Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

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Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

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Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

Alone with the Beloved: The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

Author:
Publisher: www.etheses.bham.ac.uk
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought


Note:

This book was initially a thesis reperesented at University of Birmangham, and we set in book form taken from its pdf which is available on this link: http://etheses.bham.ac.uk/4226/

Alone with the Beloved:

The words of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn inThe Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya

By Mahmood G. Dhalla

A Thesis Submitted to

The University of Birmingham For The Degree of

M.Phil. (B)

Department of Theology and Religion University of Birmingham

1st June 2012

OUTLINE AND CHAPTERISATION

ABSTRACT. 5

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS. 6

Chapter 1: Prologue 7

Methodology, Approach, Aim and Objective 8

CHAPTER 2 The Ṣaḥīfa and ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn: An insight into their Context and Setting  10

1. Setting the Context 10

1.1 Background. 11

Chapter 3: Life and Works of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. 15

Introduction. 15

1.1 General Sketch. 15

1.2 Childhood. 16

1.3 How Imamate came to him. 17

2.1 Hagiographical reports on His Personality and Spiritual Standing. 18

3.1 Karbalā – The Prelude 19

3.2 Karbalā 21

Chapter 4: The place of the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya. 25

In Muslim Tradition: An Analysis Into Authenticity. 25

1.1 Background of the Ṣaḥīfat al-Sajjādiyya93 25

2.1 Authenticity of Text 26

2.2 Semantic meanings and usage of the word Ṣaḥīfa 26

2.3 Linguistic Analysis 27

2.4 Sajʿ in the Ṣaḥīfat al-Sajjādiyya 28

2.5 Authenticity of Early Arabic Poetry. 30

3.1 Traditional Analysis 31

CHAPTER 5: The Style and Themes in the Ṣaḥīfa Sajjādiyya. 34

1. The Style of Supplications in terms of Content and Structure 34

1.1 Basic General Tenets of the Prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 36

1.1.1 Individuality and Spontaneity. 36

1.2 Particular tenets of prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 37

1.2.1 Theological Tenets- Unity of God and the notion of Lordship and Servant-hood  37

1.2.1.1 Variety of Names and Attributes of God to approach Him by during various needs 38

1.1.2 Spiritual Dimensions 39

1.1.3 Ethical and Moral Dimensions 40

1:1:4 Social and Political Dimensions 40

1.1.5 Esoteric Dimensions 41

2. Broad Categories of the Prayers within the Ṣaḥīfa 41

2.1 Broad Genera- Spontaneous and Premeditated. 42

2.2 Another Broad Genera- Rational and Intuitive 42

2:2 Five Particular Genera 42

2.2.1 Prayers designed as paeans of praise and thanks to God. 42

2.2.2 Invocations that include requests of forgiveness and clemency. 43

2:2:3 Prayers for individual’s spiritual betterment or for the spiritual, emotional and material wellbeing of others 44

2.2.4 Prayers that are made on behalf of others 44

2.2.5 All prayers not locatable in any of the above 44

CLOSING REMARKS. 46

Bibliography. 47

Notes 55

University of Birmingham Research Archive

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This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation.

Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder.

ABSTRACT

For over thirteen centuries the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya has enjoyed importance amongst Muslims, its authorship attributed to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn (d. 95/713-4), the great grandson of Prophet Muḥammad, and fourth Imam in the Twelver Shīʿi School.

Despite its immense and rich repository, the study of Shīʿism has mostly been a neglected branch of Islam in the West, consequently little has been written on the Ṣaḥīfa, other than a significant and valuable translation with an introduction by Chittick.

This, being a first serious research of the Ṣaḥīfa focuses to reconstruct its context, based on the thesis that to understand a text is to follow its dynamics, its movement from what it says to that which it discloses, including a biography, investigation into authenticity, an exploration of style and themes and conclusion.

Chittick describes the Ṣaḥīfa as “one of the deepest veins of Islamic spirituality”.

