Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

REIs Grades of Education;   Table 2.2

Curriculum in Traditional Pakistani Madrasahs

The syllabus in almost all traditionalmadrasahs conforms to the basic structure and scholarly standard of theDars-e-Nizami . Although different schools of thought adopted it with certain modifications, yet the focus remains on the teaching of traditional religious subjects. A typical model of what is taught inmadrasahs in Pakistan is given as follows.[94]

First Year:  Biography of the Prophet (PBUH) (Syrat ), grammar (sarf ) syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature, calligraphy, chant illation (tajvid) .

Second Year:          Conjugation-grammer (sarf) , syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature, jurisprudence (fiqh ), logic, calligraphy (khush navisi ), chant illation (tajvid).

Third Year: Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh) syntax (nahv ), Arabic literature,hadith, logic, Islamic brotherhood, chant illation(tajvid ).

Fourth Year:           Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh ), principles of jurisprudence, rhetoric,hadith , logic, history, chant illation (tajvid ), geography of the Arabian Peninsula.

Fifth Year:  Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence, rhetoric, beliefs (aqaid) , logic, Arabic literature, chant illation.

Sixth Year: Interpretation of the Qur’an, jurisprudence, principles of interpretation and jurisprudence, Arabic literature, philosophy, chant illation, study of Prophetic traditions.

Seventh Year:         Sayings of the Prophet (PBUH), jurisprudence, belief (aqaid), responsibilities (fraiz ), chant illation, external study (Urdu texts)

Eighth Year:           Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the Prophet (PBUH).

The course of study in allmadrasahs except that of theShia revolves around the teaching ofHanafi fiqh . Most of the texts are 500 or more years old. These texts are taught with the help of commentaries and super commentaries and glosses or marginal notes (hashiya ), penned by medievalHanafi ulema for South Asian students, who do not know Arabic well. They no longer explain the original text. They are in Arabic. They have to be learnt by heart, which makes students use only their memory, not their analytical powers. Thus, the system functions on the assumption that it should preserve the tradition of the past. This led to the stagnation and ossification of knowledge under theDars-i-Nizami which earned the criticism not only from Western educated critics but also from Arabic-knowing authorities such as Maulana Maudoodi.[95] Pakistanimadrasahs lay heavy emphasis on the teaching of Arabic and Persian languages. The languages in Pakistanimadrasahs are not taught for their intrinsic worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are necessary for analim. For this reason, Arabic occupies the center stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of instruction in Pakistanimadrasahs. However, in the Pashto-speaking part of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pashto is the medium of instruction, while Sindhi is the medium of instruction inmadrasahs in Sindhi- speaking parts of Sindh. Urdu is, indeed, the language in whichmadrasah students become most competent and is the medium of instruction in mostmadrasahs.

Refutation of Other Sects Radd

A major aspect of the course of study in most ofPakistani madrasahs is refutation orradd of other sects. Sectarian violence in Pakistan in the recent past has been attributed to this aspect ofmadrasah education. The sectarian divide has become sharper and more violent in the society because of the inculcation of bias against other beliefs among the followers by the respective sects.[96]

The theological debate (munazra ) was the feature of religious sects in colonial India which led to the exchange of invective and scuffles among the followers of main debaters but never turned to terrorism as witnessed in Pakistan’s recent history. Though the administration ofmadrasahs usually deny the teaching of any text refuting the beliefs of other sects, they refute other sects through question and answer, interpretation of texts and sometimes teachers recommend supplementary reading material specifically for the refutation of the doctrines of other sects and sub-sects. In most cases, in writings, sermons and conversations, teachers refer to the pioneers of their own “maslaks” so that the views of their sect are internalized and become the primary way of thinking.[97]

Despite all denials, the printed syllabus of different sects contains the books to refute the beliefs of other sects. The report on the religious seminaries of 1988 lists several books ofDeobandi madrasahs to refuteShia beliefs. There are several books on the debates between theBarelvis and theDeoband and even a book refuting Maudoodi's views. The Barelvis have named only one book: “Rashidiya ” under the heading of preparation for debates on controversial issues. TheAhl-e-Hadith has given a choice of opting for any two of the following courses. The political system of Islam, the economic system of Islam, “Ibn-e-Khaldun,s Muqaddamah ”, the history of ideas and comparative religious systems. TheShia courses list no book on this subject.[98]

