Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

Media’s Role regarding madrasahs

The media, especially international news media, paint a very negative picture ofmadrasahs and their activities. More often than not,madrasahs are shown as sites brewing anti-social activities, brainwashing for suicide bombing, attacks on civilian targets hosting Western interests and other such happenings are all shown withmadrasahs in the background. The print media, especially the English press is especially hostile tomadrasahs. [287]

The media reports of theWashington Times have tied former madrasahs students to terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe and to militant groups operating in Afghanistan.[288]

Urdu newspapers, however, are not so hostile tomadrasahs , and provide a wide coverage of their activities and outlooks.[289]

The Approach of Liberals, Academics and Scholars to madrasah Reforms

The liberal elements are viewed as the arch rivals ofmadrasahs in Pakistan. In their pursuit of liberal thinking and attitude, they considermadrasahs as harbingers of retrogression and orthodoxy.Madrasahs and clerics, in turn, denounce the liberals, terming them the promoters of evil. Both camps refuse to recognize the existence and subsequent validity of each other’s school of thoughts,modus operandi of learning and the overall ideology of life.

In comparison, academics and scholars have a mixed approach. Skeptical of liberals who demand dissent from convention they mostly mend fences with the clerics and share some wavelengths, at least on controversial issues with them.[290]

A.H. Nayyer, noted analyst working with the Islamabad-based NGO Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), said any government that announcesmadrasah reforms must first identify the nature of reforms. It is clear that the present claim of reformingmadrasahs emanates from an urge to eliminate sources of extremism in the society.[291] Nayyer believes the roots of extremism lie in so many other nooks and corners.

Almost all agree that extremism has taken roots because of the absence of governance and justice in the society. If the government does not have any plan to fill this vacuum, any action againstmadrasahs would be meaningless and only temporary. If it has a plan to improve its governance and the system of justice, it will have to share it with the public at large, for no scheme for good governance and justice would succeed without an active participation by the general public.

Nayyer claims that the people behind Musharraf”s efforts of reforming religious education were those who influenced by theJamaat-i-Islami . TheJamaat has been trying for quite sometime to convincemadrasah to include secular subjects in their curriculum. Several meetings in this regard were held with the four boards ofmadrasahs education which failed.[292] Fearing opposition frommadrasahs, Nayyer said, the Musharraf government modified curriculum that retained everything existing and added a few subjects like English, mathematics, sciences and social studies from public school curriculum. A state grant was also offered for those who agreed to government’s proposals. Despite the monetary incentives the majority ofmadrasahs spurned this offer. Those who accepted, however, knew that the modification meant added burden. In any case, what escapes everyone’s mind was the fact that themadrasah teaching methodology centered on the rote system and added subjects would be taught and learnt in the same spirit.[293]

Regarding the elimination of extremism and militancy with the introduction of modern subjects Nayyer said social study and Urdu text books contain a lot of material that can potentially be a source of extremism and militancy. Moreover,madrasahs are not the sources of extremism and militancy. Our normal school system and our media do not do any less.[294]

According to Christopher Canland, an initiative must proceed from the recognition that Islamic boarding schools and Islamic education are an integral part of national education of Pakistan. Reform efforts based on the assumption that national education must remove off religion from educational curriculum are only impractical. Avoidance of religious subjects in national education and weakening of Islamic education sector are neither likely to improve tolerance and understanding between people of different faiths nor diminish violence in Pakistan or abroad.[295]

Tariq Rehman, an eminent educationalist, believes that reforms of Islamic education must also recognize that present backwardness in administrative, curricular and financial terms of Islamic institutions is a direct product of a highly polarized educational system. In this context it should be recognized that the promotion and subsidy of elite education is responsible for much of the backwardness of the institution of Islamic education.[296]

While analyzing the approaches of different actors we can easily understand the nature and prospects of state-sponsored reforms. This will also help us to know the response and reservation of the stake holders(madrasahs) in its real perspectives.

The madrasahs’ Response to State-Sponsored Reforms

The response ofulema to the state-sponsored reforms is not always encouraging. The reasons behindulema’s reservation are mainly based on the lack of sincerity on the part of government. Theulema’s response to different state-sponsored measures shows that these measures were aimed at destroying their educational system as a part of a global conspiracy of the West to destroy Islam.

Maulana Hafiz Abdul-Rehman Madani, a leading Islamic scholar and chief editor of the monthly journal Muhhadis, in an interview with The News expressed his reservations regardingmadrasah reforms in detail. He claimed that the government’s present initiatives are being taken for fulfilling the foreign agenda because these reforms are being executed through the Ministry of Interior, which is not its domain. “The move is indicative of the bad intention of the government as it should have been executed through the Ministry of Education”, he claimed.[297]

He regretted the discriminatory attitude of government towardsmadaris because it does not provide financial help tomadari s, rather it criticize foreign Muslims providing financial help todin-i-madaris. He pointed out that several NGOs functioning with the help of foreign aid are not questioned whilemadaris are repeatedly blamed for the same reasons.[298]

Commenting on the standard of curriculum ofdin-i-madaris he observed that it is superior to that of the formal education system and it is being reformed by theulema themselves according to their needs. On the other hand, the curriculum of formal education which is the legacy of the colonial era which needs urgent reforms could not be reformed according to the needs. However, he outrightly rejected the integration ofdin-i-madaris with the formal education system as it would be detrimental to Islam itself. About the registration ofdin-i-madaris, Maulana Madani termed it a step to interfere with their affairs which themadaris will never allow.[299]

Regarding the audit of financial sources ofmadaris , he was of the view that when the government does not provide sufficient financial help, it has no right to know about the income and expenditure ofmadari s. Commenting on the misuse of money bymadari s, he was of the view that the government’s own institutions are deeply involved in this which could not be overcome so far.[300]

Regarding the involvement ofmadrasahs in terrorism and sectarianism, Maulana Madani claimed thatmadrasahs are not involved in such activities. He termed it a part of the Jewish conspiracies to defame religious educational institutions all over the world. He regretted that some secular elements in Pakistan shared the views of anti-Islamic forces. He confirmed that nomadrasah teach sectarian hatred. It is the product of international political developments which have no relation withmadaris . However, during my personal interaction with members of theulema for collecting data for research, most agreed that sectarianism has been a reality in the Subcontinent for a long time, and its existence cannot be denied.[301]

The reservations and apprehensions expressed by Maulana Madani were also supported by the president ofWaqaf-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia , Maulana Muhammad Hanif Jalandhri. In an article in the dailyNawa-i-Waqt he observed that government efforts of reforms are based on malafide intentions and these are being taken on the behest of the Western and Jewish lobbies. He contended that the West never wantedmadaris to prepare good Muslims by spending money formadaris reforms, rather they want to involve the students ofmadaris in worldly pursuits and to weaken their zeal for the study of purely religious subjects.[302]

He revealed thatmadrasahs are not only aimed at preparing experts of religious knowledge but the people who speak truth irrespective of its consequences, those who do not believe in materialism, who are always content with the simplest means of life, and whose loyalties could not be purchased with money. What reforms one intended to introduce for the achievement of these objectives? In his views the present curriculum of thedin-i-madaris fulfills these objectives.[303]

About the lack of worldly knowledge ofmadaris graduates, he claimed that theulema know about this more than others know about their own religions. He questioned why the government is not introducing reforms in formal educational institutions where so many flaws are witnessed and they need immediate redress.

