Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

Foreword

The Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt, peace be upon them, were as concerned with treating the body as they were with treating the soul, and their regard for the soundness of the body was similar to their regard for the refinement of the soul.

They were physicians of the soul and the body, and Muslims would consult them for their physical illnesses as they would for curing their spiritual sicknesses. This collection of hadith is ample evidence of that. The Imams, peace be upon them, were not merely conveyors of religious regulations and legislation, but were leaders committed to caring for the Muslims, equally concerned - if such a term is correct - with the health of their bodies and their beliefs, such that they encouraged the learning of medicine (al-tibb). In his comprehensive statement on the divisions of knowledge [‘Ali b. Abu Talib (d, 40/661)] Amir al-Mu'mimin, peace be upon him, combined it [medicine] with the knowledge of jurisprudence (al-fiqh), saying: ‘There are four kinds of knowledge: jurisprudence for religions, medicine for bodies, grammar for languages, and [study of] the stars to recognise the seasons.’

Much has been related from the Imams in collections [of hadith] on medicine and preserving good health, just as there are more descriptions of various remedies related from them. Here for the reader are a small number of their sayings which are general rules for preserving health and physical well-being:

Amir aI-Mu’minin said to his son, al-Hasan [b. ‘Ali b. Abu Talib (d. 49/669)], peace be upon him: ‘Shall I teach you four general principles so that you may have no need of medicine?’ Al -Hasan replied: ‘Yes indeed, O Amir al-Mu'minin.’ He said: ‘Do not eat unless you are hungry, cease eating while you still have a desire to eat, chew your food well, and, after you awaken from sleep, relieve yourself. If you practise these measures, you will not require medicine’.

Amir al-Mu'minin ‘Ali, peace be upon him, also said: ‘The Qur'an contains a verse which sums np all medicine: “Eat and drink but do not be prodigal.”’ (Qur'an 7:31).

Zarr h. Hubaysh said that ‘Amir al-Mu'minin related four statements on medicine which, had they been uttered by Galen and Hippocrates, a hundred pieces of paper would have been decorated with their words. These were: ‘Guard against the cold (al-bard) at its onset, and face it at its end, for its effect on the body (al-badan) is similar to its effect on trees. Its onset withers them and its end causes them to leaf.’

He also said: ‘There is no healthiness with gluttony’.

Al-Baqir, [the fifth Imam, Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. ‘Ali (d. 117/735)], peace be upon him , said: ‘The medicine of the Arabs is of seven kinds: cupping (al-hujjama), administering clysters (al-huqna), steam baths (al-hammam), inhaling medications through the nose (al-su'ut), vomiting (al-qay’), taking honey (al-'asal), and, the final remedy, cauterization (al-kayy). Sometimes, added to that is [the application of] lime (al-nura).’

Al-Sadiq [the sixth imam, Abu ‘Abd Allah Ja’far b, Muhammad (d 148/765)], peace be upon him, said: ‘If people eat moderately, their bodies will be healthy.’ He also said: ‘Three things make a person fat, and three things make him lean. As for those that make one fat, they are an excess of steam baths, smelling sweet scents, and wearing soft [i.e. fine] clothes. Those that make one lean are the excessive eating of eggs (al-bayd), diarrhoea (al-ishal), and filling the belly (al-butn) with food.’

Abu Hafan - Yuhanna b. Masawayh, the well known Christian physician - related that Ja’far b. Muhammad, peace be upon him, had said: ‘The natural constituents (al-taba’i’) [of the body] arc four: blood (al-dam), which is the slave - and sometimes the slave kills the master; wind (al-rih), which is the enemy- if one door is closed to him he comes to you from another; phlegm (al-balgham), which is the king, and endeavours to deceive; and bile (al-mirra), which is the earth - when it shakes, it shakes those on it.’ Ibn Masawayh [also] said: ‘Ali drew upon what Galen felt to give this description.’

Al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, said: ‘Walking causes the patient to suffer a relapse. When my father [i.e. al-Baqir] fell ill he was dressed and carried to fulfil his need, that is, to perform the ablution (al-wudu’). He would say: “Walking causes the patient to suffer a relapse.”’

Al-Kazim [the seventh Imam, Abu al- Hasan Musa b Ja’far (d. 183/799)], peace be upon him, said: ‘Stay away from the treatment of physicians (al-attiba’) as long as you are well, for it is similar to building - a little of it leads to much.’ He also said: ‘Abstaining from certain foods (al-lahmiyya) is the chief medication. The abdomen (al-ma’ida) is the house of illness. Accustom [the body) to what you are used to.’

Abu al-Hasan, peace be upon him, said: ‘There is no medication which does not stir up an illness, and there is nothing more beneficial for the body than withholding from it all except what it requires.’

Al-Ridha’ [the eighth Imam, Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali b. Musa (d. 203/818)], peace be upon him, said: ‘Had the dead person been massaged, he would have lived. Why did you disclaim that?’

They, peace be upon them, said: ‘Avoid medications as long as your body can bear the illness. When it cannot bear the illness, then take medications.’

These are some of the things mentioned by the Imams, peace be upon them, regarding medical treatment, and they summarise the general principles and fundamentals of preserving health. Cautioning against gluttony is the basis of treatment, moderation in eating according to the needs and soundness of the body, the requirement for rest and calm after suffering from an illness, abstaining from certain foods, accustoming the body to routine, cautioning against using medications without need and more than is necessary, explaining the natural constituents and elements of the body and, in fact, even pointing to artificial respiration, etc., is all general medical advice and does not apply to a particular individual or country, or to a particular era.

The medical treatments related from the Imams in this book of ours, and others, contain medical preparations and prescriptions of specific proportions and particular qualities. They sometimes deal with particular cases, observation of the condition of the patient, the climate (al-taqs) of his province and the soil (al-turba) of the place where he lives. The answer of one of the Imams in reply to the patient's question, and the medication, may have been given after considering the above-mentioned points. This is a matter which should be taken into account, since variations in the climate and seasons of different countries require specific treatment for certain patients. For example, it would not be correct to use a medical treatment of the same proportion and quality for a hot country as for a cold country, and vice versa.

That, then, may have been the reason for the variations in some medical prescriptions, or in the ones whose significance is not known. Our distinguished ancient and modern scholars have mentioned that. Here are some of their statements on the subject for the reader:

Al-Shaykh al-Saduq, Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Babawayh (d. 381/991-2), may Allah be pleased with him, said: “Our view on the reports on medicine is that they comprise the following: those based on the climates of Mecca and Medina, which cannot be applied to other climates; those related by the Imam based on his knowledge of the disposition of the questioner, and he would not have known his disposition if he were not more knowledgeable about it than he; those forged by opponents to give the sect a bad name among the people; those which were overlooked by the transmitters: those which were partly memorised, and partly forgotten; and those narrated about honey, that it is a cure for all illnesses. The latter is correct, but the meaning of it is that it is a cure for every cold illness. [Similarly] those mentioned about washing with cold water (al-ma’) for those with hemorrhoids; that is, if the hemorrhoids (al-bawasir) arc as a result of the heat, etc.”

Al-Shaykh Mufid Muhammad h. Muhammad b. al-Nu’man (d. 413/1022) may Allah be pleased with him, said: ‘Medicine is correct (sahih), and knowledge of it is established (thabit), and is through revelation (al-wahy). The religious scholars have only taken it from the Prophets. There is no way of gaining knowledge of the true nature of the illness except aurally, and no way of recognising the remedy except by being granted success [by Allah]. It is established that the way to that the latter is hearing it from the One who has knowledge of the Unseen.

It is narrated that the two al-Sadiqs [the Imams Ja’far al-Sadiq and Musa al-Kazim], peace be upon them, explained the statement of Amir al-Mu’minin, peace be upon him, that “The abdomen is the house of illness, abstaining from certain foods is the chief medication, and each body is accustomed to its conditioning” [as meaning that] something which may be beneficial for an illness which affects certain people in one region may kill others in the same region who use it for that same illness. What is suitable for people with one habit is not suitable for those whose habits differ, etc.’

Al-Shaykh Majlisi Muhammad Baqir b. Muhammad Taqi (d.1111/1699), may Allah be pleased with him. said: ‘Certain medications which are unsuitable for the illness [may be used] as a trial and a test, so that the sincere believer whose faith is strong can be distinguished from the one who claims to follow Islam or one whose conviction is weak. If the believer uses it it benefits him not because of his particular qualities and his natural disposition, but because of his having turned to the One from whom it came, and because his faith and the sincerity of his adherence, as in the case of [an individual's] benefiting from the soil of the grave of al-Husayn [b. ‘Ali b. Abu Talib (d. 61/680)] peace be upon him, and from invocations [al-'udhat) and supplications (al-ad’iya).’

This is supported by the fact that we found a group of sincere Shi 'a whose actions and medical treatments are based on reports narrated from the Imams, peace be upon them. They did not consult a physician and they were healthier and lived longer than those who did consult physicians and medical practitioners (al-mu’alajun). Similarly there are those who pay no attention to the positions of the stars, nor consult astrologers, but put their trust in their Lord and seek protection from ill-omened times, and from the evil of trials and enemies with Qur'anic verses and prayers. They are in better circumstances, more prosperous, and more hopeful than those who in matters both small and great take recourse to choosing times, and by that seek protection from evils and afflictions.

