafāyat al-aʿyān:

The merits and noble qualities of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn are so many that they cannot all be listed.56

The details regarding his personality have been recorded in hagiographical texts from both the Sunnī and Shīʿa traditions. Jābir b. ʿAbdallā al-Anṣārī (d. 78/697) the wellknown and senior companion of the Prophet would express his great admiration of the Imam by saying; “None of the children of the prophets was like ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn (i.e.

none of them could match him in respect of his exceptional being, personality and character).”57

ʿAbdAllāh b. ʿAbbās (d. 68/690), despite his old age and prominent position among people he would respect the younger ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn and would stand up from his seat when seeing him saying; “Welcome the most beloved one (Marhaban bi-l ḥabīb al-ḥabīb)!”58

The well-known scholar and jurist Muḥammad b. Muslim b. Shihāb al-Zuhrī (d.124/741-2) is found to have stated his view regarding the personality ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn in many sources: “I have never seen a Hāshimī like ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.”59

“I have never met among the Ahl al-Bayt (Members of the House) a person more meritorious than ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.”60

Above Al-Zuhrī is referring to the well-known Prophetic tradition mentioned previously which states; “When the Day of Judgment takes place, a caller will call out from inside the Throne; ‘Let the lord of the worshippers stand up! So he will stand up.’”61

Sufyān b. Ayyina relates that he asked al-Zuhrī if he had ever met ʿAlī b.al-Ḥusayn to which he replied; “Yes, I have met him. I have never met a person more meritorious than him. By Allāh, I have never known that he had a friend in secret or an enemy in public”, at which he was asked why that was and he replied; “Because all those who loved him envied him out of their abundant knowledge of his outstanding merits, and all those who hated him took care of him because he took great care of them.”62

Thābit b. Safiya (d. 150/767) better known as Abū Hamza Thumālī from the well known supplication given to him by ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and named after him (i.e. the supplication of Abū Hamza Thumālī) is reported to have said: “I have never heard that there is a person more ascetic than ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn except [his grandfather] ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib.”63 Another similar report with an addition is; “I have never heard that there is a person more ascetic than ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, who caused to weep all those who were in his presence when he talked about asceticism and preaching.”64

His grandson and sixth Shīʿi Imam, Jaʿfar b. Muḥammad al-Ṣādiq (d. 148/765) said of him that: “None of ʿAlī’s children [i.e. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib] was more like and nearer to him in manner of dress and understanding than ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.”65

His high esteem was not merely confined to his supporters and followers but also extended to those who bore enmity or malice against him. An example of this can be found in the words of ʿAbd Allāh al-Malik b. Marwān (d. 86/705) who was known to harbour animosity towards the members of the Ahl al-Bayt.66

The well-known poet al-Farazdaq (d. 109-111/728-730) was among those who held ʿAlī b. Al-Ḥusayn in high esteem and composed his much famed ode at the incident during the time of pilgrimage when both Hishām (d.125/743), the son of the ʿUmayyad caliph ʿAbdul Malik and Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn were trying to reach the Black Stone around the much crowded Kaʿba.67

We find even Ibn Taymīyya (d. 728/1328), known for his hostile and unsympathetic views concerning the Ahl al-Bayt report in favour ofʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.68

It appears from the hagiographical literature available on ʿAlī Ibn al-Ḥusayn that he is a celebrated figure in various schools of thought who have reported on the personality of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, despite their different thoughts and inclinations it can be said that they were unanimous in their regard for him.

Whether the above narratives of ʿAlī b al-Ḥusayn’s personality and spiritual standing can be authenticated or not is a question that deserves an independent critical study, a study that would fall outside the scope of this thesis. What is certain however from the above hagiographical statements is that he clearly enjoys an exalted position in the lives of both Shīʿa and Sunnī Muslims. What can be said though of him regarding the view of his contemporaries and the historians, who although at times had differing doctrines and inclinations is that they seem to be very much in line with Shīʿi view that it is necessary for the ‘Imam’ to be the most meritorious, righteous and knowledgeable person of his time.

Furthermore, any discussion on the inter-relationship between the Ṣaḥīfa and ʿAlī b. Al-Ḥusayn and the wider context within the Shīʿa tradition will have to consider the place and significance of Karbalā in Shīʿa discourse. While the event of Karbalā is significant to both Sunnī and Shīʿas, it has had a greater impact on Shīʿa identity.69

3.1 Karbalā – The Prelude

In order to have an enhanced understanding of an event and to understand it clearer, it becomes necessary to analyse and consider the history and occurrences that are behind it and related to it, whether directly or indirectly, so that an attempt can be made to see through the eyes of the author of the Ṣaḥīfa.