Regarding terrorism he denied the involvement ofmadaris in it.[304] He complained that government agencies were behind harassingmadaris while several high-ranking government officials have confessed thatmadaris are not involved in anti-state activities.[305] He warned government that any interference inmadaris would have serious repercussions. Therefore, he advised thatmadaris should be left in their present positions.[306]

While commenting on the terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe, which were associated withmadrasah students according to theWashington Times report[307] the late Mufti Dr. Sarfaraz Naeemi (1948­-2009), head ofJamia Naeemia Lahore and Secretary GeneralTanzeem-ul-madaris , observed:

The actions of a small minority have given bad name to Islam and its centuries-old educational system that can interface with the modern world.

He said it was the duty of the government to find and crushmadrasahs that preach violence. “We are preparing our students for every field of life”, he claimed.[308]

Khalid Rehman, director of the Institute for Policy Studies in Islamabad, said that in conservative parts of the country such as the Tribal Areas and Baluchistan, religious institutions generally see prescribed reforms as ‘out of context’ with Islam and the traditional life-style.

This does not necessarily mean that they are extremists. But becausemadrasahs in these areas play a dominant role in the development of children with limited exposure beyond school walls, it is easier for them to be converted to any kind of venture if influential figures are so inclined, Rehman said.[309]

A student ofmadrasah in Lahore while reacting to the US missile attacks on suspected Taliban targets that includedmadrasahs said that they harbor no ill will towards Americans but are angry with their government policies that they have hurt Muslims. “The US wants to treat us like slaves here when they should treat us like friends” said Akbar Syed, a 21 years oldmadrasah student.[310]

During my visit to several ruralmadrasahs in the NWFP(=Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), theulema expressed similar reservations regarding reformingmadrasah education. They declared thatmadaris curriculum is capable of fulfilling its objectives. They repeatedly claimed that they do not need government help because of much complicated official procedure of audit and because they are content with the least modern facilities. Their contention is based on reality and I agreed with them on the basis of my personal experience because the honest officials in the government department have to grease the palms of auditors to get financial clearances.

However, the administrator’s claim of relying on the least worldly means at least for themselves was found contrary to the fact during my field work because they used many of modern facilities for themselves which their counterparts in government institutions usually do not enjoy.[311]

Madrasah Registration Ordinance and Response of madrasahs

While undertaking government initiatives onmadrasah reforms, it was envisaged that the activities and functioning ofmadaris may also be regulated through an independent enactment providing for their registration.madrasahs were therefore directed in 2002 to register with the government within six months or face closure. The ordinance for this purpose was introduced in August 2002, known asMadrasah Registration and Control Ordinance 2002. According to this ordinance, nomadrasah will function without government permission. The officials of theMadrasah Authority will monitor the activities ofmadrasahs , nomadrasah shall accept foreign financial help without government permission.[312]   The representatives ofmadaris of four schools of thought rejected the said ordinance.[313]

Addressing a press conference after the protest convention, the leaders of different schools of thought pledged that they will never allow the government move to controldin-i-madaris on behest of America through various pretexts.[314] Theulema were of the opinion that measures like registration, change of curriculum, and mainstreamingmadaris are aimed at deprivingmadaris of their independence and to destroy their Islamic identity.[315] They claimed that all such measures were a part of the American agenda to secularize the educational system, whichmadaris will resist at any cost.[316] They assured their support to the government againstmadrasahs involved in sectarianism, terrorism or possessing arms, but stressed that the government should provide solid proofs in this regard.[317]

While commenting on the registration issue Mufti Munibur Rehman, one of the representatives ofWafaq-ul-Madaris said, “The issue must not be resolved only to please external players”. He said the present government has not contacted us even once to discuss the issue. We are ready to accept the reforms which are in the best interests of our students and without being pressurised[318] . Rehman, however, denied the charges of ambiguous, illegal, unlawful and un-Islamic activities urging the government to notify suchmadrasahs and to give proof of their militant actions.[319]

Regarding such widespread discontent among theulema about the government initiative, Dr. Mahmood Ahmad Ghazi, member of the National Security Council, categorically declared that the government holds theulema in high esteem and believes in protecting the sanctity of religious institutions. He regretted that some anti-government elements are instigatingulema and spreading misconceptions about the government’s policy in regard to religious matters.[320] He further declared that the government has no intention of intervening in the working of ‘din-i-madaris ’ or to curtail their freedom and independent status in any manner whatsoever.[321]

In order to create consensus on the issue of registration the government initiated consultative process with theulema . A number of meetings between the officials of Ministry of Religious Affairs and the heads of organizations of different schools of thought were held to strike a consensus on framing a law for this purpose. All these efforts failed to get the cooperation of theulema until the government made some vital compromises. For instance,madrasahs were permitted not to disclose their sources of income and the government also withdrew the demand thatmadrasahs should immediately expel foreign students, besides the government recognition of the fivewaqafs or educational boards as officially recognized institutions that can issue educational degrees to the students was another crucial compromise.[322]

After such compromises to get the cooperation of theulema the government was able to promulgate the Madrasahs Voluntary Registration Regulation Ordinance 2005. General Musharaf and the Ministry of Interior are said to have been unhappy with such compromises. But four years ago when this exercise began, themadrasahs had refused to get themselves registered if forced to disclose their sources of funding and repatriate of foreign students.[323]

The report of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, however, revealed that the progress in registration is not encouraging because the total number of registeredmadrasahs in 2007 was 13,000, while their actual number is estimated to be over 200,000 across the country.[324] The Interior Ministry has expressed concern over the issue as the Ministry of Religious Affairs does not have a proper mechanism to determine the exact number of seminaries operating unlawfully.[325]

The exact number of the students studying in the country is not known yet as the Ministry of Religious Affairs has so far registered only those seminaries that house 30-40 students. The ministry provided cursory figures to the Ministry of Interior after the voluntary registration ordinance was promulgated. Officials in the Ministry of Religious Affairs observed that it was an uphill task for the Ministry to register religious seminaries as there was no mechanism to trace unregisteredmadrasahs. [326] A source in the Religious Affairs Ministry said that there has been a sharp growth in the institutions associated with theDeobandi school of thought and the N.W.F.P(=Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) witnessed the largest unregisteredmadrasahs, adding that a number ofmadrasahs were brainwashing students for militant activities and the Interior Ministry was quite concerned about this.[327]

Former education Minister Javed Ashraf Qazi was of the opinion that the main reason behind the failure ofmadrasah reforms during the Musharaf regime was the refusal of “The Alliance of Madrasahs” (Ittihad-i-Tanzeemat-e-Madars-i-Deeniya ) to cooperate with the government. At first, themadrasahs refused to enlist and register under the Companies Act, refusing also to provide other required details, i.e. number of students, boarders, and sources of funding, he claimed.[328]

Madrasah Education Board and Response of madrasahs

As a part of the government agenda of reforms, an ordinance calledMadrasah Education (Establishment and Affiliation of ModelDin-i-Madaris ) Board Ordinance 2001 was promulgated. It was aimed at the establishment and affiliation of modeldin-i-madaris in which modern subjects are to be taught along with traditional religious subjects and to prepare students to perform better in the modern world.