Religion and even non-religious systems although diverse, universally and inevitably aim to achieve a better life by guiding the individual and community by what is most natural in the form of common human values and aspirations. These are reflected and resonated in the Ṣaḥīfa, directing both the individual and community towards growth and thereby fulfilling their own purpose.

The Ṣaḥīfā Sajjādiyya invites the reader to ponder over the depths of goodness inherent in the human being as it serves as a treatise of instruction in the development of the human self. God, as the Object of the Ṣaḥīfa portrays the most noble rank befitting humanity, serving as both a Means and the Ultimate goal for the culmination of human beauty.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In His Name the Most Elevated

Firstly I would like to express my thanks to the Lord of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn for allowing and honoring me to undertake this study. Secondly I would like to thank The Guide of the Time and ʿAlī. b. al-Ḥusayn (peace be upon them and their noble Household) whose treasured words are as alive today as they were centuries ago, striking the hearts of human beings then as today.

Many thanks are also due to Al-Mahdi Institute in Birmingham for allowing me to use their resources and particularly Ḥujjatul Islam, Shaykh ʿĀrif ʿAbdulḥussain, my Friend, Brother and Mentor, for his invaluable assistance and also Shaykh Michael Mumisa.

I can of course also not forget the Department of Theology at the University of Birmingham for providing me with a scholarship and all their staff, particularly my supervisor Dr. Haifaa Jawad.

Finally I would like to thank my family and parents for enduring with me and encouraging me through this long journey, specially my Father who introduced me to the Ṣahīfā, and my Mother, Wife, Children and Brothers who never ceased encouraging and supporting me.

May God bless All of them.

Chapter 1: Prologue

For over thirteen centuries the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiyya, lit. The Book of Sajjād, has been considered to be a literary work of great importance amongst Muslims, and a part of the Islamic literary inheritance.

According to Chittick (p.xv, 1988), the Ṣaḥīfa al-Sajjādiya (The Prayer Manual of Sajjād)1 is today one of the oldest prayer texts in the Islamic tradition. Attributed to have been authored by the great grandson of the Prophet Muḥammad; ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn (38-95/658-9-713-4), it has been part of the rich history of Islamic ritual.

It has also been part of the rich history of Islamic thought, holding a pivotal and essential position as a manual of prayers, particularly treasured within the Shīʿa Ithnā ʿAsharī (Twelver) school (hereafter referred to as the Shīʿi/Shīʿa)2 while its significance is still universally acknowledged among Muslims from other theological schools.

From early days, the prayers of Sajjād have become a part and parcel of the identity and lives of those who have used and drawn from it, becoming an essential part of Islamic spiritual life; Chittick describes it as “one of the deepest veins of Islamic spirituality” (Chittick, p. xivi, 1988).3 This vein can surely have been said to sustain and nourish the minds and souls of the Shīʿa communities in particular as much now as then, and possibly for Muslims in general. Amongst the Shīʿa, the Ṣaḥīfa is considered in rank only after the Qur’ān and the Nahj al-Balāgha of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib (d. 40/661).

Moreover it is a popular and well-established principle amongst the Shīʿa that the authorship of the words contained in the Ṣaḥīfa belongs to the great-grandson of Prophet Muḥammad himself, namely ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn - also known as Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn and Sajjād - who in the Shīʿa school of thought is considered to be the fourth Imam.

It could be stated that the study of Shīʿism has for the most part been a neglected branch of Islamic studies in the West. However, during the last few decades a select group of scholars have given considerable attention so particular areas within Shīʿi Islam. The forerunners in this group include Rudolph Strothmann (1877-1960), Louis Massignon (1883-1962) and Henry Corbin (1903-1978). More recently scholars like Etan Kohlberg, M.A Amir-Moezzi, Farhad Daftary, Moojan Momen, Ḥusain M. Jafri, Heinz Halm, Wilferd Madelung and others have further improved our understanding of Shīʿi Islam.