Recently published courses list no book on “maslak ” for Deobandis. TheBarelvi mention comparative religions but no specific books. TheAhl-e-Hadith retains the same courses as before. TheShia madrasahs list books that include comparative religions, thoughShia beliefs are taught as the only true ones. Polemical pamphlets claiming that there are conspiracies against theShias are available. Similar pamphlets, warning about allegedShia deviations from the right interpretation of faith are also in circulation among theSunni madrasahs .[99]

Moreover, some guide books for teachers note that Quranic verses about controversial issues should be taught with great attention and students should memorize them. In oneBarelvi book it is specified that teachers must make the students note down interpretations of theulema of their sub-sect concerning beliefs and controversial issues, so that students can use them later, i.e. as preachers andulema .[100] TheJamaat-i-Islami syllabus (2002) mentioned additional books byMaulana Maudoodi and other intellectuals of theJamaat on a number of subjects including thehadith and comparative religions.

The Refutation of Heretical Beliefs and Alien Philosophies

To counter the heresies within the Islamic world and outside influence is the traditional role ofmadrasahs . Several books refuting the beliefs ofAhmedis (Qadianis )[101] are included in theAliya (BA) course ofDeobandi . TheBarelvis andAhl-i-Hadith , have no such books. However, they refute the beliefs ofAhmedi through the course of comparative religions. TheJamat-i-Islami has also included in its course four books to refute the beliefs of theQadiani. These books are written is Urdu in a polemical style.[102]

Most religiousmadrasahs refute Greek philosophy and Western thought. TheDeobandi have several books refuting capitalism, socialism, and feudalism. TheJamat-i-Islami strongly refutes Western political and economic ideas and the influence of Western culture on the Muslim world. Though not necessarily taught in themadrasah , such literature is found circulated by almost all sects.[103]

Students of Traditional madrasahs

While traditionalmadrasahs attracted people from all social classes during theMughal andSultanate period, now thesemadrasahs cater for the children of the lower middle class, the peasantry, and the poor with few exceptions.[104]   This shift in student composition owes largely to the fact that education in a traditionalmadrasah is no longer seen as providing its students with skill needed for lucrative occupations. Well-off Muslims might send their children to part-time “maktab ” as well as regular schools or might arrange for an alim to come to their homes to teach them theQur’an , and the Islamic rituals but few send them to full timemaktabs ormadrasahs.

As the Muslim education system characterizes rigid dualism between traditionalmadrasahs and modern schools, it is important to note that a fairly large number of middle-class families send one of their sons tomadrasah and the rest to regular schools. Some families known for their Islamic scholarship also carry on in an ancestral tradition by having at least one son trained as analim , while others are educated in schools and colleges.

The students ofmadrasahs belong to families having emotional attachment with the particular school of thought(maslak ) that themadrasah represents. The followers of different sects always oppose each other and cannot make a united homogeneous group. Because of weak economic and social backgrounds the students are often reactionary and inflexible in their attitude and seek extremist ways for the realization of their ideological goals.[105] Their understanding of the modern world is limited because teaching of modern subjects, games, literature, art and extra curricular activities are always ignored in most of themadrasahs. [106]

Apart frommadrasahs in rural areas the majority of students inmadrasahs in major cities of Pakistan also hail from rural areas. In Karachi themadrasah students represent all the districts of Pakistan. Pashto-speaking students always outnumber any other community. The graduating students are normally 17 to 27 years old. The girl students are on average younger than the boys. One reason for this is that their course duration is shorter than that of boys.[107] Largermadrasahs attract students from different parts of the country and from different communities. Therefore, they help to promote a sense of Muslim unity and representing internal division on the basis ofmaslak at the same time.