Madrasah reforms project (MRP) was initiated by Ministry Of Education with two main objectives: to mainstream themadrasah educational system by introducing the formal subjects in their syllabi and to open lines of communication with the elaborate network of seminaries.[329] Theulema expressed serious reservations regarding theMadrasah Education Board Ordinance as they have expressed in the past for similar initiatives on the part of the government. The alliance ofmadrasahs of all the five boards of different schools of thought in its response rejected theMadrasahs Board Ordinance and refused to cooperate with government in this regard. They warned that themadrasahs are fully prepared to resist any move aiming at curbing their influence. They made it clear that they do not need government financial aid because of their total reliance on God’s help. Therefore, they could not surrender this permanent source of strength by accepting temporary government aid.[330]

Regarding the employment opportunities formadrasah graduates with the introduction of modern subjects, they declared that the aim of religious education was not to get jobs. However, they advised the government to focus on the provision of jobs to those who have studied in government colleges and universities and were roaming jobless.[331]

While reacting to the government initiative to introduce modern subjects theulema showed mixed reaction. A small number ofulema mostly from theBarelvi school of thought welcomed it as a positive sign to promote modern education inmadrasahs while the majority termed it a part of the government agenda to controldin-i-madaris and to kill the spirit ofjihad among Muslims.[332]

Maulana Hanif Jallandhri, the head ofWafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Arabia and coordination secretary of the Alliance ofMadaris Deenia in his response said that themadaris will never allow changes in their curricula whatever amount the government may allocate for this purpose. He declared thatWafaq-ul-Madaris has unanimously rejected the official aid. He advised the government to waver utility bills ofdin-i-madaris if they really want to helpmadrasahs [333] . Maulana Jalandhri clarified that the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris is aimed at preparing religious scholars and not engineers or doctors. He said that onlyulema have the right to make and propose changes in the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris . Commenting on the introduction of modern subjects along with the existing religious disciplines, he argued that this will be a burden on the students. Therefore, they will neither be able to become experts in modern disciplines nor in religious ones.[334] He regretted the discriminatory attitude of government towardsmadrasahs and demanded of the government to hold talks with theulema andmadrasah boards on all vital issues related tomadaris .[335]

The head ofTanzeem-ul-Madaris Ahl-e-Sunnah, Mufti Muneeb-ur-Rehman, while addressing a convention of heads ofdin-i-madaris announced that theTanzeem-ul-Madaris which is an organization of a network of ten thousandsdin-i-madaris will never become a part of government initiative to change the syllabus of

din-i-madaris .[336]

During my personal interaction with theulema and heads of differentmadaris in the NWFP(=Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), similar reservations were expressed by them regarding the changes in the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris . They emphasized eternal salvation and stressed that they have no reason to care for this world. The ground realities, however, speak otherwise.[337]

Five years on, theMadrasah Reforms Project could reach only 507madaris against its target of some 8000madrasahs. A senior official of the Ministry Of Religious Affairs revealed that the Ministry Of Education reached out to only thosemadrasahs that are either alienated from the mainstream or are not part of any of the five recognizedmadrasah organizations.[338]     

Table 5.1

English-teaching in the religious Schools (Maktabs and Madrasahs)

Source: Calculated on the basis of figures given in Report Madrasahs 1988 in: Rehman Tariq,Language, Ideology and Power , 2002.

Pre-Conditions of madrasahs

Asmadrasahs andulema were of the opinion that all the initiatives of government reforms were undertaken unilaterally and without consultation with the representatives ofmadrasahs organizations and prominentulema, they refused to cooperate with the government until the following conditions were met.

1.  The government should promise to hold talks with good intentions withmadrasah at high level regarding any important matters relating to them;

2.    Madrasah boards may be granted the status of degree-awarding universities;

3.   If granting of university charter was not possible, the status similar toModel   Din-i-Madrasah may be extended tomadrasah boards;

4.   Not onlyShahadat-ul-Aaliya with B.A degree may be notified but the condition of getting equivalence certificate from Pakistan universities may be withdrawn for theShahadat-ul-Alamiya degree. On the same footingsanvia aama andsanvia khassa may be recognized at par with secondary and higher secondary school certificates respectively;

5.  The simple and easy procedure for registration agreed upon between the two sides may be introduced;

6.   Procedure for permission for those foreign students who want to study indin-i-madaris should be made simple and easy;

If anymadrasah was suspected to be involved in any unlawful activity, its case may be investigated according to the law. But it is best to inform the respectiveWafaq. [339]

Theulema made it clear that these measures will create atmosphere of goodwill betweenmadrasahs and the government.[340]

Islamic Education Commission

After the failure of the government’s previous efforts of reforms and in the present atmosphere of distrust, the government planned to establish a separate Islamic education commission under which theMadrasah Education Board will be established. This board will conduct examinations for the students studying inmadrasahs belonging to different schools of thought and registered to this board.  The cost will be borne by Ministry of Religious Affairs. The plan included vital changes in curriculum and examination system with consultation with Islamic scholars imparting training at local and international level.[341]

Commenting on fresh initiative of the government, theDaily Pakistan (Urdu) observed that all such efforts in the past failed to get the support of themadaris. Therefore, there is no guarantee that themadaris will accept the proposed education commission and allow their students to appear in examination of an inter-madaris board. In this connection, it is necessary to takemadaris into confidence because it is a general perception that the government try to weaken themadaris under foreign pressure. Therefore,madaris do not support any government policy. If this perception is removed,madaris may agree to possible cooperation.[342]

The new developments in 2007 because of the Lal Masjid operation worsened the prospects of cooperation asulema ofWafaq-ul-Madaris announced that no further talks will be held with the government as reaction to the Lal Masjid operation.[343] The proposed plan, however, could not be realized because of mutual distrust until the new government of Pakistan Peoples’ Party came into power.