There is another aspect of this book of ours which will attract the reader’s attention, and will perhaps arouse his curiosity. He will ask: What is the point of mentioning invocations, prayers, and charms (al-ruqqa) in this book? What has this to do with bodily medical treatment?

We must stop for a moment with the reader to look together at the effect of these on treating the body. The Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt, peace be upon them, in their surpassing men in knowledge - knowledge in its widest and most inclusive sense - relied on an inexhaustible source: they learnt it from the Messenger of Allah, blessings of Allah be on him and his family. He in turn learnt it through revelation from the One who brought into existence illnesses and medications, diseases and cures.

Undoubtedly they [the Imams] understood the illnesses of the souls as well as the illnesses of the body and their outward symptoms, for they described cures [to heal] the soul of its piercing pains and its stifling agonies just as they described medications for the other diseases of the body. The best physician is one who can diagnose the illness, recognise its progress and cause, and prescribe treatment for its cure.

Many illnesses are the result of psychological suffering, due to anxiety, sorrow, agitation, loneliness, fear, etc. These certainly affect the body. This is evident, and I do not think any will deny it. How can we, when every day we experience trials and difficulties which cause anxiety and distress? If their psychological effects intensify, we experience its symptoms in the body, such as headaches, fever and other ailments arising from nervous tension and nervous breakdowns. These symptoms and illnesses are a definite result of those psychological sufferings, though they do not result from them alone but have other causes as well.

Therefore there is no objection - indeed it is good- to treat the illness through psychological and spiritual means, in order to put an end to the suffering and to cleanse its point of origin. In this way the soul is freed of its problems peacefully, trusting in the Regulator of its affairs who has knowledge of its good, and from Whom the probity and the remedy is sought. When the expected healing comes about, the sufferings of the soul subside and it is at rest. When the soul is tranquil and composed, well-being pervades the afflicted parts of the body as a direct result.

The reader cannot disavow psychological and spiritual medicine and the extent of the influence of both in treating many internal and mental illnesses, even skin disorders and endemic and genetic diseases. How many testimonies of this have we read and heard which have been wholly confirmed by modern science? Therefore, why should the Imam, who wishes for the good health of a Muslim afflicted with an illness caused by psychological suffering which persists in spite of treatment, not help him to hasten his recovery? Why, seeing that the symptoms of the patient arc a compound of psychological ailments and physical symptoms, should he not treat the soul and the body at the same time?

He would prescribe, for example, a preparation of drugs for healing the body, and then heal the soul with the blessing of the verses from the Noble Qur'an, or with one of the Names of Allah, the Sublime, or with an invocation seeking protection in Allah, the Sublime, imploring Him through the angels near to Him, or His Prophets who have brought the Message, or His honoured servants.

Let us look at the prescriptions of this kind of treatment. Are they anything other what we have described and which we ignore when seeking a cure, though they are the source of healing? The Mighty Qur'an has verses which clearly state that it is a healing for the believers. These include, for example, the statement of Allah, the Mighty and Sublime:

O men, now there has come to you an admonition from your Lord, and a healing for what is in the breasts, and a guidance, and a mercy to the believers (10:57); and the Sublime and Exalted’s statement: And We send down, of the Qur'an, that which is a healing and a mercy to the believers; and the unbelievers it increases not, except in loss (17:82); and His statement, Blessed be His Name: If We had made it a barbarous Qur’an, they would have said, Why are its signs not distinguished? What, barbarous and Arabic? Say: To the believers it is a guidance and a healing. (41:44)

The Qur'an also has many commands to pray and ask for help, besides its other noble verses and mighty secrets, which the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt, peace be upon them, knew and had learnt from the Messenger of Allah, blessings of Allah be on him and his family. No one was more knowledgeable about the secrets of the Qur’an and the sources of its blessings than they, for it had been revealed to their forefathers and their house, and they were its guardians. ‘No one understands the Qur'an except those to whom it was addressed.’

By seeking healing in the verses of the Noble Qur'an, seeking protection with the Names of Allah, the Exalted, and seeking intercession through it, and praying to Him, it was endeavoured to purify the soul of its impurities, solve its difficulties and problems, and cure its pains.

Praying itself, being conditional on the serenity and tranquility of the soul, is not merely humility and submission or defeatism in the face of bitter reality - as it is mistakenly described. On the contrary, it is returning to the realm of reality itself, and abiding forever in it. Which of us will deny that, or will not believe it, even if he experiences it only once in his life? He is afraid of every fearful thing, seeks refuge from every reprehensible thing, and asks for more good from the One in whose Hand is the regulation of the affairs and the decree. From Him he hopes for deliverance from his problems, freedom from his pains, and security in his repose. So why should we not experience a spiritual joy at the effects of prayer when we turn to and use it as a natural remedy?

In addition to their being mentioned in the Noble Qur’an, what confirms the fact that these prayers, invocations, and treatments are psychological cures, is that, if used, most of them are guaranteed to be followed by success. This assurance and guarantee of well-being is in itself the best psychological treatment, causing the patient to experience a sense of tranquility and to seek it in the words of those verses, prayers and invocations.

The Interest of the Companions in the Medicine of the Imams

The authors of the biographies of the Imams’ companions and the transmitters of their hadith have referred to many writings on medicine. There are more references to such individuals having written ‘a book on medicine’ than a book on any other subject. When we examine the external evidence we find this [phrase] refers to ‘transmitted medicine’. At the same time the biographies of these personalities show they were interested in hadith of the Ahl al-Bayt. They collected the hadith into special books and classified them according to their particular subject matter, one of which was medicine.

There were also reports transmitted from some of those books on medicine into certain collections of hadith which are extant. These hadith were authentic in the view of the authors, and were from the Ahl al-Bayt and related to medicine. There is no evidence linking many of those writers to the physicians of their time, or indicating they had learnt and obtained their information from the physicians or studied under them. Had that been so, the biographers would have mentioned it, as they did in the biographies of many who had been influenced by Greek or Indian medicine, or who had acquired knowledge from the ancient medical writings.

Thus, we can say that their compilations were medical narrations transmitted from the Imams of the Ahl al-Bayt. We will now list those who collected such reports and mention a few of those authorities who were concerned with collecting the hadith of the Ahl al-Bayt on the subject of medicine:

1. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Husayn b. al-Hasan Du’l al-Qummi, d. 350/958-9.

2. Abu ‘Abd Allah Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Sayyar al-Basri, secretary to the family of Tahir. He lived in the time of Imam al-‘Askari [the eleventh Imam, Abu Muhammad Hasan b. ‘Ali (d. 260/873-3)], peace be upon him. [Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. Ahmad] al-Najashi (d. 450/1058-9) has related his book via three intermediaries. Some hadith on medicine have been narrated from him by al-Saduq in al-Khisal, al-Barqi [Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Khalid (d. late third/ninth century)] in his Al-Mahasin, and other authors, based on his chain of transmitters from the Imams, peace be upon them.

3. Al Husayn b. Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat - one of the compilers of the present book.

4 Abu Ahmad ‘Abd al-'Aziz b. Yahya b. Ahmad b. ‘Isa al-Jaludi, Shaykh Abu’l-Qasim Ja’far b. Muhammad b. Qulawayh, d. 367/977-9.

5. ‘Abd Allah b. Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat- - the second of the compilers of this book.

6. ’Abd Allah b. Ja’far b. al-Husayn b. Malik b. Jami’ al-Humayri, one of the transmitters of hadith of the third and fourth centuries [/ninth and tenth centuries] and author of the book Qurb al-Isnad, published by the al-Haydariyya press, and others.

7. Abu’l-Hasan 'Ali b. al-Hasan b. Faddal b. ‘Umar b. Ayman al-Fathi.

8. Abu’l-Hasan b. ‘Ali b. al-Husayn b. Musa b. Babawayh al-Qummi, d. 329/941, Shaykh of Qumm and father of al-Shaykh al-Saduq. The latter authored Man la yahduruhu al-faqih, one of the four hadith collections. Al-Najashi narrated on his authority from his Shaykh ‘Abbas b. ‘Umar al-Kuludhani, and his chain of transmission was excellent.

9. Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Raja’ al-Bajali al-Kufi. who died in 266/880 on his return from Mecca.

10. Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Yahya b. ‘Imran b. ‘Abd Allah b. Sa’d b. Malik al-Ash’ari al-Qummi, the author of Nawadir al-Hikma, well known as Dabba Shabib.

11. Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. ‘Ubayd Allah al-Jannabi al-Barqi, known as Majilawayh.

12. Abu’l-Hasan Musa b. al-Hasan b.’Amir b. 'Imran b. ’Abd Allah b Sa’d al-Ash’ari al-Qummi.

13. Abu’1-Nadr Muhammad b. Mas'ud b. Muhammad b. ‘Ayyash al-Sulami al-Samarqandi.

A number of personalities who came after the companions of the Imams, peace be upon them, also collected these hadith. The names of a few of them are:

1. Al-Sayyid Abu Muhammad Zayd b. ‘Ali b. al-Hasan al-Husayni, a student of al-Shaykh [Muhammad b. Hasan] al-Tusi [d. 460/1067] and teacher of the father of Muntajab al-Din [‘Ali b. Ubayd Allah (d. after 585/1189)], the latter being the author of Al-Fihrist.