Admission to a traditionalmadrasah is relatively informal. While some have an entrance examination and fixed quotas at each level, others are more flexible. Largermadrasahs have specific dates for application for admission, usually soon after the fasting month of Ramzan. The schedule of admission is advertised through leaflets and wall posters. In smallermadrasah the procedure is much simpler and the students can join at any time of the year. They may not be able to afford to issue advertisements, in which case news of admissions is spread simply by word of mouth. Mostmadrasahs have a somewhat open admission policy with no rigid entrance requirements. Mostmadrasahs charge no fee and also provide food, hostel accommodation and books free of cost.[108] Thus,madrasahs also serve as a kind of orphanage for those having no elders or relatives.

The students of traditionalmadrasahs are taught strict adherence to the rules of conduct oradab. Dress, food and behavior are regulated according to theSharia and the students are expected to observe them faithfully. Western clothes are frowned upon, and students are expected to grow their beards when they come of age, in imitation of the Prophet (PBUH). The students are more obedient and pay more respect to their teachers as compared to their counterparts in modern educational institutions.[109] However, in practice, modernization also affects the students ofmadrasahs . Manyulema nowadays complain about the deterioration of the moral standard ofmadrasah students. Increasing materialism and modernization of media are said to be responsible for the deteriorating moral standard ofmadrasahs students.

Graduates of traditionalmadrasahs take up a range of occupations. Many of them go on to teach in their own or anothermadrasah . Some of them join the armed forces of Pakistan as religious teachers andkhatibs . They also get jobs in secondary and higher secondary educational institutions as teachers of Islamic studies and Arabic language[110] while some of them join family businesses or setupunani medicine clinics. The graduates ofmadrasahs usually maintain links with theiralma mater in various ways. They encourage others to enroll in themadrasah , circulatemadrasah literature representing the religious-political views of the particularmadrasah , and also collect donations for themadrasahs from the public. Thus, the students of themadrasahs are an asset throughout their lives.

Teachers of Madrasahs

In almost all traditionalmadrasahs no rigid rules are applied for the recruitment of teachers. They are often appointed through personal networks and serve as long as the administrator of themadrasah is satisfied with their performance. Allmadrasahs employ those teachers who belong to that particular “maslak ” which themadrasah represents. 

Generally, the teachers have the qualification ofalim orfazil course from the traditionalmadrasahs , without having any specialized teacher training. They get meager salaries. The average salary ofmadrasah teacher was two thousand rupees in 2004.[111] Because of financial constraints many teachers are forced to supplement their income through other means, such as giving tuitions, hiringimamat (leading prayer), lecturing in religious meetings, preparing amulets (ta’wiz ) or working on collection of donations formadrasah on commission. Besides poor service conditions and low salaries the unlimited authority of the administration is responsible for the failure ofmadrasahs to attract the best teachers.

In traditionalmadrasahs there are no rules for the protection of service. Therefore, the administrators ofmadrasahs often impose strict discipline and undue restrictions which curtail the freedom of expression among the teachers. Sometimes, the administrators interfere in their personal lives and exploit their compulsions. In traditionalmadrasahs the teacher student relationship is generally authoritarian, but deeply personal at the same time, somewhat like between a father and son. It often resembles the hierarchical yet close bond between a spiritual preceptor and his disciples. The teacher is considered to be a model for the student to emulate faithfully. Students are taught to hold their teachers in awe and reverence for through them they acquire the knowledge that they believe hold the key to their salvation in this world and in the next. Intricate rules of proper conduct governing relations between teachers and students are elaborated upon in special texts onmadrasah pedagogy which are often part of themadrasah syllabus. Students even serve the teachers to the extent of washing their clothes and massaging their bodies. In turn the teachers are expected to treat their students as their children. In practice, however, some deviations take place from the established norms as some of the teachers are most authoritative and least tolerant in dealings with their students.[112]