Current Situation and the din-i-madaris

Din-i-madaris again became a hot topic of discussion when the war on terrorism intensified once again in N.W.F.P (=Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and FATA.

The government of the Pakistan Peoples Party seems to deal withmadaris on the same lines as the previous government had done. President Asif Ali Zardari during his visit to Washington announced that all themadrasahs in the country will be taken over by the government to separate students from extremism and impart them modern as well as religious education.[344]

Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani when taking oath in March 2008, announced under PM’s 100 days programme to set up aMadrasah Welfare Authority which was supposed to be functional by July 9, 2008 has not been set up because the task has yet to be assigned between ministries of Interior, Religious Affairs, and Education. One of the main reasons of the failure of previous reforms is stated to be the lack of coordination among these Ministries.[345] After the present government’s announcement, to proceed withmadaris reforms, survey forms for collecting details ofmadaris have been distributed.

Madrasahs Reaction to the Present Initiatives

In a meeting ofWafaq-ul-Madaris-al-Arabia held on 8th April 2009, the government’s announcement ofmadrasah reforms was declared unilateral and expressed concern was expressed that the government had not contact the leadership of themadrasahs in this regard during the past year. It was declared that the present initiatives were the continuation of the Musharaf policy. It was resolved that no government initiative will be supported without taking themadrasahs into confidence.[346]

A convention of the Alliance of Organizations ofDin-i-madaris “Ittehad-i-Tanzeemat-e-Madaris-i-Deeniya” was held on April 9, 2009 in Islamabad. The unanimous declaration after the convention termed the present initiatives of government reforms ofdin-i-madaris as continuation of the agenda of the previous government. They rejected the distribution of survey forms. All the organizations directed their respective affiliatedmadrasahs that they should not complete the survey forms distributed by government agencies. They advised the government to contact the respective organizations ofdin-i-madaris for this purpose.[347]

The response of thedin-i-madaris to this declaration was quick, and nearly all thedin-i-madaris do not usually cooperate in this regard. The situation is so pathetic that I failed to convince most of administrators ofmadaris to cooperate in this regard during my field work in April-May 2009.

The response to the issue ofmadrasah reforms reflects different understandings of appropriate Islamic education. To many traditionalistulema ,madrasah education is a perfect system of education and change in it is considered to be a threat to the identity and intensity of faith and departure from the path of pious leaders. To them reforms are aimed at undermining the power ofulema as leaders of the community and their claim to speak authoritatively for Islam. They often see proposals for reforms as interference in their own jurisdiction. Since their claims to authority as spokesmen of Islam are based on their mastery of certain disciplines or texts, any change in syllabus will directly undermine their own claims. Moreover, they consider it a foreign conspiracy to convert purely religious education into secular education.

A section of traditionalistulema, however, accepting the need for reforms, argue that this should be strictly limited and must not threaten or dilute the religious character ofmadrasahs. They favor reforms to the extent thatmadrasah students should get basic knowledge about modern subjects. Yet they argue that the main focus should remain on the study of religious education. They believe that excessive stress on modern subjects would harm the cause of both of religious as well as modern education. Though their apprehensions may not be entirely baseless, it is a fact that reforms may seriously undermine the monopoly of traditionalists of interpretation of knowledge. Despite this deep-rooted controversy regardingmadrasah reforms, no sector includingmadrasah education is immune to change, the demand for which also regularly comes from different people, including some leadingulema.

Prospects of Reforms

An analysis of the response ofmadaris to state-sponsored reforms during the last eight years predicts that high resentment and deep suspicion among themadrasahs regarding government’s efforts prevailed all the time. The same atmosphere of distrust exists even today with the PPP government in power. The present government seems to take the previous agenda forward to which the initial response ofulema is not encouraging. While the fate of all previous efforts aimed at reformingmadaris are before the present government.

How to address the present challenge? A number of options are available but require clear leadership from the government and a willingness to take some political risks. In the case ofmadrasah reform strategy theconditio sine qua non is to have a formal regulatory mechanism for guaranteeing efficacy of all educational institutions and ensuring quality control whether it is private secular schools ormadrasahs. This should encourage registration, create concomitant statutory obligation on the registered entity and its sponsors by way of governance, financial accountability, and responsibility towards society.[348]

The reform efforts should inter alia provide for the following elements:

A:   Registration ofmadrasah as well as private schools for quality control purposes is essential. However, to give more credibility to the efforts, this process is best managed at the provincial level with minimum interference from federal government;

B:    Construction ofmadrasahs on public lands must be scrutinized more carefully to ensure that the intended purpose of state land use is being met;

C:    Inclusion of local council representatives in the management committee or board of directors ofmadrasahs wafaq should be suggested in order to ensure local citizenry are involved in the working ofmadrasahs;

D:            There is a need to set up an interdepartmental committee headed by aNazim (local-level governor) to steer the reform agenda forward based on local input but with accountability to the federal government;

E:    Some measures for ensuring that the local student body representation balances external students enrollment in urbanmadrasahs should be encouraged so that there is greater connection between the community andmadrasahs.

F:    Greater placement ofmadrasah graduates should be encouraged through apprenticeship programs in whichmadrasah graduates can find a way to teach their religious ideals while also contributing as productive members of society.

G:   Exchange of possible practices and ideas between schools andmadrasahs within    Pakistan and abroad. It is important to promote greater interaction between youth of various schools in Pakistan to reduce class tensions. There are some very promising programs that a fewmadrasahs are starting on their own accord in Pakistan and abroad. However, it is important to ensure that the lessons are meant to be mutual and no particular role model is chosen as that is likely to lead to conspiracies of political patronage.[349]

All such measures should aim at giving these essential Islamic indigenous institutions back to the community which is the need of the time. But taking on board the stake- holders (madrasahs) is prerequisite.

The Birth of Traditional madrasahs

As was the practice from the days of Prophet (PBUH), mosques served as the centers of Muslim education for almost three centuries. It was during the Abbassid period that the need for a more organized educational system was felt because of the rapid expansion of knowledge and to meet the administrative needs of the empire. This gave birth to themadrasah as a separate institution.

Madrasah, pluralmadaris, is the Arabic word for any type of school, secular or religious. It is variously transliterated as,madrasa, modresa, madraza, etc. The wordmadrasah is derived regularly from the triconsonantal root (d-r-s ) which relates to learning or teaching through thewazn maf al , meaning “a place where x is done”.

Therefore,madrasah literally means “a place where learning / teaching is done. The word is also present as a loan word with the same meaning in many Arabic influenced languages such as,Urdu, Hindi, Marathi, Persian, Turkish , etc. In the Arabic language the wordmadrasah implies no sense other than that which the word school represents in the English language, whether religious or secular.[30]

It is believed that the firstmadrasah in the Muslim world was established in the ninth century in the city ofFas (Fez ) in Morocco and was known asJamiat al-Qarawiyyin . It was founded by Fatima al Fihri, the daughter of a wealthy merchant named Mohammad Al Fihri.

