CHAPTER IV: THE HUSAYNI-ISLAH PARADIGM: REVIVING ISLAM THROUGH KARBALA
INTRODUCTION
Towards the middle of La tufsidu - the text with which I introduced this thesis - one encounters a curious assertion by ‘Ali Naqvi.
This assertion points us to a dimension of ‘Ali Naqvi’s thought which has not thus far been explored in this study. It facilitates our transition to examine what may be reckoned as ‘Ali Naqvi’s alternative way of preserving, reviving, and propagating Islam. Different from the previously discussed “sagacious ordering of religious and social life” it brings to fore another method and path that he carved in his attempts of reviving Islam. For reasons that will follow soon, this way is momentous enough that a separate chapter be devoted to its study. But let us turn to the quotation first: “Yes, yes, it is true that in explaining Islam, [in answering] whatis it
? I am unable to find a better [historical] reference of personality than Husayn. If I were to teach the real practical meaning of Islam then there will only be one person in the history of the world whose name is Husayn (emphasis added)”.
Given our contention so far that “explaining Islam to preserve it” is the underlying intent of ‘Ali Naqvi’s whole intellectual corpus, this statement is quite significant. It assumes even more force when we observe that he was not simply paying lip-service to this thought: In a cursory review of ‘Ali Naqvi’s corpus one notices the extent to which he wrote on the theme of Karbala and Husayn’s martyrdom. In fact, if we were to exclude his seven-volume Qur’anic commentary, almost one-third of his writings relate to the theme of Karbala directly, and even those whose main subjectmatter is not Karbala contain ample allusions and reflections on its various aspects. His writings demonstrate that he drew full implications from this assertion.
The theme of Karbala is with ‘Ali Naqvi from the beginning of his intellectual career: From his early student days he had started writing on this subject. The earliest work was written in Arabic during his seminary studies in Najaf to defend what were seen as the extreme forms of Shi‘ite mourning against criticisms from certain ‘ulama’, especially Ayatullah Muhsin al-Amin, the author of the well-known A‘yan al-Shi‘ah.
Upon his return from Iraq, the first book
he authored was again related to the subject of Husayn and Karbala. Coincidentally it is also Imamia publications’ first published book.
In this context one should also note that a survey of Imamia Mission’s earliest publications reveals that - and it is worth recalling that Imamia Mission was ‘Ali Naqvi’s brainchild - out of the fifty published works eighteen deal directly with the theme of Karbala.
The next fifty books show a similar pattern with at least 16 books discussing Karbala-related subjects directly. Then there are ample occasional allusions to this theme in many of the remaining writings. Notice in this regard, for example, the quotation cited above from La tufsidu, a text which does not deal with this subject in any direct way.
It is significant that Imamia publication no. 50 to 100 came out during the period that falls between the two key texts La tufsidu (1935) and Masa’il va dala’il (1944). This is the same period during which ‘Ali Naqvi carefully completes the reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis and wrote important works such as Mazhab aur ‘aql, Islam ki hakimanah zindagi and all four volumes of Nizam-i zindagi.
This means that ‘Ali Naqvi’s works on Karbala-related themes were written in conjunction with his writings on his reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis discussed in previous chapters.
A few other facts also deserve attention: From among these first hundred volumes published by Imamia Mission it is only the works on Karbala that were translated into languages other than Urdu
;Also
, ‘Ali Naqvi continued writing on this subject throughout his life without any noticeable gap, extending his reflections and analysis in both depth and breadth.
As mentioned in the preceding chapters, ‘Ali Naqvi was somewhat unique in his willingness to speak from the pulpit during Muharram and throughout the year, a forum generally attributed to preachers of limited scholarly training. One may surmise then that the reason for abundant references to the Karbala-narrative in his writings is that many of his writings are transcripts of his Muharram-lectures, where - given the established format of these gatherings - he could not avoid addressing the subject. Yet, a closer examination of his writings shows that his reflections on the Karbala narrative were not simply an inevitable burden carried by a Shi‘i ‘alim and religious leader; in fact, it will be argued that these reflections are an essential pillar of ‘Ali Naqvi’s religiointellectual project and were crucial to his attempts to restore Islam to its privileged social status.
Cumulatively then, the preceding remarks illustrate that even at the height of his reconfiguring of Islamic theology and praxis, ‘Ali Naqvi never stopped pondering over the Karbala-narrative and its meaning. His frequent return to this theme throughout his life demonstrates how significant the Karbala-episode was to him. For reasons both of quantitative magnitude and qualitative significance, this dimension of his thought must therefore be situated within his larger project of reviving and preserving Islam. It is for us now to discover why it was so and to what end? It is even more pertinent to discover, if we are right in asserting that ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings on this topic are just another approach to preserve, revive, and reconfigure Islamic faith, how this dimension of his work relates to his reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis, as discussed in the previous two chapters. In other words what is the relationship of his writings on Karbala to his writings on Islamic theology and praxis? How do his reflections on the Karbalanarrative help the reconfiguration task and his overall attempts to rehabilitate Islam in the Indian society in which he lived? The concluding section of this chapter is devoted to this task.
PART I: HISTORICIZING MYTHOLOGY: ‘ALI NAQVI’S RECONFIGURATION OF THE SHI‘I LAMENTATIONS
(‘AZADARI) From the point of view of their underlying rationale, ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings on Karbala can be broadly classified into the following sub-categories:
1. Those that historicize the details of the whole Karbala-episode, or an aspect of it 2.Those that defend the institution of mourning against its criticisms 3.