Methods of Teaching

Traditionalmadrasahs follow centuries-old methods of teaching in which the text is the center of all activities instead of the student. Typically, the teacher sits on a low platform, reclining against a bolster, while the student sit below him on mats spread on the floor, placing their books on low tables in front of them. The teacher reads out from the text and asks the students to take turns in reading aloud, and then explains the content of the portions read out. The text is usually in Arabic and the teacher comments on it in Urdu. Although questioning is allowed, dissent and debate are usually unlinked and sometimes discouraged. The study of books of rivalmaslaks is strongly opposed in mostmadrasahs and even leads to expulsion from themadrasah. [113] This highly restricts the field of study for students and, therefore, mostmadrasah students have little enthusiasm for intellectual research and hardly any expertise in any discipline. Rote learning is emphasized even in purely subjective courses. Students are also encouraged to learn by heart entire speeches on a range of subjects that they occasionally deliver to public congregations or to gatherings at mosques. Great stress is laid upon the intricate problems of Arabic grammar while the application of knowledge for the solution of problems of contemporary needs is generally ignored.[114] Consequently,madrasahs are usually unable to produce broad-minded and intellectually enriched personalities who have a pragmatic approach towards the changed environment in which they have to adjust themselves. Therefore, leadingmadrasahs now feel the need of reform in their teaching methods.

In a seminar ofMadaris-i-Arabia held inDar-ul-Uloom Deoband on October 29, 1994 a unanimous resolution was passed in which appeal was made to allmadaris to bring meaningful reforms in teaching methods to enable students to adjust themselves to the changing environment.[115]

Management of Madrasahs

Traditionalmadrasahs are individual enterprises in Pakistan. Largermadrasahs are, however, run by an elaborate hierarchy of functionaries. At the apex is the sarparast (Chancellor), who is also often the founder of themadrasah or his successor, in which case he is generally a direct descendant of the founder. Below him is themuhtamim (Vice Chancellor), who is followed by the sadar madrasah (Dean) and teachers of different subjects. The senior most teacher is the sheikh-ul-hadith who teaches the books ofhadith to senior students. The rector of themadrasah is assisted in his work by a committee of elders (shura ) consisting of seniorulema and teachers, and sometimes of notable Muslims including rich traders, philanthropists and important donors. The members of theshura are generally appointed by the sarparast . Although, in theory, staff appointments are made strictly on the basis of merit and piety, often the management ofmadrasahs is in the hands of the families of their founders. In many cases the founder of themadrasah appoints his own sons or close relatives as his successor. Likewise,madrasah rectors often select their own son or close relative or other members of their own caste as senior teachers. Thus, manymadrasahs come to be seen as family ventures with key posts and access to funds being limited to a narrow circle of friends and relatives, many of whom may not have the religious or intellectual skill needed for the important posts that they handle.

In theory, elaborate rules govern the management ofmadrasahs and all decisions are supposed to be taken through discussion and consensus. In practice, however, things are always very different. The managers and administrators often override the decision-making process for their personal interests. The report of leading psychologists of the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences reveals that the cult culture grown inside theJamia-Hafsa [116] under the influence of its administrators was responsible for the clash of its students with society and with the state. The report also recommended that seminaries need to be under the education department so that individuals may not use them for their personal interest.[117]

Many of the people in the religious circles also complain that most of traditionalmadrasahs have degenerated into dens of corruption, nepotism, and dirty politics because of the obsession with power and wealth of their administrators.

Madrasah Finances

Traditionalmadrasahs have run on self-help basis from the time of colonial rule. Thesemadrasahs rely on a variety of sources to meet their expenses. The vast majority depend on local funds which are generated from within the community. Manymadrasahs have land or property endowed to them aswaqfs from which they earn some income. Appeals are regularly issued bymadrasah authorities to Muslims to contribute in cash or kind to themadrasah as a religious duty in the form ofzakat orsadaqa . Such appeals appear in the publications ofmadrasahs. In posters put up on boards outside mosques and on walls in Muslim localities. On the occasion ofBakr-e -Eid , students are sent out to the houses of local Muslims to collect the skins of slaughtered animals which are sold to leather merchants. The money is given to themadrasah. Some people make donations tomadrasah as an act of piety. This is done in different ways i.e. constructing a room in amadrasah or donating fans or coolers or any other items of common use tomadrasahs simply to earn the blessing of God for himself or for deceased relatives. The peasants of the localities also contribute in kind of grains after harvest to help run the localmadrasahs . In smallermadrasahs teachers and even students are sent to neighboring towns and villages to collect donations in cash and in kind. Largermadrasahs appoint special staff to collect funds for themadrasah on commission.[118] Beside this the administrators also accept financial help from those who earn illegal money which negatively affects the integrity ofulema . The proper use of funds is also not often ensured.[119]