2. Al-Shaykh Ahmad b Salih al-Biladi al-Bahrani al-Jahrami al-Maskan, d. 1124/1712. He wrote the Al-Tibb al-Ahmadi in which he cited traditions narrated about medicine. Al-Shaykh Yusuf [b. Ahmad] al- Bahrani (d. 1186/1772) said in Lu’lu’ al-Bahrayn: ‘I have a copy of this’; and he said: ‘I saw in a copy of it in his handwriting that he was born in 1057/1656.’

3. Al-Sayyid ‘Abd Allah Shubr al-Kazimi, d. 1242/1827. He wrote a book on the medicine of the Imams which our Shaykh [Agha Buzurg al-Tehrani] al-Razi [d. 1389/1970] mentioned in his Al-Dhari’a (xv:140), and said: ‘It is approximately 11,000 verses [in length]. He collected a book of medical traditions which is twice [the size of] his first book.’

4. Muhammad Qasim b. Ghulam ‘Ali, the physician. He composed a book on the medicine of the Imams, of which his [own] copy can be found in the Radawiya Library.

5. Muhammad Sharif b. Muhammad Sadiq al-Khawatunabadi. He composed a commentary on Tibb al-A’imma, the Sharh Tibb al-Nabi, and another commentary, Sharh Tibb Al-Ridha’. All of them are mentioned in his book Hafiz al-Abdan, which he wrote in 1121/l709.

6. Al-Sayyid Mahmud, whose father was Sarkhi, a contemporary. He wrote the Mafatih al-Sihha, in which he expounded on the medicine of the Prophet, blessings of Allah be on him, the medical treatment of [Imam] Al-Ridha’, peace be upon him, and that of the Imams, peace be upon them. It is published in Persian.

The Sons of Bistam

These were al-Husayn and Abu ‘Atab ‘Abd Allah, the two sons of Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat of Nisabur. Of them al-Najashi wrote:

Al-Husayn b. Bistam - [Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Jawhari] Abu ‘Abd Allah b. ‘Ayyash [Ibn ‘Ayyash] said: ‘He is al-Husayn b. Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat, He and his brother, Abu 'Atab, compiled a book on medicine. It is very useful and beneficial and deals with medicine based on foods and their benefits, charms and invocations.’ He said: ‘Al-Sharif Abu l-Hasan Salih b. al-Husayn al-Nawfali narrated [this book] from my father from both Abu ‘Atab and al-Husayn.’

‘Abd Allah b. Bistam Abu ‘Atab, the brother of al-Husayn b. Bistam, previously mentioned in the section on al-Husayn - who, with his brother, composed a book on medicine. He is ‘Abd Allah b. Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat.’

The Rijal of al-Najashi provides a biography of their father and his brothers: Bistam b. Sabur al-Zayyat Abu l-Husayn al-Wasiti, was a trustworthy mawla, and his brothers Zakariyya, Ziyad and Hafs were all trustworthy. They narrated hadith on the authority of [Imam] Abu ‘Abd Allah and [Imam] Abu al-Hasan, peace be upon them. Abu al-‘Abbas - that is Ibn ‘Uqda [Ahmad b. Sa’id b. ‘Uqda] - and others have mentioned them in writings on transmitters of hadith. He composed a book which a number of people have narrated from him. ‘Ali b. Ahmad told us that Muhammad b. al-Hasan narrated the book from ‘Ali b. lsma’il from Safwan from Bistam.’

The two of them transmitted reports in their book from of a group of people. Together they narrated reports from Muhammad b. Khalaf, describing him as being one of the religious scholars of the family of Muhammad, and from Ahmad b. Ribah, the physician. Al-Husayn alone narrated from ‘Abd Allah b. Musa. His brother, ‘Abd Allah, narrated, on his own, from a number of people, who were: Ibrahim b. al-Nadr, one of the children of Maytham al-Tammar (‘Abd Allah narrated from him and said: ‘We were together in Qazwin’), Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Awdi, Ishaq b. Ibrahim, 'Abd Allah b. Ibrahim, Muhammad b. Razin, Muhammad b. Isma'il b. Hatim al-Tamimi, Muhammad b. Zurayq, Abu Zakariya Yahya b. Abu Bakr Adam, and Kamil.

It is clear from this that the two brothers were from a learned family which transmitted the hadith of the Ahl al-Bayt, and were regarded as trustworthy people in narrations. Al-Najashi hesitated in narrating the report of Ibn ‘Ayyash, in spite of the fact that the latter was a friend of both himself and his father, because of a tradition of his Shaykhs which regarded him as being a weak transmitter, and he asked for God’s mercy for him after that. [However,] neither their book nor the authors themselves ought to be denigrated or considered weak because of that. Indeed Ibn ‘Ayyash has well known books from which our associates have transmitted hadith and which they have accepted.

Al-Sayyid Hasan al-Sadr, may Allah have mercy on him, mentioned him [Ibn ‘Ayyash] in his Ta’sis al-Shi’a and praised him greatly. His narrations are regarded as acceptable, and among them is his narration of the present book by these two individuals.

In view of the small number of its copies and the fact that it was published only once several years ago, on the instructions of the late Ayat Allah al-Sayyid al-Burujirdi [d. 1380/1961], may Allah encompass him with His mercy, it was published again in Iran, along with two other books. He, may Allah have mercy on him, confined himself in his introduction to citing al-Najashi, pointing out that there was nothing in that report which would lead him to consider the book unsound.

We have quoted the comment of al-Najashi for the reader, and there is clearly nothing to indicate that. The fact that the book was not mentioned [by al-Najashi] is not sufficient to consider it unsound.

This is particularly so, since our distinguished Shaykhs have narrated from it and have agreed with its being narrated and have quoted from it in their books. We direct the reader to consult [for example,] Al-Fusul al-Muhimma by al-Shaykh al-Hurr al-‘Amili [d. 1104/1693], may Allah have mercy on him. He has included selections of it in various chapters of works related to medicine and similar topics. Al-Shaykh al-Majlisi, may Allah be pleased with him, has also cited much from this book in various chapters of [vol. XIV of] his Bihar al-Anwar.

Professor Muhammad Kazim al-Katabi may Allah give him success, has requested that the book be reprinted so that it is easily available. He is deserving of thanks and worthy of prayer for - may Allah reward him with the best reward. We are grateful to him. Praise be to Allah for His success and His guidance, and we ask Him to accept from us and from him. He is the One Who gives success and fulfillment.

Muhammad Mahdi al-Sayyid Hasan al-Khirsan

al-Najaf al-Ashraf

7 Rabi’ al-Thani, 1375/1956

Introduction

In The Name Of Allah, The Merciful, The Compassionate

Praise be to Allah, as it befits Him to be praised, and the blessings of Allah be on Muhammad and his Family, the good, the pure, the chosen ones.

This book comprises the medicine of the Ahl al-Bayt peace be on them.

Abu ‘Atab and al-Husayn, the sons of Bistam, narrated from Muhammad b. Khalaf of Qazvin - one of the scholars of the Ahl al-Bayt - from al-Hasan b. ‘Ali al-Washsha’ from ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan from his brother Muhammad from Ja’far al-Sadiq from his father from his grandfather from al-Husayn b. ‘Ali, peace be upon them, who said:

‘Amir al-Mu’minin, peace be upon him, visited Salman al-Farisi and said: “O Abu ‘Abd Allah, how is your illness?" He replied: “O Amir al-Mu’minin, praise be to Allah, I complain to you of much distress.” Amir al-Mu’minin said: “Do not be distressed, O Abu ‘Abd Allah, for there is not one of our Shi’a afflicted with a pain (waja’), but that it is for a sin previously committed by him, and the pain is a purification for him.” Salman replied: “If it is as you say then there is no recompense in it for us except to be purified.” ‘Ali, peace be upon him, said: “O Salman, there is recompense in it for you in enduring it patiently and beseeching Allah, magnified is His Name. For, by praying to Him in these two ways, He will credit you [with] good deeds and raise you by degrees. As for the pain, it is especially for the purification and expiation of sins.” He [al-Husayn] said: Salman kissed his forehead and wept, saying: “Were it not for you, O Amir al-Mu’minin, who would distinguish these things for us?”

Abu ‘Atab ‘Abd Allah b. Bistam narrated from Muhammad b. Khalaf from aI-Washsha’ from ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan from his brother Muhammad b. Sinan, who said that Ja’far b. Muhammad, peace be upon him. said: ‘There is no one who, when fearing affliction, precedes it with prayer except that Allah turns away that affliction from him. Do you not know that Amir al-Mu’minin, peace be upon him, said: “The Prophet, blessings of Allah be upon him and his family, said: ‘O ‘Ali.’ He replied: ‘At your service, O Messenger of Allah.’ He said: ‘Prayer repels affliction, and that has been conclusively established.’”’

Al-Washsha’ said: I asked ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan: ‘Is there a particular prayer for that?’ He replied: ‘I asked al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, about that and he said: “Yes, the oppressed Shi’a have a particular prayer for every illness. Those endowed with perception have no particular prayer, for the prayer of those endowed with perception is not veiled.”’