Those that clarify the purpose of mourning (in this there is a strong overlap between 2 and 3) 4. Those which teach faith or inculcate virtue His Karbala-related texts often display an overlap among one, two, three, or all four objectives. These objectives are profoundly interrelated and this section is an attempt to explain this interrelatedness of these seemingly disjointed discussions. This reading of ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings on Karbala will illustrate that these writings constitute his larger project of “Reviving Islam through Karbala,” and that the four themes constitute the vital segments of one and the same project. Outwardly distinct, the first three aims are in fact the springboard for the fourth and the most critical one: edification of his Shi‘i community on religious matters.
It is also pertinent to note that in appropriating the symbolism of Karbala for the task of religious preservation and revival ‘Ali Naqvi was also revolutionizing Shi‘I preaching. Put simply, ‘Ali Naqvi made ample use of Karbala symbolism for his simultaneous act of “preaching religious reform” and “reforming religious preaching”.
WHY KARBALA?
Before the interrelatedness of these four themes in his writings on Karbala is illustrated, it is pertinent to ask an even more basic question: Why Karbala? Why did ‘Ali Naqvi devote so much intellectual energy to it, and to what end? Two interrelated answers could immediately be presented: One, as elsewhere Karbala-mourning is the most conspicuous expression of Shi‘i piety and devotion in the Indian subcontinent. Scholarly literature is replete with examples drawing out the centrality of this institution for Shi’i religious life; one may call it the lifeline of the Shi’i Muslims: “Perhaps no other single event in Islamic history has played so central a role in shaping Shiite identity as the martyrdom of Husayn and his companions at Karbala.”
Similarly, Heinz Halm’s short survey of Shi’i Islam from the time of ‘Ali to the Iranian Revolution devotes 37 of the 161 pages to the discussion of what he calls “The Deluge of Weeping Flagellant Procession and Passion Play” in Shi’ism. The work opens with the following remarks:
In 684, four years after the martyrdom of al-Husayn, the “penitents” – committed to performing a collective act of self-sacrifice passed through the plains of Karbala on their march into death. They spent a day and a night at the grave of the Imam, wailing and lamenting with blackened faces. This was not so much to honor the death of al-Husayn…as in response totheir own
feelings of guilt. They prayed to the martyred imam for forgiveness for their failure. The public display of guilt at the grave of the imam and lamenting over one’s own sins are the roots of the larger complex of atonement and mourning rituals of the Shi’ites. Most of these rituals take place during the first ten days of the month of al-Muharram…They recall the martyrdom of the third imam and enable followers to share in his suffering and atone for a portion of their individual sin as well as collective, historical guilt of the Shi‘a…The true core of any religion are the rituals carried out collectively by the believers, and not the ideological web that the theologians build around them in retrospect. The community is created not by the profession of belief in dogma but through the process of performing the rituals.For this reason, the rituals of the Shi‘ites will be the focus of the following presentation, for this is necessary in grasping the essence of Shi‘ism.
In contrast to this, the regulatory set of canonical laws of the mullahs and the ayatollahs, the Shi‘i religious scholars, are secondary and will be discussed afterward.
Though one may not fully agree with the way Helm construes how the Shi’itesrelate
to this event, he is right in noting how palpable this expression of piety is within the Shi’i religious milieu. In terms of its significance, in shaping communal identity and religious ethos, Karbala and the martyrdom of Husayn are the supreme motifs of Shi’i Islam.
From one point of view, therefore, the answer is clear: the reason ‘Ali Naqvi writes about the Karbala-narrative is because of this pivotal place the event has in Shi’i religious consciousness.Given his family’s central role in fashioning Shi’i thought and practice in North India (including the institution of Karbala-mourning) ‘Ali Naqvi could not be oblivious to this central emphasis of mourning for Imam Husayn.
He was fully aware how much the Karbala episode meant to Shi’i Muslims, and how deep their attachment was to Imam Husayn. As scholars have noted, it is through these gatherings and institutions of mourning that Shi’ism has thrived in North India and has given the Shi’i believers a strong sense of a community.
Given the religio-cultural centrality of this institution and its sway upon Shi’i religious consciousness ‘Ali Naqvi recognized the need of employing it for the task of religious preservation, revival, and reconfiguration.
Second, beyond the appreciation of the unique power of the symbol of Karbala ‘Ali Naqvi also gives an elaborate alternative answer to the “why Karbala” question: the absolute uniqueness of the Karbala episode and Imam Husayn’s mission in relation to everything else ever witnessed in history. It is to this dimension that I turn now.
Many aspects of Karbala, according to ‘Ali Naqvi, separate this event and the martyrdom of Husayn from other historical heroic tragedies and martyrdoms: First, the universality of its message across space and time and religious frontiers. In 1942 on the occasion of 1300th anniversary of this incident ‘Ali Naqvi wrote a treatise Shahid-i insaniyat, the preface of which discusses this observation extensively. The title of the text Shahid-i insaniyat (The Martyr of Humanity)
itself is intriguing: Imam Husayn is no longer a Shi’i Imam or martyr of Islam alone, but martyr par excellence of humanity as a whole. He is both a unique and a universal figure who cannot (and must not) be confined to any single religious universe. Thus, his message and sacrifice need to be construed in the most universalistic terms.