During the late Abassid period the Suljuk vizier Nizam-ul-mulk[31] created the first major official academic institution known in history as Madrasah Nizamyya at Nishapur. Nizam Al Mulk, who would later be murdered by the Assassins (Hashashin), created a system of state-sponsoredmadrasahs in various cities of the Abbasid empire towards the end of the 11th century of the common era. The syllabi of thesemadrasahs included the teaching of theQur’an andhadith with increasing emphasis onfiqh with the passage of time. The emphasis onfiqh was aimed at providing trained people for the imperial courts. The subjects of mathematics, astronomy, and other human sciences were also taught in thesemadrasahs .

George Makdesi contends that these earlymadrasahs were relatively autonomous. But other scholars disagree and claim that they played crucial political roles by providing legitimacy to the rulers in the face of stiff opposition. The administrative staff of the state, including judges (qazis ), legal specialists (muftis ) and censors of public morals (mustahbibs ) was mades up of the graduates of thesemadrasah [32] s.   The most famous among theNizamia madrasahs was established in Baghdad in 1067A.D. It was sponsored by the rulers and sizeable funds were allotted for it. About 6000 students were enrolled in thismadrasah and it functioned until the fall of Baghdad in 1257. SinceMadrasah Nizamia was propagating theShaafi mazhab, the followers of the Hanafi school of thought also established their ownmadrasahs.

The Muslims rulers, nobles and wealthy traders establishedmadrasahs in different lands and provided liberal financial supports for earning the blessings of God as they considered it a pious deed. Some of theulema were directly linked with the rulers, while others avoided rulers but enjoyed great respect among the people.

Education inmadrasahs was free of cost and students were drawn from far-off regions. They helped in the expansion of Islamic civilization by creating a class ofulema who were linked by their common approach in the light of Islamic jurisprudence. In medievalmadrasahs there were no rigid rules of admission, examination system, or age requirements. The personality of the teacher was more important than the institution itself. Piety, expertise, and scholarship were decisive factors for the student to be attracted towards a particular teacher. In addition to the transmitted sciences (ulum-al-naqaliyla ) such asQur’an, hadith , andfiqh , rational sciences (Ulum-al-naqliya ) i.e. grammar, poetry, and philosophy, mathematics and astronomy were also taught in medievalmadrasahs. However, there was no rigid distinction between religious and secular education.[33]

This system of Muslim education spread elsewhere in the Muslim world and Turkish rulers brought it to India when they consolidated their rule there. This leads to religious and socio-political transformation on Indian soil afterwards.

Madrasahs in the Indian Subcontinent

Missionary activities had been started with the advent of Muslims traders in the Subcontinent long before the Muslims conquests. However, the consolidation of the Muslim empire facilitated the establishment of an organized educational system elsewhere in the Subcontinent. Royal patronage was always available for this purpose. After the fall of Baghdad in 1257 A.D, a large number of scholars were attracted towards India. They also brought with them the syllabus and traditional methods of teaching which were adopted in Indianmadrasahs . The courts of the Dehli sultans were flooded with scholars and intellectuals from Central Asia. Some of the Sufis and scientists also migrated from Central Asia. They started preaching and teaching on their own without seeking royal patronage. They contributed to the conversion of large numbers of people to Islam.[34] The traditionalmadrasahs in India mostly taughtHanafi fiqh andAshrafia , the descendants of Central Asianulema were preferred for teaching. The rulers sought advice (fatwa ) of those scholars on certain matters but did not always act upon them because of the peculiar conditions of India and personal expediency. Especiallyfatawa relating to the status of minorities in India were always ignored by most of the rulers.[35]

In the time of the Dehli sultans (1206-1525 A.D.) promotion of education was highly encouraged. However, no restriction was imposed in this regard by them. The rulers provided financial support and helped the teachers and students to carry on educational activities in a free environment. Teachers were free to manage their institutions, frame courses and syllabus, and decide the aims, nature, and methods of their teaching. These institutions taught specially prescribed courses which were not too rigid. Changes were introduced at different times, and, in some places, certain subjects were given more importance than others. But these changes were not affected in consequence of official interference. Endowments attached to large numbers of schools were monetary sources for these institutions. In addition to those teachers who got salaries, there was a class of teachers who were not taking salaries and worked on a voluntary basis, considering it a religious obligation and a source of gaining eternal salvation.

Every teacher was free in the selection of his place of teaching. The state facilitated him through monetary aid to devote himself exclusively to seeking knowledge and imparting instruction.[36] The in-charge of religious endowments arranged for grants of tax free lands toimams ,qazis , and other religious groups who provided education, particularly, in Islamic subjects. The main subjects weretafsir ,hadiths , andfiqh . For the study ofhadith the favorite text book wasMasharriq-ul-Anwar and infiqh, Hidaya held the field. In the Deccan, where contact with Iran was maintained, scientific subjects also got due attention. In northern India, literature, history and mysticism were taught along with religious subjects. The promotion of learning in the Deccan was largely the work of Persian statesmen and scholars whom the rulers had attracted from Iran.[37]

In the time of the early Mughals rational sciences such as logic, mathematics, literature, and philosophy got more attention because these subjects were considered essential for aspiring civil servants. The Persian Shia scholar Mir Fatehullah Sherazi in the court of emperor Akbar, the Great Mughal, introduced books on ethics, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, logic, history, and theology. Interesting inventions such as the portable cannon, an instrument for cleaning gun barrels and self-driven corn mills, apart from organization of Mughal land revenue policy are attributed to the genius of Sherazi. During Akbar’s reign Muslims and sizeable numbers of Hindus studied Sanskrit grammar and the books of Vedanta were introduced for Hindu children at the same places. The reaction of orthodox elements against Akbar was probably due to the increasing influence of the Shia and of rational sciences during his reign.[38]

Dars-i-Nizami of Mullah Nizamuddin

Although Muslim rulers liberally spent on education, there was no separate education department, no regular examination system and no uniform standard to be maintained by authority. It was during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir that a man of religious learning Mulla Qutab-ud-Din, was encouraged to promote education among the Muslims of the Subcontinent. One of his descendants, Mulla Nizammuddin prepared a syllabus of studies in 1748, and introduced it in hismadrasah at Farangi Mahal.[39] The scheme of studies introduced by Mulla Nizammuddin was known asDars-i-Nizami . Even the present-day religiousmadrasahs in South Asia follow the pattern of theDars-i-Nizami in their scheme of studies with certain modifications.