’Abd Allah b. Bistam narrated from Muhammad b. Khalaf from al-Washsha’ who said: Al-Ridha’, peace be upon him, said to me: “If one of you falls ill, let him permit the people to call on him, for the prayer of each one will be answered.” Then he said: “O Washsha’”. I replied: “At your service, my lord and master.” He said: “Have you understood what I told you?” I replied: “O son of the Messenger of Allah, yes.” He said: “You did not understand. Do you know who ‘the people’ are?” I replied: “Yes indeed. The community (umma) of Muhammad, blessings of Allah and peace be upon him and his family.” He said: “‘The people’ are the Shi'a.”

Abu ’Abd Allah al-Husayn b. Bistam narrated from Muhammad b. Khalaf from al-Hasan b. ‘Ali from ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan from his brother Muhammad b. Sinan from al-Mufaddal b. ‘Umar, who said: I heard al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, say on the authority of al-Baqir, peace be upon him: ‘When a believer falls ill, Allah reveals to the companion at his left hand: “Do not record a single sin against my servant as long as he is in my custody, and in my hold.” And He reveals to the companion at his right hand: “Write for my servant on his page of good deeds what you would record for him when he was well.”’

The Measure of Reward for Each Illness

Abu ‘Atab narrated from Muhammad b. Khalaf - and I think al-Husayn [b. Bistam] also related to us - from al-Washsha’ from ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan from Muhammad b. Sinan from al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, who said: “Onc night's sleeplessness during an illness that afflicts a believer is [equal to] a year's worship.”

From him from Ja’far b. Muhammad, peace be upon him, from ‘Ali b. al-Husayn, peace be upon him, from his father, peace be upon him, who said: ‘I heard the Messenger of Allah, blessings on him and his family, say “One night's fever expiates a year’s sins.”’

By this chain of transmitters from ‘Abd Allah b. Sinan, who said: I was in Mecca and had kept secret something no one but Allah, the Mighty and Sublime, knew. When 1 arrived in Medina, 1 called on Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Sadiq, peace be upon him. He looked at me, then said: “Ask Allah's forgiveness for that which you have concealed and do not make known.” I said: “I ask Allah's forgiveness.” He [‘Abd Allah b. Sinan] said: The medial vein (al-‘irq al-madini) on one of my feet (al-rijl) had become prominent. When I bid him [al-Sadiq] farewell- that was before the vein became prominent- he said to me, “Whosoever suffers and is patient, the decree of Allah credits him with a reward of a thousand martyrs.”

‘Abd Allah b Sinan said: When 1 reached the second stage [on the return journey] the vein became prominent, and I continued suffering for months. When I performed the Hajj the next year, I called on Abu ‘Abd Allah, peace he upon him, and said to him: “Invoke Allah's protection for my foot.” I told him that this foot was paining me. He replied: “Never mind this foot. Give me your healthy foot and Allah will heal you.” So I stretched the other foot out before him and he invoked Allah's protection over it. When I stood up and bid him farewell and reached the second stage, the vein became prominent in the foot. 1 said: “By Allah, he did not protect it, but only caused an affliction.” I suffered for three nights, then Allah, the Mighty and Sublime, cured me and the invocation benefited me.

The invocation is: “In the Name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate: O Allah, I ask You by Your Pure, Immaculate, Most Holy and Blessed Name, by Which whoever asks of You, You grant him, and by Which whoever calls on You, You answer him, to bless Muhammad and his family, and to heal the suffering in my head (al-ra’s), my hearing (al-sam’), my sight (al-basar), my belly, my back (al-zahr), my hand (al-yad) my foot, my body (al-jasad), and in all my organs (al-a’da’) and limbs (al-jawarih). Surely You are Gracious to whomsoever You will, and You are Powerful over all things.”

He said: Al-Khazzaz al-Razi narrated from Faddala, from Aban b. ‘Uthman from Abu Hamza al-Thumali from al-Baqir, peace be upon him, from Amir al-Mu’minin, peace be upon him, who said: ‘Whosoever is afflicted with a pain in his body, let him invoke protection for himself and say: “I take refuge in the Might of Allah and His Power over things. I seek protection for myself in the Omnipotent of the heavens. I seek protection for myself in the One with Whose Name no disease harms. I seek refuge for myself in the One Whose Name is a blessing and a cure.” If he recites that, no pain or illness will afflict him.’

‘Ali b. Ibrahim al-Wasiti narrated from Mahbub from Muhammad b. Sulayman al-Awdi from Abu Jarud from Abu Ishaq from al-Harith al-A’war, who said: I complained to Amir al-Mu’minin, peace be upon him, of aches and pains in my body. He said: ‘When anyone of you suffers [from pain], let him recite: “In the Name of Allah and by Allah, and blessings of Allah on the Messenger of Allah and his family. I take refuge from the evil that I suffer in the Might of Allah and His Power over what He wills.” If he recites that, Allah will turn away the affliction from him, if He, the Exalted, wills.’

For Pain in the Head

Sahl b Ahmad narrated from ‘Ali b. Nu'man from Ibn Muskan from ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Qusayr from Abu Ja’far al-Baqir, peace be upon him, who said: ‘Whoever suffers from a complaint of the head, let him put his hand on it and recite seven times: “I take refuge in Allah, in Whose trust is that which is on the land and in the sea, in the heavens and the earth, and He is the All-hearing, the All-knowing.” He will be relieved of the pain.’

Hariz Abu Ayyub al-Jurjani narrated from Muhammad b. Abu Nasr from Tha’laba from ‘Amr b. Yazid al-Sayqal from Ja’far b. Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. al-Husayn b. ‘Ali b. Abu Talib, peace be upon him, that he [al-Sayqal] said: I complained to him of a pain in my head, and of my suffering from it night and day.

He [Ja’far b. Muhammad] said: ‘Place your hand on it and say seven times: “'In the Name of Allah, with Whose Name nothing on the earth or in the heavens causes injury. He is the All-hearing, the All-knowing. O Allah. I seek refuge in You from that which Muhammad, blessings on him and his family, sought refuge for himself.” [The pain] will subside, by the authority of Allah, the Exalted.’

‘Ali b. ‘Urwa al-Ahwazi, a narrator of the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt, peace be upon them, narrated from al-Daylami from Dawud al-Raqqi from Musa b. Ja’far, peace be upon him, that he [Dawud] said: I said to him; “O son of the Messenger of Allah, I suffer constantly from a complaint in my head, and sometimes it keeps me awake at nights and distracts me from performing the night prayer.” He replied: “O Dawud, when you experience any of that [pain], pass your hand over it and say: ‘I take refuge in Allah, and seek protection for my self from all that afflicts me, in the Name of Allah, the Mighty, and His Perfect Words, which neither the righteous nor the ungodly can disregard. I seek protection for myself with Allah, the Mighty and Sublime, and with the Messenger of Allah and his family, the pure, the chosen ones. O Allah, by their claim over You, protect me from this suffering of mine.’ It will not afflict you again.”

Abu Salt al-Harawi narrated from Al-Ridha’, peace be upon him, from his father from al-Baqir, peace be upon him, who said; ‘Teach our Shi’a to recite the following for a pain in the head: “O Taha, O Dharr, O Tamana, O Tannat”. They are Sublime Names and have an authority given by Allah, the Exalted and Sublime. Allah will turn that [pain] away from them.’

‘Abd Allah b. Bistam narrated from Ishaq b. Ibrahim from Abu al-Hasan al-‘Askari, peace be upon him, that he [Ishaq] said: I was with him [al-‘Askari] one day when one of our brothers complained to him, saying: “O son of the Messenger of Allah, my family suffers much from this accursed pain.” He asked: “And what is it?” The man replied: “Pains in the head.” He said: “Take a cup of water and recite over it:

Have not the unbelievers then beheld that the heavens and the earth were a mass all sewn up, and then We unstitched them and of water fashioned every living thing? Will they not believe? (21:30).

Then drink it and pain will not afflict them, Allah, the Exalted, willing.”

Tamim b. Ahmad al-Sayrafi narrated from Muhammad b. Khalid al-Barqi from ‘Ali b. al-Nu'man from Dawud b. Farqad and Mu’alla b. Khunays, who both said: Abu ‘Abd Allah, peace be upon him, said: “Combing the hair on the cheeks strengthens the teeth (al-adras); combing the beard dispels infectious diseases (al-waba'); combing loose locks of hair dispels anxieties in the breast (al-sadr); combing the eyebrows is a safeguard against leprosy (al-judham), and combing the head stops phlegm.”

A Medication for Phlegm

He said: ‘Then he described a medication for phlegm. He said: “Take equal party of Byzantine mastic ('ilk rumi), frankincense (al-kundur), wild thyme (sa'tar), bishop's weed (al-nankhwah) and fennel flower (al-shuniz). Grind each of them separately into fine powder. Then sift them, put them together, and pound them until they are well mixed. Add honey to the mixture and take the equivalent of a hazelnut (al-bunduqa) of it every day and at night before sleeping, It will be beneficial, Allah, the Exalted, willing.”’