Despite this recent research, particularly the first two centuries have not received the same share of modern scholarship and in-depth study they deserve. The general body of Muslim heresiographers have generally regarded the Shīʿa as those who digressed from the norm. Western scholars of Islam have many times adopted a similar view and treated Shīʿi Islam as a digression or heterodoxy as opposed to an orthodoxy.

Similarly the Ṣaḥīfa being a text of such substance and significance, no thorough study has been undertaken of it, apart from Howarth’s dissertation in part-fulfilment of his M.A., and Chittick’s introduction to the translation. However, Chittick’s translation and introduction of the Ṣaḥīfa and Risālat al-ḥuqūq are a welcomed and essential contribution to the vast and rich literary Islamic and Shīʿi heritage.

The Ṣaḥīfa and some sayings and poems, and the Risāla4 are the only surviving works going back to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn.

The importance of theses document and the possibility of a wider reading, a besides analytical and linguistic investigation have been largely overlooked in Islamic scholarship and particularly in Western scholarship where these texts still remain fairly unknown. Most of the studies done on the texts, even that done by Chittick (1988) has adopted a reductionist approach by focusing only on its place within Muslim ritual. In order to advance a wider application within Islam and beyond, based on a re-reading of ʿAlī b. Ḥusayn’s texts it is necessary to move from a ritualised status quoist reading to a quest for the historical and spiritual ʿAlī b. Ḥusayn.

Methodology, Approach, Aim and Objective

In this research I intend to do two things, firstly I will study and reconstruct the historical context in which the Ṣaḥīfa was produced. This approach will be based on the thesis that to understand it is to follow the dynamics of the work, its movement from what it says to that about which it speaks. Beyond my situation as a reader, beyond the situation of the author, I offer myself to the possible mode of being-in-theworld that the text opens up and discloses to me in what Gadamer calls Horizontverschmelzung in historical knowledge. Secondly, applying the Reader Response Theory, I will engage the texts from a contemporary discourse. This will focus primarily on a flesh and blood, and socially located reader. Attention will also be given to praxis.

Although the Ṣaḥīfa is used in ritual, and sometimes theological discourses, it’s a written text that has been circulated within Muslim society for centuries.

Consequently, it’s may also be treated as a form of literature and that means that we will have to examine its validity as a historical text attributed to ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. In other words, the production of the Ṣaḥīfa can be seen to have taken place in a similar manner to that of literature. Thus, it is possible to study it critically with the same methods that are used to study any other ancient literature. For example, we will ask questions about the setting within which the text emerged and the motives that were the directing force for its production. The text will then be delineated by observing changes in literary style, shifts in vocabulary and phrasing, breaks in continuity, types of connectors, thematic, and factual inconsistencies. Thus, through the process of textual criticism we will try to identify changes that may have occurred in the transmission of the text while at the same time employing literary criticism to examine the content of the text; such as its language, composition, and origin. This includes a philological study of the text, analysis of its content, investigation of the sources used, determining the literary genre of particular passages, and drawing judicious conclusions regarding the authorship of the text.

In order to have a better appreciation of the context of the Ṣaḥīfa, the circumstances and environment within which they were produced and to provide a wider perspective of the life ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, We will begin with seeking to explore the milieu contemporary to him and prior to him, during the life of his great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad (d. 632/11) and also

before, relating only significant issues in order to enhance and develop and augment this study as an in depth and detailed historical survey would fall outside the scope of this work. The massacre at Karbalā (680/61) where he was present will also be related.

Subsequently we will advance to the following chapter where I will draw a picture of his life and personality, affording a valuable window to the author and through him to the text and a closer glance of his mindset.

With this behind us we will move forward to seek to investigate the text as a textual production observing its historical background, tracing its origins and transmissions, continuing to undertake a critical study of the text’s authenticity, attempting to apply both traditional Islamic and contemporary Western methods. This will also entail a linguistic analysis of the text, examining its forms and literary aspects. Moreover, an account will also be given of reports of what has been said of the Ṣaḥīfa.