Government Financial Support

The Government of Pakistan provides financial support to thosemadrasahs, which register themselves for such help. The Ministry of “auqaf ” and Religious Affairs managemadrasah affairs. However, the funds provided by the Government of Pakistan tomadrasahs is negligible as compared to the funds earmarked for government educational institutions. According to details provided by Institute of Policy Studies the government provided fifteen lacs of rupees to religiousmadrasahs of Pakistan during the financial year 2000 to 2001. This amount if divided by the number of students comes roughly equal to one and half rupees per student per year.[120]

In 2001-02 the government initiated amadrasah reform program at the cost of Rs.5759.395 millions for modernizing the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris by introducing modern subjects, i.e. general science, social studies and computer science. In 2001-02 a total of Rs.1, 654,000 was given to allmadrasahs which accepted this help. As the number of students are 1,065,277, this amount to Rs.1.55 per student per year. An additional aid of Rs.30.45 million was promised for providing for computers and changing the syllabus in 2003-04 and this comes to Rs.28.60 per student per year.[121] However, since allmadrasahs do not accept financial help from government, the money is not distributed evenly as the above calculation might suggest.

Madrasahs and Society

Madrasahs in Pakistan are not simply educational institutions but social institutions as well.Madrasahs are linked to the wider community through theulema who serve there and play a variety of functions in society. Thus,madrasahs play a vital role in protecting the socio-religious traditions of Muslims in the Subcontinent since the colonial era. A major role ofmadrasahs is to provide guidance to the general Muslim public. Theulema connected with themadrasahs closely interact with Muslims outside themadrasah in their capacity as specialists in Islamic law and theology. The public often seek the opinions ofulema in matters relating to marriage, divorce and inheritance. They are invited to preside over community functions and their names often figure on the boards of various community organizations. They might be requested to solemnize weddings and lead prayers during important festivals, marriages and burials.Madrasahs provide “imams ” and “khatibs ” to almost all the mosques in the country. The teachers and students might travel the nearly localities, instructing Muslims in matters relating to virtues and vices.

Some religious organizations having affiliation with a network ofmadrasahs such asJamaat-u-Dawa, Jamaat-i-Islami, andTahrik-e-Minhaj-ul-Qur’an actively take part in providing social services in society.[122]

A particularly important function of manymadrasahs is to deliverfatwas in response to specific requests from the public. Severalmadrasahs have arrangements for separateDarul-Ifta offices where “muftis ” deliverfatwas . Requests forfatwas come from the public.Fatwas are often sought regarding social matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, taking interest, or the proper methods of performing various rituals. Sometimesfatwas are also sought relating to the national or international developments, such as thefatwa delivered by manyulema of differentmadrasahs to boycott purchase of American products after the American attack on Afghanistan in 2001.

Fatwas are not binding, though for many Muslims they carry great prestige, as authoritative statements claiming to represent the authentic Islamic position on a particular matter. Still somefatwas do not get the favor of the public. Such as thefatwa declaring modern banking as un-Islamic by manyulema gets little public support. Somemadrasahs regularly publish their collection offatwas in the form of voluminous compendia which are then made available for sale to the general public.