Such would also be the case behind the events of Karbalā which have lead to shape the identity and have impacted the people who relate with it. It may be considered that the events leading to Karbalā would have their traces much further back in time than when they occurred in 61/680, which also have been discussed previously.70

It is not within the scope of this study that we examine closely in detail the political situation and the intricate power grapples that were present including the social conditions and also inequities that existed amongst the

different people, such as the Anṣār and the Muhājirūn, the wealthy and the poor, the Arabs and non-Arabs, the Muslims and non-Muslims and also the theological conditions in as much as all the different factions that had began emerging among the Muslims and the effects and influences of such views and the ethical and moral values and circumstances that were prevailing during the era. However, the previous discussion would have provided us with a window and a sketch nonetheless of the turbulent and at times chaotic period.

The resistance and opposition from the ʿUmmayads would continue in various forms against the Hāshimī’s from the time of the Prophet throughout the time of ʿAlī b. Al-Ḥusayn, the culmination of which could be seen to be the event of Karbalā.

The ʿUmayyads, from the time of the Caliphate of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, with Muʿāwiya b. Abū Sufyān at the forefront as the governor of Syria, had refused to pay allegiance to ʿAlī’s Caliphate being determined to fight against the Hāshimites and paralyse them, which also lead to divisions of the Muslims. Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn had to witness his uncle Ḥasan and later, his father Ḥusayn go through this ordeal during the government of Muʿāwiya and after him, Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya. Ḥusayn had not risen against Muʿāwiya during his time due to honouring the peace treaty that his brother Ḥasan had to sign with Muʿāwiya and also due to the fact as he understood his revolt would have failed, similar to what had occurred to his brother Ḥasan, as Muʿāwiya had very cleverly turned the situation to his favour implementing strong policies and wealth.71

Despite the treaty which had stipulated the rule to go back to Ḥasan b. ʿAlī and the Hashimites after his death, Muʿāwiya (d. 60/680) had actively scheming to instate his son Yazīd as the next ruler after him, and thus for the first time in Islam establishing dynastic rule and deviating from Islamic norms. Many notable leaders considered this unacceptable, including Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn ’s father.72

Muʿāwiya had left Yazīd with written instructions with specific strategies on how to deal with these people, with special warning about Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, as he was the only blood relative and also grandson of the Prophet Muḥammad.73 Also Ḥusayn, being the only living grandson of the Prophet remained as the most significant threat to this dynastic rule. Yazīd was successful in coercing the majority of others, however in order to strengthen his position and rule as the Caliph of the Muslims, also demanded Ḥusayn to pay allegiance (bayʿa) to him, thus intending that Ḥusayn had confirmed and supported his rule with the stamp of approval, giving it legitimacy.

Ḥusayn denied this with his famous words; Mithlī lā yubāyiʿū mithlah “someone like me can never pay allegiance to someone like him.” Below is an extract of his statement;

We are the household of the Prophet, the substance of the Message, the ones visited by the angels; it is through us that Allāh initiates and concludes. Yazīd is a man of sin, a drunkard, a murderer of the soul the killing of which Allāh has prohibited, a man who is openly promiscuous. A man like me shall never swear the oath of allegiance to a man like him.”74

Shortly after the coercive attempt demanding his allegiance, Ḥusayn left Medina for Mecca to perform the pilgrimage with his family including his son Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn and a small group of followers. During this period many letters were received by Ḥusayn from the people of Kūfā, the former seat of the Caliphate of his brother Ḥasan and father ʿAlī. The letters stated the people request for him to come and guide them, assuring him of their support.75 In order to answer their calls and better evaluate the situation, he sent his cousin Muslim b. ʿAqīl as his representative. He was initially welcomed by the people and most swore allegiance to Ḥusayn and him. At this preliminary conclusion Muslim replied to Ḥusayn stating that the situation was favourable. However the situation soon turned in Kūfā after the arrival of ʿUbayd-Allāh b. Ziyād as the newly appointed governor by Yazīd, and Muslim together with his host Hānī b. ʿUrwā were executed.76 The people who had earlier sworn allegiance had been intimidated and threatened by ʿUbayd-Allāh and had not put up any considerable resistance.77