Whence the uniqueness and universality of Karbala and Imam Husayn? For ‘Ali Naqvi they are due to various unique characteristics of the Karbala episode. He acknowledges that from the point of view of a particular community, region or class every event can be construed as unique. From this point of view Karbala can also be seen as unique to the land of Iraq, Arabs, and particularly the Hashimites. Yet, for a particular event to be universal in its import, it has to display “attributes and outcomes that relate to the whole of humanity [transcending] the distinctions of religion, race or nation”. It is such attributes that make Karbala a universal incident of humanity.
So
what are these attributes? ‘Ali Naqvi notes the following:
1. Hatred of the oppressor (zalim) and sympathy for the oppressed (mazlum) is part of human nature. Although all prophets and God’s friends suffered oppression of one kind or another, in Imam Husayn’s struggle these various kinds of oppression were all combined. By this token, what he suffered in terms of oppression became unique.
2. It was not that Imam Husayn was helpless in the face of this oppression. He was not like a person who was attacked by a robber, robbed, and murdered against his will. He willfully bore all the adversities in support of a righteous cause and in preservation of a principles stance. In other words, his martyrdom is sacrifice.
3. Every religion seeks to raise human morality to its highest possible level; the real axis of all religions is perfection and morality of human beings. Whereas in details certain moral injunctions may differ, in principles these religions share this common moral framework. In this shared vision of human moral perfection there is a moral station upon which all the religions come to agree. Imam Husayn’s moral stance belonged to that level where no one from another religion would contest the righteousness of his cause.
4. The diverse ethical attributes displayed by Imam Husayn and his companions were of such quality that the whole of humanity can benefit from those. ‘Ali Naqvi cites observations of thinkers from across religious and national heritage who had unanimously attested to the significance of this event. The veneration for Imam Husayn has only grown with passing time,he
notes.
5. Imam Husayn did not intend to defeat or destroy Yazid ibn Mu‘awiyah’s worldly government. If that had been his mission he would have opted for material means. His mission was instead to cause an intellectual, moral, and spiritual revolution. To change the human mindset, military power and swords are not needed. His sacrifice was a moral force - not a material one - which was intended to guide and restore the human mindset and morality.
In view of these points, ‘Ali Naqvi confidently proclaims that:
To restrict the personality of Imam Husayn and his immortal feat (karnamah-yi javid) - with all the graces and blessings [that pour from it] - to a single group is against the spirit of Islam, [the spirit] that underlies calling the creator of the universe “Lord of the worlds” (rabb al-‘alamin). When the lordship of God cannot be restricted to any particular group then restricting the sacrifice of a martyr like Husayn to a single group is also completely wrong. In fact, the benefit of his martyrdom concerns all those people who desire to draw from him some lesson about human life.
Two things standout in these passages: the uncontested universality of Imam Husayn’s ethico-religiousmessage,
and universal human sympathy for his immense suffering that follows from it. Interestingly enough, even among the infallible Shi’i teachers, for ‘Ali Naqvi, Imam Husayn and his exampleis
unique. Returning to this universal content of the Husayni-paradigm time and again, ‘Ali Naqvi will draw numerous implications, religious, ethical, social, even political.
The universality of this message implies that it can serve numerous purposes to demonstrate to the world the truth of Islam by presenting one of its most-revered and heroic figures whose integrity and the veracity of his sacrifice can hardly be disputed.
This was all the more important during ‘Ali Naqvi’s time when Islam was confronted with polemical critiques from many sides. The Husayni-paradigm therefore provided a common denominator for other religious traditions, and even for those who had left religion behind. Husayn ka paygham ‘alam-i insaniyat kay nam [Husayn’s Message to Global Humanity]
is one such example:
Listen carefully! The voice of the innocent martyr of Karbala is reverberating in the air. “O those who dwell in my Lord’s spacious earth...I do not call upon you by your sectarian and communal names. It is because with your sympathy for my immense humanity and great oppressedness your mutual opposition dissolves akin to the way rivers and cascades lose their anxiety and restlessness in the serene ocean. I invite you all that you come to learn who I was and why I stood up and why I did it all (3).
This dimension of the universal applicability and sympathy for the Husayni-paradigm and sacrifice and what it could offer in terms of restoring Islam’s pride and dignity are perhaps the reasons why, during the formative years of Naqvi’s religio-intellectual project, it was only these writings on the theme of Karbala and Husayn that were translated into other regional languages of India.
While universalizing the message of Karbala and the figure of Husayn, ‘Ali Naqvi’s presentation also often approaches this theme from a very particular point of view, one that pertains to Muslims, more specifically, to the Shi’i Muslims.
Within this specific framework the Husayni-paradigm provides a critical model for imitation and reflection for the understanding of religious ideals. In other words, there is purposefulness to the narrative of Karbala which needs to be brought out, reflected upon and then implemented into one’s life. The message of Karbala is universal and essentially moral:
The event of Karbala and its practical results is a topic that deserves a lengthy commentary. Every sub-event of this incident is a fountain of ethical, social, and religious teachings. Imam Husayn had patched together all human perfections (kamalat-i insani). In fact, the incident of Karbala is an incident that unveils all the characteristics of truth and falsehood (haqva
batil)…The numerous valuable lessons taught by Husayn at Karbala are not such that they should be viewed from a wrong lens and then lost to forgetfulness. These lessons are such that they should be made the plan of life and constitution for the communal practical life (dastur-i ‘amal-i hayat-i milli) (italics added).