In his scheme of study Mulla Nizammuddin added certain subjects ofmaaqulat to the existing texts. Subjects like Arabic grammar, logic, philosophy, mathematics, and rhetoric were given more weight as compared to the study of theQur’an andhadith . The intended syllabus was mainly aimed at producingqazis ,muftis , and legal officials required by Muslim courts. Persian was the medium of instruction. Transmitted sciences were given less importance as only two books ofhadith ,Mashariqul Anwar andMishkat, and two books ofQuranic commentary,Jalalayn andBezavi, were included in the syllabus. However, the Farangi Mahalis produced renowned scholars and intellectuals in the field of both rational and transmitted sciences. The Farangi Mahal attracted both Sunni and Shias from across India. Farangi Mahalis also fostered the tradition of combining scholarly and mystic learning. Thus, Sufis were attracted to the Farangi Mahal to study law that was considered to be the exclusive domain of theulema [40] . The proximity to the courts was a special feature of the Farangi Mahlisulema, a tradition which continued in the nineteenth century. The princes also encouraged this arrangement and took pride in entertaining the highest number of scholars and intellectuals. The later rulers did not keep this tradition alive. Although demand for theulem a of Farangi Mahal declined at courts, yet Farangi Mahalis earned fame and respect all over India because of their independent efforts to maintain intellectual standards and keeping the mystic tradition alive to guard the intellectual heritage of Indian Muslims.[41]

Shah Waliullah

Shah Waliullah was born in 1703 towards the end of the reign of Aurangzeb. His father, Shah Abdur Rahim, was a leadingalim of transmitted sciences and was the patron ofMadrasah Rahimiya known after his name. After completing his education he made efforts for reforms, educational, social, and political. Under educational reforms he preferred the study ofhadith to that of rational subjects. He preached against social evils and un-Islamic practices among Muslims. Under his social reforms programme, he tried to minimize Shia-Sunni differences. He stressed the need ofijtihad. Instead of strict adherence to a certain school of thought he preferred to follow the one best suited to the needs of time.[42]

Shah Waliullah sought a balanced relationship between the rulers and religious elites instead of accepting an advisory role for theulema in the affairs of the state. He proposed that Muslim rulers should be guided by the religious leadership. The role he proposed for theulema was contrasted with that of the Farangi Mahaliulema . He himself avoided the role set up by the Farangi Mahali regarding the relationship between theulema and the rulers of the time. However, he constantly contacted Muslim rulers to remind them of their obligation in the light of theQur’an and sunnah as he considered it his religious duty. Shah Waliullah denied the importance of the study ofmaaqulat , calling it as a source of confusion. He emphasized the study ofmanqulat or traditional subjects for every Muslim. He translated theHoly Qur’an into Persian to be understood by the common Muslim. Before this the study and interpretation of theQur’an was considered the exclusively domain of theulema. Therefore, he faced tough resistance in this regard from theulema of the time. However, he consideredijtihad as the exclusive domain of the learned scholars. In fact, his personality was the symbol of tolerance, patience, compromise and forbearance in Indian Islam.[43]

Both Shah Waliullah and theulema of Farangi Mahal created stimulation among theulema to fulfill their historic role of preserving the cultural heritage of the community in times of political uncertainty. The tradition of writing among indigenousulema started with the impetus given by Shah Waliullah and the Farangi Mahali simultaneously. This gave an increasing role to theulema of the eighteenth century in Muslim society in India.

Madrasahs under Colonial Rule

In the eighteenth century modern education was rapidly introduced by the Europeans in the Subcontinent when the decline of Muslim political power had already begun. In the changed` context of socio-political life in the Subcontinent with the establishment of British rule theulema ’s role was also to be seen from a different context. Under Muslim rule theulema had enjoyed special privileges. With the collapse of Muslim political authority this source of patronage, which strengthened their claim as representatives and leaders of the community, was lost. In the changed political context the ordinary Muslim also became more conscious about the survival of his faith. The study offiqh andfatwas of theulema assumed more importance for the Muslim to ascertain their role in the new environment. Therefore, a new relationship between theulema and the common Muslim was established under which the source of strength for theulema were common Muslims instead of the rulers of the time. Most of the reformist movements during the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century were led byulema drawing support from ordinary Muslims. These movements were influenced by the thoughts of Shah Waliullah and inspired by the teaching of his son Shah Abdul Aziz. In 1803 Shah Abdul Aziz issued afatwa declaring India to be aDar-ul-Harb (an abode of war), exhorting the Muslims to fight for the emancipation of their religion. He was known as the most excellent teacher of theMadrasahs Rahimiya . Hisfatawa carried great importance in the daily life of the common Muslims of India.      

The administrative and legal changes brought about by the British rulers brought new challenges for the Muslims of India. The response to these challenges further increased the importance of thefatawa or religious decrees for ordinary Muslims. In the Muslim state,fatawa were the prerogative of themufti given for the guidance of judges. In colonial Indiafatawa were directly addressed to the believers who welcomed them as a form of guidance in the changed circumstances. Ordinary Muslims got detailed guidance in minute matters concerning everyday life in the form of thesefatawa under alien rule.

Though thefatawa relating to the political status of India were always ambiguous and lacked consensus among theulema , yet the contention of Shah Abdul Aziz that the organization of the Indian state was no longer in Muslim hands was shared by everyone. In the prevailing situation, when the state could no longer arrange to administer Muslim law, only theulema could shoulder this responsibility. They could not force the compliance to the law but they could offer direction to the faithful on issues of civil behavior such as trade, inheritance, family relations and other religious matters.

In post-Mughal India with the need of the community and the facility of the printing press for publication,fatwa became important tools for teaching adherence to the law, and Muslims felt that Muslim religious and political life could be fostered through such adherence.[44] Shah Waliullah’s followers not only made great contributions in the intellectual sphere but a class among them, believed in re-establishing Muslim political power throughijtihad. The reform movement started by Syed Ahmad Barelvi and Shah Ismael was aimed at reforming social life along with practicaljihad for the establishment of an Islamic state. It was inspired by the teachings of Shah Waliullah and his sons Shah Abdul Aziz and Shah Abdul Qadir. This movement gathered support from the Muslims of central and northern India. They stressedtauheed or oneness of God and denounced those practices which would compromise that most fundamental tenet of Islam.

The views of Syed Ahmad and Shah Ismael regarding Sufism and the position of the Prophet led to sharp differences among theulema. Those differences finally resulted in the division within the Sunni community which gave birth toAhl-e-Hadith who are bitterly opposed to Sufism andtaqlid (following a particularimam) .The other group which drew inspiration frommujahidin organized themselves in the form of the Deoband school, who believed intaqlid and also did not oppose Sufism completely. Yet another group led by Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly emerged, who opposed bothAhl-e-Hadith andDeobandis and strongly insisted on the centrality of Sufism in Islam. They branded both the groups asWahhabis and the agents of infidels. Each of these three groups runs a chain ofmadrasahs in Pakistan and India even today, propagating their own points of view.