‘Abd Allah b. Mas'ud al-Yamani narrated from at-Taryani from Khalid al-Qammat that ‘Ali b. Musa Al-Ridha’, peace be upon him, dictated these ingredients for phlegm. He said: ‘Take the weight of one mithqal of yellow myrobalan (ihlilaj asfar), two mithqal of mustard (khardal) and one mithqal of pyrethrum (‘aqir qarha), Grind them to a fine powder. Brush your teeth with it on an empty stomach (‘ala al-riq). It will cleanse the phlegm, make the breath fragrant, and strengthen the teeth, Allah, the Exalted, willing.’

An Invocation for Headache

Muhammad b. Ja’far al-Bursi narrated from Muhammad b. Yahya al-Armani from Muhammad b. Sinan al-Sinani from Yunus b. Zabyan from al-Mufaddal b. ’Umar from Abu ’Abd Allah al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, who said: This is an invocation revealed by Jibra’il, peace be upon him, to the Prophet, peace be upon him, when the latter was suffering from a headache (al-suda’). Jibra’il said: “O Muhammad, take refuge from your headache with this invocation, Allah will relieve you of it.” Then he said: “O Muhammad, whosoever takes refuge with this invocation seven times for any pain that afflicts him, Allah will heal him if He wills.

Pass your hand over the painful area and say: ‘In the Name of Allah, our Lord, Whose mention is glorified in the heavens, our Lord Whose command in the heavens and the earth is executed and performed. Just as Your command is executed in the heavens, bestow Your Mercy on earth, and forgive us our sins and our faults. O Lord of the good, the pure ones, bestow a cure, and mercy from Your Mercy, on so-and-so, son of so-and-so’, and mention his name.”

Another invocation for headache: ‘O One Who diminishes the great and magnifies the small; O Remover of uncleanliness from Muhammad and his family, and their complete Purifier. Bless Muhammad and his family. Remove what is in me of headache and migraine (al-shaqiqa).’

An Invocation for Migraine

Muhammad b. Ibrahim al-Sarraj narrated from Ibn Mahbub from Hisham b. Salim from Habib al-Sijistani - he was older than Hariz al-Sijistani, though Hariz was superior in knowledge to Habib - who said: I complained to al-Baqir, peace be upon him, of a migraine that afflicted me once or twice every week. Al-Baqir said: ‘Place your hand on the side which pains you and say: “O Apparent, Present, O Hidden, but not absent, answer Your weak servant with Your Gracious Help. Remove from him his pain. Surely You are Compassionate, Loving, All-powerful.” Recite this three times and you will be relieved of the pain Allah, the Exalted, willing.’

Another invocation for migraine: Al-Sayyari narrated from Muhammad b. ‘Ali from Muhammad b. Muslim from ‘Ali b. Abu Hamza from Abu Basir, who said: ‘I heard Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. al-Husayn, peace be upon him, when visiting one of his followers, mention that he was afflicted with a migraine. He cited an invocation similar to the preceding one.’

Another invocation for migraine: ‘Write the following on a paper and attach it to the part which is suffering: “In the Name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate, I bear witness that You are not a god we have invented, nor a lord whose mention has ceased, nor a king with whom people associate partners, nor was there before You a god in whom we took refuge, or sought protection, or prayed to. We pray to You, and no one assists You in our creation or is responsible for You. Glory be to You and Praise! Bless Muhammad and his family. Cure this quickly with your cure.”’

An Invocation for Pain in the Eye

Ahmad b. Muhammad Abu Ja’far narrated from Ibn Abu ‘Umayr from Abu Ayyub al-Khazzaz from Muhammad b. Muslim from Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Sadiq, peace be upon him, from al-Baqir from 'Ali b. al-Husayn from his father, who said that ‘Ali b. Abu Talib, peace be upon him, said: ‘When the Messenger of Allah, blessings of Allah be on him and his family, called me on the day of Khaybar, he was told: “O Messenger of Allah, he has inflammation (al-ramad) of the eyes.” The Messenger of Allah said: “Bring him to me.” So I went to him and said: “O Messenger of Allah, I have inflammation of the eyes and cannot see anything.” The Messenger of Allah said:

“Approach me, O ‘Ali.” I approached him and he passed his hand over my eyes and recited: “In the Name of Allah, and by Allah, and peace be on the Messenger of Allah. O Allah, protect him from the heat and the cold, and preserve him from harm and affliction.” ‘Ali peace be upon him, said: I recovered, and by Him Who honoured him with Prophethood, bestowed on him the Message, and chose him over His servants, I felt neither heat nor cold nor pain in my eyes after that.’

He said: ‘Sometimes ‘Ali, peace be upon him, would go out on a bitterly cold winter's day with a torn shirt. It would be said: “O Amir al-Mu’minin, are you not affected by the cold?” He would reply: “Neither heat nor cold has affected me since the Messenger of Allah, blessings of Allah on him and his family, protected me with the invocation.” Sometimes he would come out to us on an extremely hot day in a padded garment, and it would be said to him: “Are you not affected as other people are by this severe heat, so that you wear a padded garment?” He would give them the same reply.’

An Invocation for Pain in the Ear

Khirash b. Zuhayr al-Azdi narrated from Muhammad b. Jamhur al-Qummi from Yunus b. Zabyan from Abu ‘Abd Allah, peace be upon him, that he [Yunus] said: I complained to him of pain in one of my ears (al-udhun). He [Abu ‘Abd Allah] said: ‘Place your hand over it, and say seven times: “I take refuge in Allah, in Whom trust that which is on the land and in the sea, in the heavens and the earth; and He is All-hearing, All-knowing.” It will be cured, Allah, the Exalted, willing.’

Aslam b. ‘Amr al-Nusaybi narrated from ‘Ali b. Ibn Rabbayta from Muhammad b. Salman from his father from Abu ‘Abd Allah, peace be upon him, that he recited an invocation of protection similar to this, for one of his companions who had an earache.

Description of a Medication for Pain in the Ear

Take a handful of unhusked sesame (simsim ghayr muqashshar) and a handful of mustard. Grind each of them separately, then mix them together and extract the oil (duhn). Place the oil in a bottle and put an iron seal on it. Whenever you require, put two drops of it in the ear and bind it with a piece of cotton for three days. It will be cured. Allah, the Exalted, willing.

Preface

The present is the first English translation of a text in the Twelver Shi’i prophetic medical tradition. As such it will prove of both interest and importance to specialists and non-specialists alike. The former include those pursuing study of various aspects of Islamic history and civilization in general and especially students of the history of Islamic medicine. The latter include both those wishing greater awareness of the Twelver Shi’i faith and heritage in general, and those desirous of greater familiarity with practical dimensions of the faith in particular.

For these audiences a fuller appreciation of this text is perhaps best achieved by some discussion of the place of the prophetic medical tradition within the context of the history of Islamic medicine.

Western-language scholars have generally defined Islamic medicine as composed of two distinct and dichotomous traditions, pre-Islamic Galenic medicine and prophetic medicine. Galenic medicine is understood to have become available to Islamic medical writers and practitioners as Greek scientific texts were translated into Arabic, beginning especially in Baghdad In the early 3rd/9th century. Supported by the Abbasid caliphs and other wealthy benefactors, over the next two hundred years the translation movement made much of Greek philosophy and science available in Arabic, the lingua franca of Islamic civilization.

Briefly and broadly speaking, the essence of the Galenic medical system was humoral pathology: equilibrium of the four humours (al-akhlat) - blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile - produced well-being, while disequilibrium produced illness, the specificity of which depended on the affected humour. Together with the doctrines of the elements, temperaments, qualities, and faculties, the Galenic medical system presupposed a system of therapy aimed at maintaining or restoring equilibrium in the body by changes in diet, environment, activity, and by use of external medications.

Among the early Islamic-period adherents of the Galenic medical system were some of those philosopher/physicians best-known today. These included, for example, Abu Zakariyya Yuhanna b. Masawayh (d. 243 A.H./857 AD.), his student Hunayn b. Ishaq (d. 259/873), himself one of the foremost of the translators, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Zakariyya al-Razi (latinized as Rhazes) (d. 311/923), ‘Ali b. al-‘Abbas al-Majusi (often known as Haly Abbas) (d. between 380/982 and 385/995), Abu ‘Ali al-Husayn b. ‘Abd Allah b. Sina (latinized as Avicenna) (d. 428/1037), and ‘Ala’ al-Din Ali b. Abu al-Hazm al-Qurashi, Ibn al-Nafis (d. 687/1288).1

Western scholars have identified these and other medical writers of this period as part of a broader period of cultural effervescence characteristic of the later years of the ‘Abbasid caliphate, and explained this ‘golden age’ of Islamic civilization in terms both of the translation movement and the socio-economic and political stability marking these years.

According to this analysis Islam’s ‘golden age’ began its decline in the 6th/12th century precisely because the lack of originality and spontaneous creativity at the basis of Islam's cultural vitality finally revealed itself and the ‘Abbasid caliphate also met its political, not to say also its socio-economic end, with the Mongol destruction of Baghdad in 656/1258. This inherent lack of creativity similarly asserted itself vis-a-vis Islamic medicine; ultimately Islamic medicine is seen to have involved less an interest in, and efforts to supplement, Greek medicine than better arrangement of the Greek material. 2

As Galenic medicine declined the second, dichotomous tradition in Islamic medicine is said to have increasingly asserted itself. This was the prophetic medical tradition.3 Prophetic medicine is generally depicted as having arisen to counter the authority of the Greek-based medical tradition by positing that knowledge and certainty in medicine, as in religion and philosophy, could only be attained through revelation.