It is this dimension of the richness of the symbolic capital contained in this narrative and the powerful emblematic and emotional force that it had within the community that caught ‘Ali Naqvi’s continual attention, drawing him to continuously reflect and write about it. This inherent vitality of the Karbala-narrative presented to him an immense opportunity to be employed in the service of religious instruction and the project of preserving and reviving Islamic faith and practice. Though ensuing sections will discuss this dimension at length, it is important to highlight that ultimately for ‘Ali Naqvi, Karbala has to be understood as “the plan for life and a constitution for communal practical life.”
WHICH KARBALA? ‘ALI NAQVI’S ISLAH OF THE KARBALA - COMMEMORATION
Having discussed the “why Karbala?” question it is timely now to examine how the four themes or objectives for writing on Karbala listed earlier relate to one another. Put in a summary fashion the underlying unity of these aims, as witnessed in ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings, proceeds as follows: The discussion on the “why Karbala?” question brings to the fore ‘Ali Naqvi’s ultimate aim of preserving and reviving religion through these writings. In other words, his objective is to revive Islam through Karbala. Now to revive Islam through Karbala, Karbala must itself be alive in the active imagination and memory of the community; Karbala could only be a vehicle of revival if its own symbolic force is preserved. Without doubt, the avenue most responsible for keeping this memory alive is the Muharram commemorative assemblies (majalis). Muharram ritual practice and institutions therefore demanded defense because the ongoing condemnation of this institution from various groups could lead to its destruction. In Zikr-i Husayn [Remembrance of Husayn] he argues that among the Muslim community there has always been a small group that made a conscious attempt to repress the memory of people (to be read as Shi’i Imams and ahl al-bayt) who best embodied the ideals of Islam. Imam Husayn is one such personality whose endeavors were undermined and made to be forgotten by the community through relentless mental and literary efforts by these groups. Since opposing Islam is not an option for them, they instead deceive simple-minded Muslims by opposing the religious practices of mourning for Husayn.
Occasionally, ‘Ali Naqvi points out the various kinds of objections and criticisms raised against the Karbala commemorations. He notes that this persistence of opposition to the mourning for Husayn takes many forms, sometimes calling it bad from an economic point of view. Ironically enough, he argues, the same group bears economic costs of publishing a thousand pamphlets and their distribution. Then there are those who call it an innovation (bid‘at), associate ta‘ziyah to pictures and criticize crying over a dead body as acts forbidden (haram) in Shari‘a.
‘Ali Naqvi further notes that although the opposition to Karbala commemoration had always existed, during his lifetime within sectarian camps arguments of entirely new kind had also surfaced. The ensuing paragraphs of Zikr-i Husayn points to these new objections: These days when Muslims are confronted by a dire financial situation, what is the point of spending so many resources on commemorating an event that occurred 1300 yearsago.
What benefit would be reaped by remembering the past? They argue that remembering the past is an exercise in vain that distracts people from their present concerns and obstructs their activity to improve it. ‘Ali Naqvi observes that these arguments have a special appeal for the progress-minded westernized youth who are deeply desirous of seeing the Muslim community in economic progress at par with the powerful nations of the world. He points out that for this mindset one’s heritage is hardly of much worth: what matters the most is dynamism in the present and future.
One could immediately notice the similarities to the larger religious crisis delineated in Chapter 1.
For ‘Ali Naqvi the challenge to the institution of Karbala-commemorations came also from both within and without the community, based on relentless sectarian polemics on the one hand, and the spread of westernized mindsets on the other.
Added to these two is one more: the Shi’i community’s own forgetfulness of the meaning and purpose of commemorating Karbala and the martyrdom of Husayn: “Sadly, however, the world does not pay attention to these objectives and from the point of view of remembrance of the Household of the Prophet is divided into two groups: One by way of criticism of its particular details ignore the beneficial side, thus calls everything useless;
the
other out of devotion separates the particularistic point of view from the objectives and restricts it to ceremonies and rituals, thus [causing] the death of the objectives”.
In view of these challenges therefore, many of ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings were geared towards defending the institution of Karbala commemorations. Fully conscious of the terms of debate upon which the confusion regarding this commemoration could be eradicated, his method and choice of arguments were in view of his intended audience and their particular criticism. His arguments ranged from a simple logical/rational, theological, or historical claim to a Qur’an-hadith based proof, or a combination of both intellectual (‘aqli) and textual (naqli) arguments. It is important to note that ‘Ali Naqvi’s defense, besides being based on rational and hadith-based arguments, drew immensely from historical data to point out what he saw as historical fallacies in an opponent’s criticism of the event’s details and construal of meaning in light of these historical details.
A few examples can be cited in this regard. Qatilan-i Husayn ka mazhab was ‘Ali Naqvi’s response to a treatise published by a Sunni interlocutor blaming Shi‘ites for the killing of Husayn on historical grounds. Employing extensive historical evidence ‘Ali Naqvi rebuts this claim. Qatil al-‘abrah [A Killing Drowned in Tears]
argues for the propriety and permissibility of crying for Husayn and was written against the objections of Wahhabis calling mourning idolatry (see the Preface). For this purpose, he cites various Qur’anic citations and examples from the Prophet’s life (naqli arguments).
An example of a historical argument is found in Husayni iqdam ka pahlá qadam [The First Strategy of Husayn’s Strategies] where ‘Ali Naqvi sifts through historical sources to prove that “from the beginning Yazid had decided that in case Husayn did not pay allegiance (bay‘ah) he should be killed (15).”