Meanwhile Yazīd had despatched and army with ʿUmar b. Saʿd b. al-ʿĀs as the head, with instructions to intercept and kill Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī during the Ḥajj.78 As this news reached Ḥusayn, he decided to leave Mecca, just a day before the starting of the pilgrimage, and only performed the ʿUmra (minor pilgrimage) in order to prevent the strong possibility of violation of the sanctity of the Kaʿba and the surrounding area of Mecca, by the spilling of his blood.79

As Ḥusayn was preparing to leave for Kūfā, the news of the death of Muslim not yet having reached him, some of the leaders of Mecca met with him, advising him of not journeying towards Kūfā. However, if he was determined, then at least not to take any women or children on this perilous journey. Ḥusayn had however resolved to continue with his plan and addressed the people of his intentions before his departure.80

It could be imagined these events would have had a significant effect on Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, having to leave the city of Medina in haste, being his great grandfather’s city and then leaving Mecca under such threatening circumstances.81

En route to Kūfā, Ḥusayn’s small caravan were met with the tragic news of his cousin, Muslim’s execution and how the people had swiftly turned.82 Ḥusayn however still decided to continue and was intercepted by Yazīd’s army, only two days away from Kūfā by a contingency of Yazīd’s army of about 1000 men, led by Ḥurr b.Riyāḥī. Ḥusayn’s caravan was prevented to move forward by the orders of Yazīd and Ḥurr’s army forced them to camp at al-Ṭaff, at a place out of reach from the vital water supply of the river Euphrates.83 When Ḥusayn was informed the place was also known as Karbalā, he exclaimed; “O Allāh! I seek refuge with You against karb [affliction] and balā’ [trial and tribulation]” and continued; “Here we shall erect our tents, here our blood shall be spilled, here we shall meet our death and from here we will rise once again on the day of Resurrection! My grandfather, the Messenger of Allāh, had informed me so.”84

3.2 Karbalā

Having considered the prevailing circumstances and conditions during and before the time of ʿAlī b. Al-Ḥusayn, albeit in brief, would have provided us with a clearer understanding of the situation that culminated at Karbalā These events would later have a profound impact upon the life of ʿAlī. b. al-Ḥusayn, shaping his personality and also subsequently resulting in and forming his identity and subsequently his words as the author of the Ṣaḥīfa. We find Majlisī in his Biḥar mentioning this where he has written a chapter dedicated to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn with the heading; “His Mourning and Weeping on the Martyrdom of his Father, May the Grace of Allāh be on Both”85

It is not possible within this study to fully investigate and narrate the events taking place at Karbalā; however it is also not possible not to mention them as they were probably the most significant events in the life of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. For the sake of brevity we will give a few succinct accounts that somewhat capture these events.

Finding himself together with his family and small number of companions on the plains of Karbalā we find that Ḥusayn tried to reason with his antagonists in order to avoid confrontation, using rationale and mentioning his merits and lineage;

... Then Hosein mounted his horse, and took the Koran and laid it before him, and, coming up to the people, invited them to the performances of their duty: adding, O God, Thou art my confidence in every trouble, and my hope in all adversity!… He next reminded them of his excellency, the nobility of his birth, the greatness of his power, and his high descent, and said, “Consider with yourselves whether or not such a man as I am is not better than you; I who am the son of your Prophet's daughter, besides whom there is no other upon the face of the earth. ʿAlī was my father; Jaafar and Hamza, the chief of the martyrs, were both my uncles; and the apostle of God, upon whom be peace, said both of me and my brother, that we were the Chief[s] of the youth of Paradise. If you will believe me, what I say is true, for by God, I never told a lie in earnest since I had my understanding; for God hates a lie. If you do not believe me, ask the companions of the apostle of God [here he named them], and they will tell you the same. Let me go back to what I have...86

Despite trying to reason with the ʿUmayyad forces, they were not convinced and the impasse ended in the massacre of Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī together with the male members of his family and his companions. Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn describes the day, which is also known as the day of ʿĀshurā (lit. meaning ‘the tenth’ signifying the tenth of the month of Muḥarram in the Islamic calendar) as one of the most difficult days.87

When Ḥusayn remained alone, the male members of his family and companions slain he called out for assistance, as Qarashī describes the moment;

Imam al-Ḥusayn, who was afflicted with disaster, looked with great sadness and sorrow at the members of his family and his companions. He saw them slaughtered like sheep on the sand of Karbalā under the heat of the sun’s rays, and he heard his womenfolk weeping and lamenting over their martyred ones. He did not know what would happen to them after his

martyrdom. That tragic sight had a great effect on him, so he sought help to protect the womenfolk of Allāh’s Apostle, may Allāh bless him and his family, saying: “Is there anyone to protect the womenfolk of Allāh’s Apostle, may Allāh bless him and his family? Is there any monotheist to fear Allāh through us? Is there any helper who seeks hope from Allāh through helping us?”88