Following this, the next chapter will explore the style and salient themes found across the Ṣaḥīfa, before finally arriving at the closing remarks and conclusion. Where reference is made to the Qur’ān Yūsuf ʿAlī’s translation has been used unless otherwise indicated.

It is my hope that in this research I will be able to show first; how the text is as relevant today as it was when it was first produced and secondly; how a demythologised ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as a historical figure represents the contemporary human aspirations.

CHAPTER 2 The Ṣaḥīfa and ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn: An insight into their Context and Setting

1. Setting the Context

This chapter will serve to be preparing to the thesis generally. It will examine the contemporary thoughts and trends of the time and milieu duringʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, such as the social, political and theological state of affairs and characteristics of the time, going back to the period of his great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad (d.11/632) and prior, referring to the most significant issues as seen complementary to the thesis.

This would afford the study with a fuller understanding of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn as it is necessary that the wider context of his life is examined. It could be argued that it may be close to impossible to understand the fuller and wider perspective of the texts and the personality of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn without considering his background inasmuch as him being from the Banū Hāshim and being the great grandson of Prophet Muḥammad and grandson of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, both towering and significant figures in the Islamic landscape.

However, in order to confine this study within boundaries only the most considerable events will be expounded upon, as the enquiry otherwise would be far too broad and also fall outside the parameters of this work.

It is commonly accepted amongst all Muslims that Prophet Muḥammad and his family hold a high and esteemed position within Islam, so much so that they are accorded an elevated rank in the Qur’ān above all other believers. This is in line with the Qur’ān relating similar importance to past prophets and their families, prophets who prayed for divine assistance and favour towards their righteous family members, kin and offspring.5 A well known example of this is the verse known as the verse of ṭathīr (purification).

...And Allāh only wishes to remove all abomination from you, ye members of the Family, and to make you pure and spotless.6

Another example depicting the status of the family of the Prophet can be seen in the following verse:

We gave him Isaac and Jacob: all (three) guided: and before him, We guided Noah, and among his progeny, David, Solomon, Job, Joseph, Moses, and Aaron: thus do We reward those who do good...

...These were the men to whom We gave the Book, and authority, and prophethood: if these (their descendants) reject them, Behold! We shall entrust their charge to a new people who reject them not.7

Thus in light of the Qur’ān the successorship of the prophets in relation to mulk (leadership), ḥukm (rule), ḥikma (wisdom), kitāb (the book) and Imamate (a divine institution in relation to leadership)8 is something that belongs to the descendants and close family of the prophets.

In Madelungs judgement the Prophet Muḥammad could not have considered the continual leadership after him over the Muslim community regarding his succession in any other way than reflecting in the light of the Qur’ān inasmuch as following the example of succession of the previous prophets.9 However, in Watt’s opinion in that the most obvious choice in

successorship after the Prophet was Abū Bakr as he was the Prophet’s trusted counsellor and a leading deputy and personality, while also being one of the most significant converts in the early days of Islam.10 The contested succession to Muḥammad is clearly the key question in the Shīʿi school of thought and the principal factor separating the Shīʿa from the Sunnī majority.

These nascent trends and issues after the Prophets demise would clearly be seen to have implications and an impact upon the life of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn during his life. The issue of succession is not as simple as to who the leader of the new Muslim community would be and the question is not only who the successor of Muḥammad was but also the nature of the role of this successor, for it is on both these points that both of these schools of thought have differing views.

However it is not the aim nor the place of this study to evaluate the details of the succession to Muḥammad or to analyse the differing views of the Sunnī and Shīʿa as that would digress from the aim; which is to provide a closer insight into the circumstances and the milieu of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn and the era preceding him. Thus only significant and major circumstances have been taken into account in order to provide and arrive at a fuller picture of his persona and position.