In some of the largermadrasahs, special courts orDar-ul-Qaza, exist, which handle cases in accordance with their understanding of theSharia . Generally, these cases related to family laws.Shariat courts are often cheaper and more expeditious than regular civil courts where litigation is often expensive and long drawn-out. The demand for the establishment ofShariat courts in different parts of the country is the result of the inability of civil courts to deliver cheap and speedy justice to the people. Another important role ofmadrasahs is the publication of religious literature. Somemadrasahs bring out regular religious magazines having wide circulation, while somemadrasahs have separate publication departments and publish different types of literature in different languages, including Arabic, Urdu, and other vernacular languages.[123] Largermadrasahs have their own printing presses and even their own websites now. Many among theulema have also regularly contributed articles on Islamic themes to widely circulating magazines and newspapers. The dailyJang, Pakistan’s most widely circulating Urdu newspaper began an Islamic page in 1978 to which religious scholars have regularly contributed. Mufti Mohammad Yousaf Ludhianavi, a leading religious scholar affiliated with theJamiat-al-Ulum madrasah of Karachi wrote a weekly question-and-answer column called “Your Problems and their Solutions” for many years. This provided religious guidance to common Muslims on all sorts of issues in a highly simplified style. These and other writings were later compiled and published as a seven volume work under the same title and for a similar target audience.[124] The publisher introduces this work as follow;

“Your Problems and their Solution”, is the best loved serious column in theJang newspaper. It is the first thing to be read every Friday. God has granted it a popularity such that hundreds of thousands of people not only await it eagerly but consider it a necessary part of their lives. It has brought about revolutionary change in the lives of countless people. Thousands of people have molded their lives according to the life of the Prophet.[125]

Nowadays the Daily Mashriq, a widely read Urdu newspaper, carries a specialdini supplement on every Friday, which is highly popular among common Muslims. It is eagerly awaited and widely read by common Muslims. Thus, theulema successfully utilize the press for access to the general public.

The foregoing discussion reveals thatmadrasahs have deep-rooted historical relations with the Muslim society in Pakistan. Therefore,madrasahs are not only educational institutions; rather they play crucial socio-political roles in Muslim society. Immediate denial of this role to themadrasahs may lead to polarization and chaos in the society.

3- State And Madrasah Relations: 1947-1999

As the previous chapter revealed, the dichotomy in the educational system was inherited by Pakistan from colonial India. The religiousmadaris were in the hands of conservativeulema who suspected the introduction of reforms in any sector by the modernist leadership as a conspiracy against Islam. Therefore, partly as a lack of commitment of the government and, partly, because of the fear of opposition from the conservativeulema, the government could not undertake comprehensive measures to introduce a uniform system of education in the country.

However, the efforts to introduce reforms in thedin-i-madaris have been underway since Ayub Khan’s regime. These efforts could not produce fruitful results because of multiple socio-political reasons.[126]

Madrasahs under Ayub Khan’s Regime

The first-ever attempt to integratedin-i-madaris into the formal educational system and to get their financial and administrative control was made in 1961 through an ordinance to transfer the private endowments to the state. Thesewaqf endowments were the main source of finance ofdin-i-madaris .[127]

In 1961 a committee for revision of the curricula of theDin-i-madras was formed for the first time. It consisted of eleven members in whom only three members represented the traditionaldin-i-madras while six were from universities and two were government representatives.[128] The composition of the committee indicates the government move to bring about state sponsored reforms. The committee’s proposals for the reforms of curricula also reflected this trend. The committee report covered 700din-i-madaris in whichDars-i-Nizami was taught and was financed by the Asia Foundation, an American NGO.[129]

       The committee report of 1962 suggests that general educational subjects should be introduced indin-i-madaris along with traditional religious subjects to meet the challenges of the time. Active support of the clergy was sought to realize this objective.[130] It was made clear that this would be possible only if certain unnecessary non-religious subjects be replaced by subjects based upon undisputed sources of knowledge.[131] The committee agreed to introduce modern subjects to prepare students for different professions. The National Education Commission 1959 had already recommended these proposals.[132] The government intended to modernize the system of education reforming themaktabs andmadaris . Under this scheme the primary education as approved by the department of education was to be compulsory for all the students of affiliatedmadaris. [133] It is to be noted that the sphere of reform in the syllabus was limited to the non-religious subjects as taught inmadaris. The report recommended that logic and philosophy be cut down which were considered essential for the religious study in the past and formed part ofDars-i-Nizami. [134] Great emphasis was given to Quranic studies,hadith, and early Islamic history.