An example of a combination of religious and logical arguments to defend Karbala-commemoration is found in Sir-i Ibrahimva
Isma‘il: ya‘ni ma‘ná zibhay ‘azim [The Secret of Abraham and Ishmael: The Meaning of the Great Sacrifice]. Here after reflecting on the Qur’anic narrative of the sacrifice of Ishmael (whose culmination is traditionally attributed to the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala commonly called Zibhay ‘azim), ‘Ali Naqvi notes:
Every Muslim should know that our relationship with previous prophets is that of faith (iman). It is not mandatory on us to follow their Shari’a. It is something else that some Abrahamic practices have been made part of Islam. Those things are worthy of our practice because they are part of the Islamic Shari’a. If the whole of the Abrahamic Shari’a was part of Islam, then we would have [been required to] bring a son for sacrifice. But this has been abrogated by the Islamic Shari’a and that is why it is forbidden for us to act on this. Thus, the relationship with previous prophets is that of faith, not practice. But the relationship with the Prophet of Islam (AS) is both of faith and practice. If remembrance of the feat (karnamah) of a previous prophet was kept alive, then how come that of the family of our prophet - with whom we are related both in terms of faith and practice - is not worthy of our memory?
In Imprisonment of the People of God’s House (Asiri-yi ahl-i haram, 1940) the response to the sectarian criticism on why Husayn chose to take his family along if he was aware that he and his whole family would suffer was deliberately argued on purely logical grounds. ‘Ali Naqvi also wrote many short treatises simply introducing and summarizing the life and mission of Husayn for his Shi’i, non-Shi’i and non-Muslim interlocutors.
Besides these external criticisms (from sectarian interlocutors and westernized Muslims), for ‘Ali Naqvi with the Shi’i communal understanding too there was a bewilderment as to the meaning and intention behind preserving this institution and practicing these mourning rituals. ‘Ali Naqvi was never tired of pointing out to his audience this widespread confusion about the true significance of why these practices need to be kept alive. The task of employing Karbala narrative in the service of Islamic revival, therefore, could not be accomplished within the parameters of the customary and popularized forms of mourning-practices. ‘Ali Naqvi spoke and wrote many works to clarify the raison d’être of keeping the memory of Karbala alive.
What sort of confusion existed within the community about the significance of keeping Karbala alive, and along what lines did the institution of Muharram rituals require islah? Scholarly and anthropological studies of Shi‘ism in India have helped document the various ways in which Shi‘i Muslims have tended to relate to this event.
For example, in the various conversations held by Pinault (1992) with the Shi’i community in India, the following responses were given to the question of “why mourn for Imam Husayn?”:
1. The Quran tells us to love ahl-e-bayt and matam shows our love for them (101) 2. Beating one's chest is a natural thing, the natural response when one hears about Karbala. We want to feel Husain's sorrow.(101) 3.
We do matam because we want to remind people of what happened to the ahl-ebayt.
It is a duty for us (102)…
4. God... Promise[d] that he would create a community which would agree to assume the duty for all time of performing matam and weeping for Hussain [sic] (102) 5. The Importance of Weeping and Wailing by Syed Mohammed Ameed "cites traditions to the effect that the entire cosmos participated in bewailing Husain's death at Karbala….The inescapable conclusion is that weeping and wailing for Hussain [sic] is a matter of extraordinary importance in the eyes of Allah.
Otherwise he would not have made all His creatures to weep according to their own natural forms….The life, progress, and glory of any community depends upon the passion for unity among its members and their wise organization….What sows the seed of passion for unity and organization in the community and helps it to germinate and develop is this very practice of weeping and wailing which is earned for us the nickname "the community of weepers" (103)
6. We feel it our duty to shed our blood on Ashura. To prove we are with him, with Hazrat Imam Hussain, we shed our blood, we use implements and cut ourselves….We do matam not just to commemorate the Hazrat Imam Hussain but as a way of saying we are Shi‘ites…by hurting myself, I show I'm willing to protect my religion and do anything to protect the religion (103).
7. For some men being willing to cut themselves is a measure of their love for the ahl-e-bayt (104-5) 8. Doing matam today is a form of response to this last call of the Imam Hussain, to show that if we had been there at Karbala we would have stood with him and shed our blood and died with him (105) 9. Fatima is spiritually present at every Majlis… Matam performed at the end of the majlis will lead her to intercede with God on behalf of the matamdar (mourner): She will be moved to intercession by the degree of devotion to her son Hussain shown by the individual mourner.
11. InThe
Leader of Martyrs the author records an Arabic legend to the effect that as Husain lay dying at Karbala he heard the divine voice proclaiming: "O Husain [sic]! Comfort yourself in that, for your sake, I shall forgive from the number of sinners those who are your lovers, so that you may feel gratified" (107) ‘Ali Naqvi seems to be aware of the various ways in which the community habitually approaches the mourning of Karbala. In the concluding section of Usvah-yi Husayni called ‘Alam-i insani ki islah-i ‘amal aur ittaba‘-i usvah-yi Husayni: khatimah-yi kitab [“The Call for Islah of the World and Following the Husayni-Paradigm: Conclusion of the Book”], ‘Ali Naqvi attempts to remedy these points of view. He points out that shedding tears and expressing sadness upon the incident of Karbala is only natural to human disposition. It cannot be otherwise. But that cannot be the end in itself; it will be illogical to expect that the goal of Imam Husayn’s sacrifice was simply to make people cry over his suffering. Nor should one imagine in a Christian way that Imam Husayn died for our sins and therefore we are now relieved of all religious obligations. Such beliefs only stifle the real aims of Imam Husayn and of commemorating his martyrdom.