Qarashī further describes the moment of Ḥusayn’s calling and Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn waking up from his partial unconsciousness, due to severe illness, when hearing his father, struggling to get up, leaning on a stick, to come to his assistance. Ḥusayn seeing this called out to his sister Umm Kulthūm; “Hold him back lest the earth becomes void of the descendants of the family of Muḥammad!” As Ḥusayn was surrounded by the ʿUmayyad soldiers, severely wounded and his condition worsening with no hope of survival, we find an account of him turning his face towards the sky, in a state of munajāt (intimate conversation with God);

O Allāh! Sublime You are, Great of Might, Omnipotent, Independent of all creation, greatly Majestic, Capable of doing whatever You please, Forthcoming in mercy, True of Promise, Inclusive of Blessings, Clement, Near to those who invoke Him, Subduing His creation, Receptive to Repentance, Able, Overpowering, Appreciative when thanked, Remembering those who remember Him! You do I call upon out of my want, and You do I seek out of [my] need! From You do I seek help when in fear and cry when sorrowful! Your help do I seek in my weakness, and upon You do I rely! O Allāh! Judge between us and our people, for they deceived and betrayed us! They were treacherous to us, and they killed us though we are the ʿItrat [family]of Your Prophet and the offspring of the one You love; Muḥammad whom You chose for Your Message and entrusted with the revelation! Do find an ease for our affair and an exit, O most Merciful of all merciful ones!

Grant me patience to bear Your destiny, O Lord! There is no god but You! O Helper of those who seek help! I have no god besides You, nor do I adore anyone but You!

Grant me to persevere as I face Your decree, O Helper of the helpless, O Eternal One Who knows no end, O One Who brings the dead back to life, O One Who rewards every soul as it earned, do judge between me and them; surely You are the Best of judges.89

As Ḥusayn was drawing his final breaths the following account is given;

Zainab the wise, cried out, “O Muḥammad! O father! O ʿAlī ! O Jaʿfar! O Hamza!

Here is Ḥusain in the open, slain in Karbalā!” Then Zainab said, “I wish the heavens had fallen upon the earth! I wish the mountains had crushed the valley!” She was near al-Ḥusain when ʿUmar Ibn Saʿd came close to her flanked by some of his men.

Al-Ḥusain was drawing his last breath she cried out, “O ʿUmar! Should Abū ʿAbdullah be killed as you look on?!” He turned his face away. His tears were flooding his beard. She said, “Woe unto you! Is there [not] any Muslim man among you?” None answered her. Then [ʿUmar] Ibn Saʿd shouted at [the] people, “Alight and put him to rest!” Al-Shimr was the first

to do so. He kicked the Imam with his foot then sat on his chest and took hold of his holy beard. He dealt him twelve sword strokes. He then severed his sacred head...90

The persecution continued even after the men had been killed, when the enemy soldiers set upon the camp and tents of Ḥusayn’s family;

Ḥussein accepted and set out from Mecca with his family and an entourage of about seventy followers. But on the plain of Kerbela they were caught in an ambush set by the … caliph, Yazīd. Though defeat was certain, Hussein refused to pay homage to him. Surrounded by a great enemy force, Ḥussein and his company existed without water for ten days in the burning desert of Kerbela. Finally Ḥussein, the adults and some male children of his family and his companions were cut to bits by the arrows and swords of Yazīd's army; his women and remaining children were taken as captives to Yazīd in Damascus. The renowned historian Abu Reyhan al-Birunī states;

“… then fire was set to their camp and the bodies were trampled by the hoofs of the horses; nobody in the history of the human kind has seen such atrocities.”91

Sayyid Saeed Akhtar Rizvi describes the aftermath and relates that no Imam could have begun his Imamate in a more painful tragic circumstance and situation than ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. He says;

No Imam began his Imamate in a more tragic atmosphere. The first day of his Imamate saw him seriously ill and a captive of the army of Yazīd in Karbalā. His father and predecessors had sacrificed all he [they] had on the altar of truth; and Imam Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn found himself with a group of helpless widows and orphans being led from place to place, from the durbar [palatial court] of Ibn Ziyād to the court of Yazīd. Finally they were thrown into a prison, where the Imam spent the first year of his Imamate, cut off from the followers of his father and unable to look after their affairs.”92


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