1.1 Background

It is commonly believed by Muslims that Prophet Muḥammad’s lineage can be traced back to the patriarch Abraham. Thus, for the Shīʿa, the lineage of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn is also linked to Abraham through his father Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, his grandmother Fāṭima bint Muḥammad, grandfather ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib and great grandfather Prophet Muḥammad b. ʿAbdullāh b. ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib. Shīʿa theologians uphold that ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn merits a privileged status since his ancestor Abraham, being venerated by Christians, Jews and Muslims alike, holds an esteemed position in the monotheistic faith systems. Moreover the Qur’ān explicitly indicates that Muḥammad, his great grandfather, followed the way and creed of Abraham.11

Furthermore the Prophet also revived aspects of Abraham’s life which has significantly influenced the faith and conduct of Muslims.12 Thus, for Shīʿa theologians, ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s status is not based on a mere genealogical link with Abraham but also on a spiritual connection through Prophets Ishmael, Ishaq, and their successors. The narrative of God’s commandment upon Abraham to sacrifice his son holds an important position in Islam. The Qur’ān describes the commandment as a divine test from God upon Abraham and how God averted the actual slaughter at the final moment and had a sacrificial animal replace his son.13

According to Shīʿa exegesis, the Qur’ān clearly states that the actual sacrifice which was merely postponed in order to be replaced by a far greater sacrifice from among Abraham’s descendants;

So when they had both submitted their wills (to Allāh), and he had laid him prostrate on his forehead (for sacrifice), We called out to him "O Abraham! Thou hast already fulfilled the vision!" - thus indeed do We reward those who do right. For this was obviously a trial- And We

ransomed him with a momentous sacrifice: And We left (this blessing) for him among generations (to come) in later times:14

The last part of the above verse is thus interpreted as referring to the sacrifice and massacre of Ḥusayn, his family and companions at Karbalā, -where Zayn al-ʿĀbidin was also present- as a fulfilment of God’s promise to carry out the sacrifice from among generations (to come) in later times.15 This is succinctly captured by ʿAllāma Muḥammad Iqbāl, also known as Iqbāl-e-Lahorī where he says:

Ismail was the beginning, Ḥusayn was the ultimate16

Although this is by no means an agreed interpretation among all scholars of Qur’ānic exegesis, it has been influential among devout Shīʿa scholars and followers.17

Alongside the Prophet, being his great grandfather, the other towering personality in Islam was the grandfather to be of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, namely ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib who was born on the 13th Rajab 24. It is widely reported among both the Sunnī and Shīʿa, the Shīʿa popularly accepting that he was born in the Kaʿba in Mecca, an incident that had been never been reported to have taken place previously or after.18 It would not be difficult to imagine what commotion the news of this birth would have caused as it would have spread around Mecca and further onwards by people coming for pilgrimage as they returned back. After some years Muḥammad would follow the example of his uncle Abū Ṭālib when he took the young ʿAlī under his guardianship and care.

After the death of his protector, carer and uncle Abū Ṭālib and his wife Khadīja, who had been a great support for him, the persecutions against Muḥammad increased in number and intensity. This eventually led to the hijra, Muḥammad’s migration from Mecca to Medina in the year 622.19 The Quraysh, receiving information of this sent an armed troop who surrounded Muḥammad’s house with intent to kill him before his imminent departure. However to their surprise they found that Muḥammad had managed to leave and instead found ʿAlī in his place inside his bed.20 Shīʿa commentators also interpret in their exegesis that the following verse refers to this particular incident, and according to them together with many other verses and prophetic traditions further distinguishing the position of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib.

And there is the kind of man who gives (sells) himself to earn the pleasure of Allāh. And Allāh is full of kindness to (His) devotees.21

In the year 62322 the grandmother to be of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn, Fāṭima, whom Muḥammad dearly loved and considered as his own flesh and blood, being his only surviving child, was married to ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib after many suitors had been refused.23 From such distinguished and venerated personalities were born ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s father Ḥusayn b. ʿAlī, his uncle Ḥasan b. ʿAlī, (more known as Imam Ḥusayn and Imam Ḥasan) and aunts Zaynab and Kulthūm bint ʿAlī, the latter two who would also be with him through the massacre and ordeal at Karbalā.