In ‘Ali Naqvi’s assessment, Shi‘i Muslims of his time approached the commemoration of Karbala in two ways: either seeing the whole event in Christian terms (i.e., Imam Husayn died for their sins and will therefore intercede for them), or assuming that the ultimate purpose of commemoration is the shedding of tears and mourning upon hearing the sufferings of the Household of the Prophet. According to ‘Ali Naqvi to deem shedding of tears the only and ultimate goal of remembrance was to misconstrue the meaning of commemoration and why these practices were instituted in the first place.
In view of correcting these widespread misperceptions among Shi‘i Muslims, ‘Ali Naqvi would present convincing arguments to illustrate what he took to be the real purpose of mourning the Karbala-incident. These arguments were worked out along two separate lines, one based on historical data and the other upon the religious sensibilities of Shi‘i Muslims. Let me present each individually.
The Historical Argument
‘Aza-yi Husayn par tarikhi tabsarah [Historical Commentary on the Mourning for Husayn]
, one of his works from 1930s, presents the historical argument with a subtle polemical tone. ‘Ali Naqvi notes how Imam Husayn consciously made arrangements that his mission is well publicized and noticed. Even things which were seen by his enemies as mark of their victory ended up propagating his mission. Imam Husayn made sure that his enemies could not find a single argument that could be leveled against the Imam’s innocence or used as an excuse to kill him. For ‘Ali Naqvi, mourning practices were instituted precisely for the same purpose: propagation of Imam Husayn’s mission by perpetual commemoration. They are in place so his memory and his mission is not forgotten. Yet, from their inception those who were opposed to the Imam tried various ways to divert people’s attention from this event and its commemoration - l and by that token from his memory. First, they attempted to forbid these commemorations. When these efforts did not succeed, they instituted competing commemorations of various sorts, none of which were able to draw the same level of attention or devotion. Once those competing commemorations died out the opposition sought to change the form of Karbala commemoration: instead of mourning that is in tune with the nature of the Karbala event, they argued that Imam Husayn’s victory deserves happiness and celebration, not mourning. ‘Ali Naqvi rejects this point of view arguing that happiness in the face of suffering of Imam Husayn is not only unnatural, it also does not have the same emotional force that sadness has. In all, mourning the events of Karbala is the natural and most effective way of keeping the memory and mission of Imam Husayn and his companions alive. Despite all the efforts and propaganda of those who had tried to obliterate Imam Husayn’s memory, the mourning institution had, for ‘Ali Naqvi, continued in its proper form and needed to be still preserved.
In sum, those opposed to Karbala commemorations attempted various active efforts to obliterate this institution, and with it the mission of Imam Husayn. Therefore, if anyone honors the sacrifice of Imam Husayn and sees his martyrdom deserving of grief and commemoration, exhorts ‘Ali Naqvi, he should do it in ways that will preserve rather than destroy its purpose. Beliefs and practices related to mourning the event should be in line with the mission of Husayn and with mourning.
In
the end, it is important that proper mourning practices continue unabated and that their meaning is also understood and preached to others.
The Religious Argument
Here ‘Ali Naqvi draws attention to the absolute need of role-models in one’s life. An example of this argument is found in Usvah-yi Husayni. It should be recalled that ‘Ali Naqvi situates the discussion of the meaning of Karbala in the larger context of the human quest for perfection. Let us look at the argument carefully. ‘Ali Naqvi begins by noting that it is to guide human beings on their quest for human perfection
that God sent messengers and prophets. With the seal of the Prophets (i.e., Prophet Muhammad) the Qur’an was revealed. Although a treasury of divine teachings and source of knowledge for practical life instruction (tarbiyat) is needed. That is why the Prophet of Islam was appointed for cleansing of the self and teaching the book and wisdom, and his character and way of life (kirdar va sirat) was made model for God’s creation.
In fact, ‘Ali Naqvi points out that God has demanded following the example of the Prophet.
Until this point the argument is standard and without any sectarian particularity.
He turns now to point out the absolute necessity of role-models in the human quest for perfection. Coherent on rational grounds, the argument is particularly Shi’i, tied explicitly to the doctrine of Imamate, and made in full awareness of the Shi’i love and devotion toward the family of the prophet: the life of the great Prophet of Islam was limited while the spiritual and moral needs continued. Instruction (tarbiyat) and rolemodels are still needed even after the Prophet and these needs could only be fulfilled by exemplary lives of those who are best qualified to be his successors. In their function thus they complement the Qur’an and are always with it.
Having asserted the rational necessity of teacher-models, ‘Ali Naqvi now turns to discuss certain human psychological tendencies and conditions that would define the human attitude toward these role-models, and how seriously their model will be replicated in one’s individual religious life. In other words, even if teacher-models are available and could be consulted, what possibility is there that it would actually happen?