However, although ostensibly based on the Qur’an and the statements and actions attributed to the Prophet Muhammad (d. 11/632)4 , most writers have followed Browne in citing and accepting the criticism of prophetic medicine by Ibn Khaldun (d. 809/1406), who characterized the tradition as ‘definitely no part of divine revelation but something customarily practised among the Arabs [before the rise of Islam]’. As such, according to J. Christoph Burgel prophetic medicine was 'quackery piously disguised'. Nevertheless, with the influence of Galenic medicine on the decline, prophetic medicine is said to have been attracting increasing attention by the 7th/13th and 8th/ 14th centuries.5

Prophetic medical writings discussed in greatest detail by Western language scholars include the chapters on medical questions in the Sahih - the collection of hadith complied by Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Isma’il al-Bukhari (d. 256/870) - the treatise of the Shafi’i scholar Shams al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Abu Bakr, Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziya (d, 750/1350-51), that of Shams al-Din Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1347-48), and that of Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Abu Bakr al-Suyuti (d.911/1505).6

More dynamic visions of the course of science and medicine in the pre-modern Middle East are, nevertheless, both possible and desirable. Initially the contributions of non-Muslims might be recognised by more widely incorporating the term 'Islamicate', as developed by Marshall G. Hodgson.7

Once adopted, such a framework of reference must entail the discarding of such terms as ‘Arabian Science’ and ‘Arabian medicine’: developments in science and medicine - not to say other spheres of culture as well - can no longer be traced to something intrinsically Arab. Indeed, the very notion of the "golden age', no longer explicable in terms of something inherent to Arab or Islamic society, itself is revealed as inherently tendentious.8

In searching for an alternative causal theory of developments in Islamicate science and medicine, the social specificity of different medical texts and their authors is perhaps the most useful and relevant starting point. Awareness of such works as the texts listed above and their authors mainly derive from the fact of their having been written down. The actual influence of the ideas in these texts in their own time must, however, be gauged with care. The audiences for the lengthy, comparatively technical Galenic medical texts were likely confined mainly to other medical practitioners and writers educated in this tradition, and court patrons and contemporary socio-economic and political elites to whom these authors frequently dedicated their texts. All these were predominantly urban-based. Throughout the pre-modern period, however, the bulk of the population- Muslim and non-Muslim alike- was certainly rural and illiterate. The extent to which this majority was aware of, let alone actually exposed to, details of the concepts and 'techniques' discussed by adherents to the Galenic tradition must therefore be considered at best unclear, and at worst quite limited.

The extent of the influence of the prophetic medical tradition is less apparent. Larger compilations of hadith containing sections on medical questions, in al-Bukhari’s Sahih, for example, were clearly directed to different audiences than treatises specifically on prophetic medicine, such as that of lbn Qayyim al-Jawziya and al-Dhahabi, wherein the authors offered both arguments - including those for the validity of the prophetic over the Galenic legacy - and selected hadith.9 As such the latter may have been the product of a contest with the Galenic tradition for urban hearts and minds.

Nevertheless, and most likely as a result of prejudice against the tradition, Western scholars have yet to undertake the systematic, comparative study of different prophetic texts, instead generally portraying the prophetic tradition in relatively static and uncompromising terms. Moreover, those very few prophetic medical texts examined to date originate from within Sunni Islam. To date the Shi’i Muslim prophetic medical tradition has yet to attract the attention of scholars in the field.

Briefly, Twelver Shi’i Islam may be differentiated from the majority Sunni branch of Islam by Its recognition of members of the family of the Prophet Muhammad, beginning with, and through the line of, ‘Ali b. Abu Talib (d. 40/661) - the Prophet's cousin and son-in-law - as having been divinely designated to govern the Muslim community and as being in as direct contact with Allah as the Prophet himself for the purpose of guiding the community. Their statements and actions are therefore regarded as divinely-inspired, and constitute both a commentary on and an extension of the revelation. The twelfth and last of this line, Muhammad b. al-Hasan, disappeared in 260/874, while still quite young. He is to reveal himself at the end of time and bring judgement to the world and justice and vindication to believers. The Twelver Shi’a have been always been a numerical minority in Islam. In the 10th /16th century, however, Twelver Shi 'ism became the established faith in Iran. It remains so, and the Twelvers are now the majority faith in Iran, Iraq, Bahrain, and Lebanon. There are also sizeable Twelver communities in India. Pakistan, the Gulf states, and the USSR.10

There is no dearth of Twelver Shi’i medical texts. Agha Buzurg al-Tehrani (d. 1389/19 70) in his massive bibliography of Twelver texts, al-Dhari’a ila tasanif al-Shi’a, devoted several pages to listing texts on medicine completed from the earliest years following the disappearance of the Twelfth Imam up to the last century.11 In his introduction to the present work, Muhammad Mahdi al-Sayyid Hasan al-Khirsan lists the authors of a number of such texts. As al-Khirsan notes, the earliest of these were probably compilations of hadith on medical subjects transmitted from the Imams - similar to the Sunni Sahih. Some later texts appear to be arguments supplemented by hadith citations - as the treatises of Ibn Qayyim and al-Dhahabi. A number of these texts are extant today.

There are also the ‘four books’ of Twelver hadith,12 not to mention other early compilations of narratives. Because these works contain transmissions from the Imams on many different subjects, they might usefully be examined for transmissions relevant to rnedical subjects. To date, however, there has been no effort to examine any of these sources with a view to detailing and analyzing what is distinctly Twelver Shi’i about this genre of literature, let alone undertaking a comparison with similar works in the Sunni tradition.

The present text, The Medicine of the Imams, is a collection of statements of the Imams compiled by Abu ‘Atab ‘Abd Allah and al-Husayn, the sons of Bistam b. Sabur, Bistam himself was a companion of the sixth Imam Abu ‘Abd Allah Ja’far b. Muhammad al-Sadiq (d. 148/765) and the seventh Imam Abu al-Hasan Musa b. Ja’far al-Kazim (d. 183/799).13 Probably because, despite the wealth of Shi’i material, it is one of the few such texts to be published, this compilation is the only Twelver medical work to have attracted notice in the field, and then only recently. Solely based on the present work Rahman characterised the Shi’a, in contrast with the Sunni, as encouraged to bear the ‘pain and discomfort of disease’ and seek the assistance of a doctor 'only if disease threatens to become incurable and pain unbearable'. According to Rahman, the Shi’a 'underplay the natural cures and emphasize the value of suffering’. Such tendencies, he argued, were 'undoubtedly connected with the passion motif and the stress on martyrdom, of which Sunni Islam has little trace'. 14

The late Michael W. Dols, in an essay review of the book in which Rahman offered this analysis, proposed a more eclectic definition for prophetic medicine than has hitherto been available. Dols characterized the prophetic tradition as a: blend of three distinct elements . .: the folk medicine of the Arabian bedouin, the borrowing of Galenic concepts that had become common parlance (such as humours, temperaments, and qualities), and the over-arching principle of divine or supernatural causation. 15

An initial appraisal of the present text suggests Dols’ is a more appropriate analysis than that of Rahman and that, indeed, all three forms of medicine found favor within the Shi’i community, Parallels with the pre-Islamic medical practice and theory as discussed by Ullmann, for example, are readily apparent in these narratives. There is clear evidence of some anatomical knowledge: many of the major organs are mentioned in these texts. Ullmann mentioned the use of animal urine16 and human blood as curatives, and references to both appear in the present compilation. Various herbal combinations, soups, animal fat, sugar,17 and honey appear as medicaments. There is also evidence of belief that magical properties had been conferred on such otherwise innocuous elements as the water of the Zamzam well or the soil of the grave of one the Imams. Such pre-Islamic supernatural forces as the 'evil eye’ were also seen as a danger in the Islamic period.

The overall emphasis on preventative medicine, abstaining from certain foods, for example, and such cures as cupping and cauterization - which Ullmann suggested were strongly criticized by the Prophet - also feature in some of these hadith. There is also clear evidence of a 'theory of contagion’ or transmission of illness that Ullmann suggested was in evidence in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabia, as witnessed in the narrative transmitted from Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq from the Prophet advising against ‘looking at the afflicted’.18

The humoral-basis which was a feature of the Greek medical system is also in evidence in these narratives. There are, for example, references to maladies being related to, if not also caused by, black and yellow bile, and phlegm. The narratives are replete with lists of medicaments designed to alleviate such afflictions. There are also references to climate, for example, as a factor in illness and wellness. Although there is no formal mention of the humours themselves, the 'natural constituents' are mentioned. The presence in these narratives of the third of the three components mentioned by Dols, the belief that illness and wellness could also be the result of divine intervention, as well as that of Satan and the jinn, is also clearly in evidence as the number of prayers, invocations, and supplications attest.

There are also narratives which offer a more complex view of medical theory and practice. There is, for example, the occasional hadith in which references occur to more than one of these three forms of medicine. In the case of the treatment for phlegm in the two narratives transmitted by Hariz b. Ayyub al-Jurjani and Muhammad b. al-Sirraj, for example, both recitation of the Qur’an and herbal-based remedies are said to be effective.