British Approach towards Muslim Education

The Muslim education system suffered because of the educational and administrative policies of the British in the Subcontinent. Deliberate attempts were made to ruin the Muslim educational system in India under colonial rule.

The worst steps towards this end were replacing Persian as court language by English and the confiscation of the free land or trusts by the East India Company. These lands were endowed by the Muslim nobles and rulers to give financial support to a large number ofmadrasahs. [45]

When the British got power in Bengal there was a very large number ofmuafis , which is a tax-free grant of land. Many of these were personal but most were in the shape of endowments for educational institutions. A vast number of elementary schools of the old type subsisted on them as well as some institutions of higher education. The East India Company was anxious to make money rapidly in order to pay dividends to its shareholders in England. A deliberate policy was therefore adapted to resume and confiscate thesemuafi lands. Strict proofs were demanded of the original grants. But the oldsanad and papers had long been lost or eaten up by termites. So, themuafis were resumed and the old holders were ejected and the schools and colleges lost their endowments. Huge areas were resumed in this way and many old families were ruined. The educational establishments, which had been supported by thesemuafis, ceased to function and vast numbers of teachers and others connected with them were thrown out of jobs.[46] Thus, with economic dislocation, the Muslim education system was also to be wiped out. The attitude of the British towards Muslim educational schools in Bengal has been described by W.W. Hunter, a British official, in the following words:

At an outlay 800000 pounds upon resumption proceedings additional revenue of 300000 pounds a year was permanently gained by the state, representing a capital at five percent of six million sterling. A large part of this sum was derived from land held rent-free byMusalman or by Mohammadan foundations. The panic and hatred which ensued have stamped themselves for ever on the rural records. Hundreds of ancient families were ruined and the education system of theMusalmans , which was almost entirely maintained by rent-free grants, received its death blow. The scholastic classes of the Muhammadans emerged from eighteen years of harrying absolutely ruined.[47]

Thus, Muslims were the target of discriminatory polices in every sphere of life. They were socially disgraced and economically deprived. Describing the plight of Indian Muslims in the middle of the nineteenth century because of the discriminatory policy of British, Hunter says:

I have seldom read anything more piteous than the private letters and newspaper articles of BengalMusalmans . The Calcutta Persian paper some time ago wrote thus: all sort of employments, great and small are being gradually snatched away from the Muhammadans and bestowed on men of other races, particularly the Hindus. The Government is bound to look upon all classes of its subjects with an equal eye, yet the time has now come when it publicly singles out the Muhammadans in its gazettes for exclusion from official posts. Recently, when several vacancies occurred in the office of the Sunderbans Commission, that official in advertising them in the government gazette stated that the appointment would be given to none but Hindus.[48]

Several other British officials acknowledged their culpability in seriously undermining indigenous institutions of education. Ludlow, an early nineteenth century colonial officer, remarked that before the arrival of the British most Indian children could read and write. But in Bengal the extension of British rule had resulted in the almost total destruction of the indigenous system of education.

Changes in the legal system towards the end of the eighteenth century further curtailed the role ofulema as most of the legal matters concerning Muslims began to be administrated by British judges, while the realm of theulema was confined to the personal affairs of Muslims such as marriage, divorce, inheritance etc, and even in these matters, the non-Muslims judges could decide the cases. With this, the opportunities for theulema in government services were considerably reduced. The replacement of Persian as official language by English totally isolatedmadrasah students from government employment. Consequently, two streams of education came into being in colonial India, one representing the traditionalmadrasah system, confined to the study of only religious subjects, while the other system came to be known as secular education under which rational and modern sciences were to be studied. This rigid separation between religious and secular education was introduced by the colonial masters. The concept was alien to Islam itself. Such distinction could not be found before this in the Muslim world. This is why the earlymadrasahs taught both types of subjects, i.e. rational as well as traditional.

With limitingmadrasah education to only religious subjects, the sphere of influence and role ofulema was restricted to matters relating to private lives of individual Muslims. With the passage of time the traditionalulema behaved in such manner as to be content with the role they had been given by the colonial rulers as was reflected in their teaching, in their writing, and the contents offatwas that they issued, which were concerned with personal piety and conduct, ignoring the issues of state and polity. Consequently,madrasahs of the colonial period geared up to protect the private sphere of Muslim lives from outside interference. Their focus and role were different from that of the earliermadrasahs .[49]

Madrasahs and the Role of the ulema after 1857

The War of 1857 was fought in the name of protection of religion and Indian culture. Therefore, Muslims and Hindus both participated in this war and theulema led the revolt in various places. Theseulema had been inspired by the teachings of Shah Waliullah. Practicaljihad had already been started long before the famousfatwa of Shah Abdul Aziz in which he had declared India aDarul Harb. [50] In the events of 1857 a large number ofulema issuedfatwa declaringjihad against the infidel foreigners. TheWahhabis [51] remained at the forefront of uprising and faced tremendous hardships at the hands of the rulers after the war. A large number ofulema were executed and many of them were exiled to the islands of Andaman for long spells of imprisonment at the end of the war.[52]

The followers of Shah Waliullah fully participated in the War of Independence in 1857. The founders of the Deoband School were among those who fought against the British in 1857, though this claim has been contested by some sources.[53] However, the results of the war of 1857 convinced every one of the futilities of armed struggle under the prevailing circumstances. Therefore, a major shift took place from armedjihad towards educationaljihad among the Muslims of the Subcontinent. During this period the concern ofulema remained focused on reforming the individual lives of Muslims for preserving religious and cultural life through educationaljihad . For this purpose, theulema turned their attention to establishing educational institutions and training men to teach and guide Muslims of all backgrounds and classes in the society.

Dar-ul-Ulum- Deoband

Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband was founded in Deoband, a small town in the district of Saharanpur (UP) in 1867. Moulana Muhammad Qasim Nanotawi and Moulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi were the founders ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband . The establishment ofDar-ul-Ulum was aimed at securing independence and freedom of Muslim religion and culture through peaceful means. This was the first private educational enterprise completely independent of official interference. Loyalty tomazhab remained the tradition ofDeobandis , which they claimed to be the traditions of Shah Waliullah.[54]  The principle framed by the founders of the Madrasah embodied complete independence and collective decisions for running the affairs ofDar-ul-Ulum . It also rejected the possibilities of government interference. In a short span of timeDar-ul-Ulum Deoband became a great seat of learning in the Subcontinent, attracting students from all over India and even from outside. A network ofmadrasahs also opened all over India on this pattern preserving and preaching the ideals ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband.

The curriculum adopted formadrasahs was largely based onDars-i-Nizami with slight modifications. The founders ofDeoband laid emphasis on the study ofQur’an andhadiths and other transmitted sciences on the pattern of the syllabus adopted by Shah Waliullah in theMadrasah Rahimiya .