Historical sources point out that immediately following the Prophet’s death in Medina (11/632) there was a dispute regarding his succession and an ad hoc assembly by the notables and leading figures in Islam met at th

saqīfa (assembly hall) in Medina to settle on the essential question of leadership.24

However the election that ended in favour of ʿAbdullah b. ʿUthmān (d. 13/634), better known by his kunya or agnomen, as Abū Bakr was not as simple as is generally believed. A conspicuous absentee during this election was ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, ʿAlī b.al-Ḥusayn’s grandfather, the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law, as he had remained at the Prophet's deathbed and occupied with the funeral services. Several sources suggest the existence of at least a few people at this early meeting at the saqīfa who felt that ʿAlī had a valid claim to the succession who considered that in the view of a number of statements made by Muḥammad in his lifetime, ʿAlī should have occupied the leading position – not only as the temporal head (caliph) but also as the spiritual head (Imam). They objected giving the bayʿa (allegiance) to Abū Bakr stating they would not give it to anyone but ʿAlī, although Abū Bakr was considered a prominent companion of Muḥammad during his lifetime and subsequently became the first Muslim to rule after him. The followers of ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib however believed he violated Muḥammad's direct orders and effectively a coup d’état was orchestrated.25

What is significant from the point of view of this study and historically are reports which maintain such claims and sentiments about ʿAlī and his family and which are contained in the earliest Islamic writings.26 Some accounts uphold that the dissent raised in favour of ʿAlī did not quiet down after the decision was made in favour of Abū Bakr at the saqīfa.27 These sentiments survived in varying degrees during the reign of the two following Caliphs, ʿUmar b. al-Khattāb (d. 644) andʿUthmān b. al-Affān (d.656) which in the future would have a significant impact upon the life of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn.

It was during the last years of the reign of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 656) that the social and political unrest began leading to his assassination, after which the Muslims rallied around the grandfather of Zayn al-ʿĀbidīn, ʿAlī .b Abī Ṭālib to take up the office of the Caliphate. ʿAlī reluctantly accepted, as he describes the situation in his famous Khutba Shiqshiqiyya.28

ʿAlī’s rule lasted between the years 656-661, this was one of the more chaotic periods in Muslim history, and also coincided with the First Fitna during which a schism took place which led to the first civil war in Muslim history, leading to ʿAlī’s fatal wounding while leading prayers in the mosque of Kūfa, ending in his death (40/661).

The Kūfans then pledged allegiance to ʿAlī’s son Ḥasan b. ʿAlī, being Zayn al-ʿĀbidīns uncle, who ruled for a short period. During this time, Muʿāwiya b. Abū Sufyān held command of the largest force in the Muslim Empire, and had declared himself caliph, despite ʿAlī’s explicit instructions and designation - naṣṣ, of Ḥasan and that only the Ahl al-Bayt of Muḥammad were to reign the caliphate29 , and marched his army into Iraq, the seat of Ḥasan's caliphate. War followed during which Muʿāwiya gradually subverted the generals and commanders of Ḥasan's army with large sums of money deceiving promises and threats until the army rebelled against him. Finally, Ḥasan was forced to make peace and to yield the caliphate to Muʿāwiya.

These events during this continued tumultuous period would ultimately lead to the massacre at Karbalā where most part of the males in ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn’s family were killed along with their few companions and where he remained as one of the only male survivors.

The massacre at Karbalā and the events that took place there would form to greatly impact upon the life and persona of ʿAlī b. al-Ḥusayn. In the next chapter we will closer examine his personal biography, the person, and the mindset, providing us with a window to the author and through him to the text.