Given the references to all three forms of theory and practice in these narratives and the apparent parallels with the Sunni-based prophetic medical tradition as it has been discussed to date, a systematic, comparative study of the Sunni and Shi’i prophetic medical traditions would seem to be merited. The Sunni texts which are already available might be the basis of preliminary study. Al-Suyuti referred similarly somewhat imperfectly to the humoral conceptualization in his treatise.19

Both al-Suyuti’s essay and the narratives in the present text address many of the same afflictions, such as the ‘evil eye’, colic, or leprosy.20 Locating such references in the present compilation has been facilitated by the inclusion of an index of maladies and afflictions. Al-Suyuti’s essay also contains a list of the properties of foods and drugs arranged alphabetically according to their Arabic equivalents. This list might be cross-referenced with the lists of curatives and Arabic terms appended to the present text, and comparison of the proposed remedies undertaken.

Comparisons with texts written by Islamicate adherents to the Galenic system might also usefully be undertaken. The narratives in the present compilation contain many references to eyes and eye-care, for example. In the narrative transmitted by ‘Abd Allah b. Bistam the remedy called ‘the healing’ is said to be beneficial for rih al-sabal, a condition which figures in the works of both Yuhanna b. Masawayh and Ibn al-Nafis.21

The specifically pharmacological material in this compilation and other prophetic texts would also appear to merit comparison both with similar material in other prophetic texts, as has been suggested, but also with elements of Greek pharmacology which became available in Arabic during the ‘Abbasid period in such works as the Aqrabadhin of Abu Yusuf Ya’qub b. Ishaq al-Kindi (d. ca. 256/870). Mention of the beneficial properties of ‘Armenian clay’ in the present compilation, for example, does have precedent in the works of both Galen and the materia medica of Dioscorides. Some of the terms which appear herein may be corrupted versions of other terms, owing to some confusion among practitioners of this tradition, or may have meaning other than that given in the present translation. As such, these terms perhaps merit special attention. Al-Kundus, for example, could also be soapwort as well as sneezewort, as given herein. The sole reference to mercury (al-zaybaq) may in fact be a misprint for al-zanbaq, jasmine. Asarawan may be a misprint for asarun, that is ‘asarabacca’ (Asarum europaeum). Abarfiyun may be a rnisprint for afarbiyun (euphorbium). 22

There are, nevertheless, elements distinct to the Twelver Shi’i faith evident in these narratives. The controversy surrounding the authenticity of the Qur’an surfaces in the narrative transmitted from Ibrahim al-Baytar concerning the sura al-Falaq (113) and the sura al-Nas (114) and whether or not these two had been included in the version of the Qur'an of the Prophet's companion ‘Abd Allah b. Ghafil, Ibn Mas’ud (d. 32-3/652-653).23

The issue of the existence of a peculiarly Twelver attitude to illness and wellness has already been raised with the reference to Rahman's characterization of the Shi’a as being 'advised to bear the pain and discomfort of disease’ and summon a physician only in the last resort, and his ascription of this attitude to ‘the passion motif and the stress on martyrdom’.24

A less cursory, more detailed examination of these narratives than that undertaken by Rahman suggests there is little basis for such a generalization. The numerous forms of herbal remedies - the same ‘natural cures’ Rahman suggested Shi’i prophetic medicine disavowed- the many preventative prescriptions, as well as the numerous prayers, invocations, and supplications recorded in these narratives overwhelmingly attest to the desire for wellness and the importance given to knowledge of the means to attain it. The occasional advice to avoid physicians ought not to be confused with, or interpreted as, a desire for death, let alone martyrdom, but might reflect the suspicion of the illiterate majority of a form of treatment outside their experience.

Nevertheless, even in this compilation there are references to the Imams’ approval of physicians' advice, such as the narrative transmitted from ‘Abd Allah b. Bistam himself from Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq wherein the Imam approved of a drink proposed by a physician which involved raisins and honey. Two narrations from Imam Ja’far concerning citron contain only a hint of disagreement with the advice preferred by physicians.

Perhaps the least obvious but most distinctively Shi’i feature to these narratives is the transmitters themselves. These personalities are indexed separately and merit some attention. Among their number are some individuals already known to scholars in the field. Hisham b. al-Hakam, for example, is well-known among scholars of the Twelver Shi’a as a rationalist companion of Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq.25 Others of these individuals had more problematic careers. Also well-known, but with something of a checkered career, for example, is al-Mufaddal b. ‘Umar al-Ju’fi who figures repeatedly in these narratives but whom some later biographers disavowed.26 Al-Mu’alla b. Khunays is described by al-Najashi as ‘weak’27, and Muhammad b Sinan al-Zahiri is said by al-Najashi to have transmitted narratives from many ‘weak’ individuals.28 It would seem that while the non-medical narratives from these and other individuals might be troublesome, their medical narratives were deemed acceptable.

Clearly, however, further research on these transmitters and their transmissions would be useful. Where possible it would be especially useful, for example, to trace the narratives in the present compilation to the earlier collections in which they appeared originally, thus better understanding the purpose and intended audience of that original collection.29 Interestingly, where the traditionists include references to individuals other than their coreligionists, mistakes appear to occur. The sole reference in the present compilation to Yuhanna b. Masawayh refers to him also as ‘Abu Hafan’ by which he is not known in conventional biographies.30

The paucity of our knowledge of the nature and influence of the prophetic tradition in lslamicate medicine, and Twelver Shi’i prophetic medicine in particular, is clear. The publication of the English translation of this compilation of Twelver medical hadith ought to be the occasion for commencing the reconsideration of the prophetic medical tradition, both for scholars in the field and others interested both in Islamicate history as well as in the theory and practice of Twelver Shi 'ism in particular. The Muhammadi Trust is to be thanked for its contribution to this process.

Andrew J. Newman

The Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine

The University of Oxford

Notes

1. This brief overview relies heavily on Manfred Ullmann, Islamic Medicine (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978), 7f, 41f, 55f; Michael W. Dols’ introduction to his Medieval Islamic Medicine, Ibn Ridwan’s Treatise ‘On the Prevention of Bodily Ills in Egypt’ (Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1984), 3-24; and J. Christoph Burgel, “Secular and Religious Features of Medieval Arabic Medicine’, in Asian Medical Systems: A Comparative Study, Charles Leslie, ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972), 44-62.

2. According to Ullmann ‘the Arabs had received Greek medicine at the last stage of its development and could do no other than assume that this system was perfect and final’ Burgel wrote that ‘Arabic medicine…. [lacked] an evolutionary conception of science’, and identified the decline in Islamic medicine as part of a broader dissolution of the ‘scientific impetus’ which was a feature of the later Abbasid period. See Ullmann, Ibid. 22; Burgel, ibid, 53-54, and note 5 below. In their adherence to the ‘golden age’ concept both were echoing E.G. Browne who had characterized ‘Arabian science’ and ‘Arabian medicine’ as ‘for the most part Greek in origin… and only in a very small degree the product of the Arabian mind.’ See Browne’s Arabian Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, first published 1921, reprinted 1962), 2, and also 5-6.

3. In Arabic, either Tibb al-Nabi (the medicine of the Prophet) or al-tibb al-nabawi (prophetic medicine).

4. For an introduction to this literature, see J.Robson’s ‘Hadith’ in EI/II, 3 (Leiden: Brill 1971) 23-28, and also G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition: Studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early hadith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

5. See Browne, ibid, 11-14, especially 13-14; Burgel, ibid, 50, 60, citing Browne, ibid, 13-14. See also Ullmann, ibid, 5. The citation from Ibn Khaldun is from Fazlur Rahman, Health and Medicine in the Islamic Tradition, Change and Identity (New York: Crossroad, 1989), 33. See also ibid, 42f for additional causes for the rise of the prophetic tradition. On Rahman, see also notes 14, 15 below. Burgel, in a tone perhaps implicitly accepted by many scholars, also described ‘so-called prophetic medicine’, astrology, alchemy, and magic as ‘looked upon as sciences by the great majority, and even by most of the scholars. Nevertheless, they were hothouses of irrationalism, the rational disguise making them only the more harmful’. As such, they were ‘enemies’ of ‘rational thought’, ‘harmful’ to the ‘essentials of science’, and were the ‘spiritual forces… most potent in paralyzing the scientific impetus of the golden age.’ See Burgel, ibid, 54. Although Cyril Elgood did not cite Ibn Khaldun, he depicted ‘the story of Arabian Medicine [as]… one of continual rebellion by the doctors against the system of thought imposed upon them by the theologians’ and the basis of prophetic medicine as pre-Islamic practices. See his ‘Tibb ul-Nabi or Medicine of the Prophet’, Osiris 14 (1962), 37.

6. For his discussion of prophetic medicine, Burgel’s main source was the Sahih. See Burgel, ibid. 54-9. On Ibn Qayyim, see Basim F. Musallam in his Sex and Society in Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 50, and Rahman, ibid, 43, 51-2, 112-113. Ibn Qayyim’s Al-Tibb al-Nabavi is to be translated by Penelope Johnstone of the Oriental Institute, University of Oxford. On al-Dhahabi, see Rahman, ibid, 43f. Elgood translated al-Suyuti’s essay in his “Tibb-ul-Nabbi”. On the authorship of this essay see Hakim Altaf Ahmad Azmi, ‘A New Manuscript of Prophet’s Medicine by Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti’, Studies in History of Medicine and Science, IX (1985), Nos. 3-4, 95-112. Names of other writings and writers in this tradition can be found in Elgood, ibid, 40-5; idem, ‘The Medicine of the Prophet’, Medical History, 6 (1962), 146-53; Azmi, ibid, 95-97; Rahman, ibid, 41f.