        In 1869 the period of study was reduced from ten years to six years. Although not rejecting outright the study of rational sciences or modern subjects,Deobandis were unable to arrange for teaching of modern subjects insideDar-ul-Ulum Deoband . The behavior ofulema inDeoband also did not encourage the trend of studying modern subjects as they considered the student of religious studies superior to their counterparts in secular institutions. Yet there were a large number offatwas justifying the study of modern subjects. This drawback in the curriculum ofmadrasahs always earned criticism from outside, and sometimes, from inside thesemadrasahs. [55] Although training in crafts and trades had been initially included in the curriculum ofDeoband, they got scant attention of the students. However, two kinds of vocational training such as calligraphy andtibb (medical science) drew great interest from the students. The study of these subjects was in close conformity with the activities of theulema and their study enhanced the influence ofulema in the society.[56] Since the syllabus inDeoband was loaded with study of traditional religious subjects, the students could not give attendance to modern subjects according to modern needs.

Students were examined at the end of finishing each book. The students were fairly examined and if one failed a certain book he had to repeat that particular book and not others. The medium of instruction was Urdu. Great emphasis was laid on the moral standard of students. Piety and respect for teachers were highly valued for students. For guidance of Muslims in their daily life, a separate departmentDar-ul-Ifta (Center of Religious Verdicts) was setup atDar-ul-Ulum Deoband.

Contrary to the founders ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband some Muslim leaders believed that the interests of Muslims of the Subcontinent could not be protected only through traditional religious education. The most fervent supporter of this idea was Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. He was convinced that without modern education the emancipation of Muslims in the Subcontinent would not be possible. Sir Syed sought drastic reforms in the educational system that was pursued by traditionalulema as well as their approach towards scientific knowledge. The views of Sir Syed earned wrath from the traditional religious leaders. His idea of modern education was opposed and his religious views were strongly condemned. He was declared apostate and an enemy of Islam because of his outlook.[57]

Sir Syed, however, established a modern Muslim educational college to realize his objectives. In Aligarh College religious subjects were also taught in the Department of Theology which was usually headed by a Deobandi scholar. Aligarh College proved to be more than a seat of learning. It soon became the center of political cultural and literary life of the Indian Muslims. Scientific society came into being under the patronage of Aligarh to translate the Western classics into Urdu. This opened ways for the Muslims to wider experiences of mankind in all branches of learning.[58] Efforts were also made to bring close the two seats of learning. However, the most conservative approach of Deobandis could not be reconciled with the modern Western style of Aligarh. This gave rise to two streams of educational systems. These differences also led to different socio-political trends among Indian Muslims which exist even today in both India and Pakistan.

Nadvat-ul-Ulama

Realizing the unbridgeable distance between Deoband and Aligharh, a group of Muslim moderates pondered over establishing an institution embodying a balanced approach towards traditional religious subjects and modern education simultaneously.[59]

Nadvat-ul-Ulama was established in 1891 for the said purpose. Maulana Muhammad Ali Mungeri the first president of Nadwa, while introducing the organization to theulema in a letter, wrote:

Because it is seen that the graduates of Arabic madrasahs have little knowledge of the affairs of the world around them and they can do little else at their age, they remain dependent on the people of the world(Ahl-e-Dunya) and are considered useless in the eyes of the public. They also do not possess the level of knowledge that they should. This organization seeks to bring about appropriate reforms in this regard in all Madrasahs.[60]

Muhammad Ali Mongeri justified the study of English on the grounds that the religion of Islam could be easily preached to the Westerner through their language, which could serve to effectively resist the Western conspiracy against Islam.[61] For the guidance of Muslims in daily life, it also establishedDar-ul-Ifta , providingfatwa on matters of religious importance. The major goal of the Nadwa remained to defend Islam by building the character of individual Muslims and to spread Islam among non-believers.[62]

Theulema of the Nadwa hoped to achieve respect as the champions of Islam by being powerful and intellectually distinguished. The administration of Nadwa kept close relations with the British and accepted financial grants from the government. However, the relations did not go as far asAligharh in courting British support. Themadrasah also received financial support from rulers of various Muslim princely states and donations from individual Muslim supporters.

TheNadwa attracted some of the leading Islamic scholars. Maulana Shibli, a notedalim joined theNadwa in 1905. He advocated drastic reforms by introducing modern subjects in the syllabus so that Muslims could keep pace with the modern world. The views of Shibli, however, earned criticism from manyulema within theNadwa and he had to leave theNadwa in 1913 because of this opposition.

Though the main concern of theNadwa was to unite all the mutually opposing Muslim groups, this objective could not be achieved because of their mutual antagonism. TheShiah were the first to withdraw. TheDeobandis distanced themselves from theNadwa because of the modernist theology of Shibli and its close relations with the government. TheBarelvi ulema also opposedNadwa for promoting free thought and irreligion in their view. Initially, there was close relationship between Aligarh and theNadwa but this relationship also remained short-lived.[63]

       TheNadwa, although never able to forge national leadership for the Muslims, neverthless made substantial impact on political movements in India.  Still, the real accomplishment of theNadwa was its involvement in the self-conscious dissemination of Muslim beliefs and practices, the fostering of Urdu as the language of theulema, and the training of moreulema. Nadwi ulema emphasized the teaching of Arabic and to some extent, theology. Their writing both atNadwa and its offshoot theDarul Musannifin were important contributions to history, biography, and essay writing in Urdu. In this way theNadwa provided a common platform to different religious groups for free and open debate.[64]

BesidesDeoband and theNadwa a large number ofmadrasahs were established byAhl-e-Hadith andBarelvis to defend their respectivemaslaks. Similarly,Shias also set up their ownmadrasahs whose aim was to prepare preachers and religious scholars to defend theShia tradition from the onslaught of theSunni ulema .

Someulema were of the view that inter-maslak rivalries led to Muslim decline and they pleaded the revival ofijtihad to meet the challenges of modernity. Among theseulema, Allama Hamidudin Farahi establishedMadrassat-ul-Islah in 1909 near Azamgarh. Farahi envisaged the aim of thismadrasah as to liberate theulema from inter-muslak rivalries and strict adherence to a particularfiqh . He also discouraged the study of medievalQur’an commentaries and exhorted the students to understand theQur’an directly with the help of dictionaries. Thismadrasah also made arrangement for the teaching of mathematics, geography, English and Hindi. Several graduates of thismadrasah later occupied senior positions inJammat-i-Islami . About the main objective of themadrasah to liberate the Muslim from the blind imitation offiqh , a graduate of themadrasah lamented that it promoted thetaqlid of Farahi’s own understanding of theQur’an .[65]

Whatever might be the kind of educational institutions, modern or traditional, the main focus remained on education and social training during the second half of the eighteenth century. The political role of educational movements started with the beginning of the twentieth century on the eve of growing anti-colonial sentiments in the Subcontinent and the world over as well.