Is it not possible that human beings - ignorant as they are - will not pay heed to these models? Hence, equally central too is the conduciveness of the human psychological conditions for imitation: It is always burdensome for human beings to act upon duties that are imposed upon them as mandatory. Even when a person undertakes it he does not draw happiness from it but seeks to rid himself of this burden. That is why when confronted with desires, this sense of duty is left behind and sins are committed. But if this sense of duty is in line with human desire a human being would naturally incline towards performance of these tasks, but this time without feeling any burden. Instead he would draw joy and happiness from this performance. In other words, sense of duty out of obligation is difficult but out of natural desire convenient and enjoyable. Based on this distinction, ‘Ali Naqvi concludes that God and the Prophet of Islam were fully aware of this human disposition and in response to the need for role-models and teachers, they took measures to ensure that those who are imitated are not simply followed out of a burdensome obligation but that human hearts and souls are drawn towards these personalities resulting in love and devotion. The end result is the accomplishment of mandatory duties. In typical Shi’i fashion, ‘Ali Naqvi points to the family of the Prophet as those role-models: “God and the Prophet had to establish means (asbab) which would cause attraction of people’s hearts towards a person. By making [that person’s] sayings and actions the center of attention [these means] would make them intent on imitating and implementing [these sayings and acts in their lives].
Therefore all those reasons and measures that draw people’s hearts to imitate and obey one human being were gathered for the family of the Prophet.”
In the ensuing sections ‘Ali Naqvi lists what particular means were deployed by God and His prophet to ensure that the intended prescription of imitation is made easier and pleasing. First, there is the means of love. A person who loves someone carefully observes his or her behavior, tries to imitate his or her ways and finds happiness in doing that. Since a duty performed out of love is easier - as Naqvi had argued before - God and the Prophet emphasized love of the family of the Prophet to the extent that their love was presented as the recompense for prophecy (ajr-i risalat), a condition for faith and submission, and a criterion of salvation. The second means employed was abundance of their virtues. When someone’s excellence in intellectual, moral, and spiritual matters is imprinted on the human soul, he could no longer be indifferent to those people. By constantly highlighting the virtues of the family of the Prophet, God and the Prophet ensured that people witness their excellence and are drawn to them.
Third, every time someone’s needs are associated with anyone, he is attracted to that person. Since the Hereafter is much more emphasized in Islam, by calling the family of the Prophet “saqi-yi kausar (pourer of kausar)
, qasim-i jannat va nar (distributor of heaven and hell), shafi‘-i khalq (intercessor for creation)
it was ensured that people turn to them for their needs of the hereafter and follow their model Finally, people’s hearts are always attracted towards the oppressed and become interested in knowing the details of their lives. This dimension was also helped the cause of obedience and imitation.
In brief, whether praising their virtues or mourning their suffering, the same purpose is accomplished: modeling of human life after their example: “There is one spirit that underlies both the world of virtue and praise and that of mourning and suffering: the call for practical implementation (‘amal) through which the objective of moral reform (islah-i khulq) is accomplished. But this is only possible when the events of the lives of the Household of the Prophet are studied from the point of view of deriving lessons from them, and to see what conclusions surface for [our] practical lives”.
Having discussed these psychological prerequisites for imitation and various ways in which they were provided for by God and the Prophet in the case of all infallible Shi’i leaders, ‘Ali Naqvi then curiously singles out Karbala and Husayn. They are so because of the importance history has rendered to them, devotion Shi’ites have displayed all throughout the centuries, and the unique commemoration instituted providentially for it. In other words, whereas one could speak at length about the virtues of each and every Imam of the Shi’ites, when it comes to mentioning the sufferings, the events of Karbala by far dominate in human consciousness. In ‘Ali Naqvi’s view, this is the key to the understanding of the significance of Karbala and martyrdom of Husayn:
to
the extent mourning of oppression helps the cause of moral and spiritual training - although lives of other Imams could also be referred to - Karbala would be absolutely indispensable. That ‘Ali Naqvi is convinced of this uniqueness is evident from the substantial intellectual attention he himself accorded to this subject throughout his life.
“Among the Household of the Prophet (peace be upon them all) there is no doubt that the one most referenced and written about is the “Husyani-paradigm” (Usvah-yi Husayni)
. It is so prominent in history that extemporarily it comes to mind on almost every occasion”.
As expected ‘Ali Naqvi’s Husayni-paradigm is the same paradigm found in the lives and teachings of all of the other Shi’i Imams. Expressing the traditional Shi’i understanding of the essential unity of all the teachings of the fourteen infallibles, ‘Ali Naqvi notes: “But people have not understood the ‘Husayni-paradigm’ properly…What follows is simply an exposition of this Husayni-paradigm. It will prove that in reality ‘the Husayni-paradigm’ is not separate or novel compared to its predecessors; they are in fact one and the same: that which could be named ‘the Muhammadi-paradigm’, ‘the ‘Alavi-paradigm’, ‘the Hasani-paradigm’ is the one that, upon its own turn, appeared to us in the form of ‘the Husayni-paradigm’.”
Yet Karbala and Husayn remain utterly unique in drawing people’s love and devotion toward the moral exemplars appointed by God. In the incident of Karbala, the virtues and sufferings of the family of the Prophet were juxtaposed like never before or after it. That is why no other incident of history is commemorated with the same degree of devotion and intensity.
The Relationship between the Two Arguments
According to the historical argument, even before Imam Husayn had undertaken the journey to Karbala, Providence and the Imam himself had ensured that the core message for which the sacrifice would eventually occur be made clear to everyone, and propagated inasmuch as possible. In ‘Aza-yi Husayn par tarikhi tabsarah [Historical Commentary on the Mourning for Husayn] ‘Ali Naqvi notes how Imam Husayn made it impossible for people to falsify or misconstrue his mission and made every effort to make his message accessible to everyone, so that his sacrifice would be remembered not as tragedy but for what it symbolizes. Therefore, the commemoration of Husayn’s martyrdom needs to be in conformity with the Imam’s intentions and mission.