7. See Hodgson’s Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilisation, 3 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974). The term has already been used by Emilie Savage-Smith in her Islamicate Celestial Globes, their History, Construction, and Use (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1985). Of the adherents to medicine mentioned above, Hunayn b.Ishaq was, for example, a Nestorian Christian as was his teacher Yuhanna b. Masawayh. Al-Majusi was from an Iranian Zoroastrian family. It ought to be recognized that while humoral medicine did not necessarily involve the sort of ‘scientific’ investigation - in anatomy, for example - which became a widespread feature of Western medical theory and practice only in the last century, humoral theories of illness and wellness did necessitate continual efforts to delineate variations in the environment, or medications, for example, to restore humoral balance.

8. On the use of the terms ‘Arabian Science’ and ‘Arabian medicine’, see note 2 above. The ‘golden age’ concept is itself an element of a larger agenda peculiar to the discipline of Oriental studies, wherein Arab/Muslim society is portrayed as the repository, via the translation movement, of the accomplishments of Greek civilization until the latter was recaptured by Europe. According to this conceptualization that recapture was, in turn, the basis of the Renaissance. Of the secondary source authors listed above, Browne (ibid, 2-3) was the first to have detailed the notion of ‘Arab society’ as such a repository. See also Ullmann, ibid, 22.

9. See, for example, the arguments of Ibn Qayyim and al-Dhahabi as cited by Rahman in his Health and Medicine, 42-3.

10. For an introduction to Shi’i Islam and Twelver Shi’ism in particular, see Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam: The History and Doctrines of Twelver Shi’ism (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985). The very early history of the faith is discussed in detail by S. Husain M. Jafri, Origins and Development of Shi’a Islam (London and New York: Longman, 1979). A useful introduction to Twelver law, its major periods, and key personalities, is Hossein Modarressi Tabataba’i, An Introduction to Shi’i Law: a bibliographical study (London: Ithaca Press, 1984).

11. Agha Buzurg al-Tehrani, Al-Dhari’a ila tasanif al-Shi’a (Tehran and Najaf, 1353-98q), 15: 135-44.

12. These four are al-Kafi by Muhammad b. Ya’qub al-Kulayni (d. 329/941), Man la Yahduruhu al-Faqih of al-Shaykh al-Saduq, Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-Qummi, mentioned in al-Khirsan’s introduction, and Tahdhib al-Ahkam and al-Istibsar, both by Abu Ja’far Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Tusi (d. 460/1067). See also notes 16 and 29 below.

13. On the present text, see al-Tehrani, ibid, 15:139-40. The publication history of the text is discussed at the end of al-Khirsan’s introduction and in note 14.

14. Rahman, ibid, 37-8, citing only pp.16, 6 of the Arabic text of the present work, corresponding to al-Khirsan’s introduction. There al-Khirsan is not actually citing any narratives but the statements of two later Twelver scholars, Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi - who died not in 1800, the date given by Rahman, but in 1110/1699 - and the late 4th/10 century scholar al-Shaykh al-Mufid. Rahman’s Arabic edition of the text was published in Najaf in 1965. The edition on which the present translation was made was published in Beirut.

15. Michael W. Dols, ‘Islam and Medicine’, a review of Fazlur Rahman, Health and Medicine in the Islamic Tradition, in History of Science, xxvi (1988), 421. In her forthcoming ‘Islamic Medicine’ in An Encyclopaedia of Arab Science, R. Rashed, ed. (London: Routledge, 1991), Emilie Savage-Smith suggests the prophetic tradition flourished alongside the ‘Greek-based tradition but probably serving a different part of the community’, and dismisses suggestions that the former was a ‘threat to “scientific” or “rational” medicine’.

16. References to urine in the Qur’an can be found in A.J. Wensinck’s A Handbook of Early Muslim Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 1927), which might also be consulted for references to different medical subjects, including other remedies and curatives.

17. The different forms of sugar are discussed in J. Ruska’s ‘Sukkar’, EI, 4 (Leiden: Brill, 1934), 501-10.

18. Ullmann, ibid, 1-5, 86-7.

19. See Elgood, ‘The Medicine of the Prophet’, 50, where al-Suyuti discussed the humoral system in more detail than in the present compilation, but substituted the spleen for the black bile, although noting that ‘Spleen is sometimes called Black Bile’.

20. The various terms applied to leprosy are discussed by Michael W. Dols in his ‘Djudham’, EI /II, suppl., Fasc. 5-6 (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 270-74. It seems apparent that references to ‘the evil disease’ in the present compilation are also references to a form of skin disorder.

21. On Ibn Masawayh, see Max Meyerhoff, ‘The History of Trachoma Treatment in Antiquity and During the Arabic Middle Ages’, Bulletin of the Ophthalmological Society of Egypt (Cairo), 29 (1936), 40; Emilie Savage-Smith, ‘Ibn al-Nafis’s Perfected Book on Ophthalmology and His Treatment of Trachoma and its Sequelae’, Journal for the History of Arabic Science, 4 (1980), 166.

22. On al-Kindi, see Martin Levey, translator, The Medical Formulary or Aqrabadhin of al-Kindi translated with a study of its material medica (Madison and London: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1966). On ‘Armenian clay’, see Ullmann, ibid, 25, 12. In addition to al-Kindi, the following references have been used in the translation of the terms and remedies given herein: Martin Levey, The Medical Formulary of al-Samarqandi and the relation of early Arabic simples to those found in the indigenous medicine of the Near East and India (Philadelphia: The University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967); J.L. Schlimmer, Terminologie Medico-Pharmaceutique (Tehran: University of Tehran Press, 1970, reprint of 1874 edition); Alfred Siggel, Arabische-Deutscher Worterbuch (Berlin, 1950); and, less reliable, A.K. Bedevian, Illustrated Polyglotic Dictionary of Plant Names (Cairo, 1936). Other useful glossaries can be found in Dols, Medieval Islamic Medicine, 153-66; Savage-Smith, Ibn al-Nafis, 182-7; Azmi, ibid, 107-11; al-Shaykh al-Rais Ibn Sina, al-Risala al-Wahiyya, Mahmood Suwaysi ed. (Tunis: University of Tunis, 1975), 118-244; Hakim Mohammad Said, Al-Biruni’s Book on pharmacy and material medica, edited with an English translation (Karachi, 1973). It will be seen that these sources frequently offer conflicting translations for names of plants and herbs. Arabic terms are given in parentheses only at the first occurrence of the word, and are indexed for the first page only. If several Arabic terms are translated by one English term, the different Arabic terms may be indexed more than once.

23. On Ibn Mas’ud, see J.-C. Vadet’s ‘Ibn Mas’ud’, in EI/II, 4 (Leiden: Brill, 1971), 873-5. Given Ibn Mas’ud’s apparently Shi’i tendencies, Imam Ja’far’s disavowal of Ibn Mas’ud’s reading of the Qur’an suggests an effort to minimize differences between Sunni and Shi’i in accord with the Imam’s quietist tendencies. For an introduction to the Twelver position on the authenticity of the Qur’an, see Etan Kohlberg’s ‘Some Notes on the Imamite Attitude to the Qur’an’, in S.M. Stern, et al, eds., Islamic Philosophy and the Classical Tradition (Oxford: Cassirer, 1972), 209-24.

24. Rahman, ibid, 37. Clearly here Rahman is exhibiting the conventional tendency in Oriental studies to ascribe an attitude of fatalism to Islam and Muslims, but considering it to be a particularity of the Shi’a as opposed to the ostensibly more enlightened Sunnis.

25. See W. Madelung’s article on him in EI/II, 3; 496-98, and also Momen, ibid, 65, 67, 73.

26. On al-Mufaddal, see W. Madelung, ‘Khattabiyya, EI /II, 4: 1132-3; Momen, ibid, 53. The biographer Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad b. ‘Ali al-Najashi (d. 450/1058-9) described him as ‘corrupt’ in his Rijal al-Najashi (Qum, 1407), 416. See also the article on him in the biographical work by Muhammad b. ‘Ali al-Ardabili, Jami’ al-Ruwaat 2 (Qum, 1403), 258-60. The latter was a student of the above-mentioned Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisi.

27. Al-Najashi, ibid, 417. See also al-Ardabili, ibid, 2:247-50.

28. Al-Najashi, ibid, 338; al-Ardabili, ibid, 2:88-9.

29. On the earliest collections of Twelver narrations, see Etan Kohlberg, ‘Al-Usul al-Arba’umi’a’, Journal of studies in Arabic and Islam, 10 (1987), 128-66.

30. See J.-C. Vadet’s article on him in EI/II, 3: 872-3, and also Ibn Abi Usaybi’ah, ‘Uyun al-Anba’ fi Tabaqat al-Atibba (Beirut, 1401/1981), 2:123-37.