The religious argument points out the absolute necessity of role models (read Imamate in the Shi’i world) and imitation of the infallible teachers in every way possible. Either way one is supposed to model one’s life after these supreme models. And Husayn’s model, if read correctly, provides all that is needed to live one’s life. Whether approached from the historical or theological points of view, ‘Ali Naqvi’s analysis leads to the same conclusion: the memory of Karbala is vital for Shi’i religious life, not so that a Shi’i Muslim merely weeps over the tragedy, but because the deep existential attachment (that mourning inculcates and expresses so vividly) provides the best springboard to explore its meaning and symbolism in concrete details, creates a disposition of deep appreciation towards it, and makes possible its eventual imitation into one’s life. In sum, if the memory is lost so will the Husayni-paradigm, and with it the whole religious structure edifice.
The Karbala Paradigm and Sociopolitical Activism
In concluding this discussion it must also be pointed out that for ‘Ali Naqvi the misunderstanding about the meaning and mission of Husayn was not confined to the sectarian religious and pious Shi’i circles alone. In his writings he notes that the Karbala paradigm was also often invoked in support of all sorts of political and social activism:
“People always use Husayn’s name and his deeds as a reference-point for any tumultuous revolution (hangamah-yi inqilab), [social or political] action, some dangerous endeavor (khatarnak iqdam), or to prompt a movement in a calmsetting .”
Reliving Karbala (2006) provides ample evidence as to how the Karbala-paradigm was employed by various groups with divergent sociopolitical agenda (including non-Muslim thinkers and social reformers) who interpreted the meaning of Karbala for their own purposes:
For 19th and 20th century South Asian socioreligious reformers, Karbala is often the medium by which ideal reformist conduct, nation-building endeavors, and class consciousness are shaped and defined. This reformist ideology permeates the Karbala image and revivifies it… The Progressive
and nationalist contexts foreclose an exclusively religious or localized reading of the Karbala event, instead making it the present- and future-oriented ecumenical project that is an outlet for ideas of universal justice, resistance to colonial and postcolonial categories, and the building of transnational solidarity. Many of these writers find themselves in the paradoxical position of rejecting religion for Marxist reasons, while at the same time laboring to use language redolent with religious connotations… The notion that the Karbala motive is the exclusive property of a group or Shias and can only be recited in religiously sanctioned gatherings has deflected attention from the tremendous influence this image has exercised on the overall cultural and literary landscape of South Asia, at times quite independently from the idiom of formulaic devotional literature. The attention to self-flagellation and to the icons linked to Muharram has eclipsed the premium that is put on this event outside the Muharram gatherings.
In ‘Ali Naqvi’s assessment, this widespread use (or misuse) of the Karbala-narrative for certain sociopolitical agendas is only possible when the event is abstracted from the holistic context of Husayn’s entire religious career. In other words, according to ‘Ali Naqvi, the Imam’s mission needs to be situated within his broader complete life and not treated as some isolated incident: “[All of this is done] despite [the fact that] what is called the Husayni-paradigm is not a tumultuous action of a single day [of ‘Ashura]. It is rather a poised feat (mutavazun karnamah) of a sagacious life spread over 57 years, whose last act was what we witnessed on the 10th of Muharram.”
In sum, although the Karbala-paradigm was invoked and employed for various purposes, both by devout and pious Shi’ites and by those who see it as a precedent for their own sociopolitical orientations, its meaning and significance was far from being truly appreciated.
The True Purpose of Karbala-Commemorations
The foregoing discussion illustrates that the overarching aim of ‘Ali Naqvi’s islah of the Muharram lamentations was to align mourning-practices with the spirit of Karbala, helping it draw out the mission of Imam Husayn more clearly. The essential aim of Muharram lamentations is, therefore, not to lament, but to preserve and preach the message of Karbala and apply it to one’s life. The practices associated with the mourning of martyrs of Karbala should therefore also be proper and congruent with the aims of Imam Husayn’s mission. Eventually though all this effort is geared towards making possible the implementation of the message of Karbala to one’s religious life in the most concrete fashion: “The lofty goal of Husayn expects something different from us: that we model our way of life (sirat) after the example of the Husayni-paradigm.” An even clearer statement in this regard is found in Usvah-yi Husayni: He calls Karbala ‘a didactic institution’ (madrasah-yi tarbiyat) from which the world can learn the utmost principles of virtue, etiquette (adab), and a sense of duty that can guarantee their implementation into one’s life.
It is important to note that ‘Ali Naqvi does not pit mourning for afflictions (masa’ib) against its didactic dimension. Instead he sees the former a natural human response to the events of Karbala that only reinforce the profound latter. He reminds his audience that shedding tears carries immense reward and is certainly worship. Still, one should not forget that Islam’s foremost aim is the reform of human character to which this mourning is geared towards. “Blessed are those who - just the way they are affected by the mourning aspect [of this incident] - also gain from its didactic dimension, and apply and demonstrate these teachings in a manner akin to what Husayn envisaged for the world.”
In Islam ki hakimanah zindagi, ‘Ali Naqvi goes a step further in his exposition of the true purpose of commemorating Karbala: Events of Karbala lead to mourning, the mourning in turn becomes commemoration, the commemoration leads to reflection on the meaning and significance of this incident, and finally these reflections paved the way for practical impact in the lives of human beings. For ‘Ali Naqvi true mourning would naturally lead to these results: “This calling [of Karbala] - from calamity to mourning and practical impact - necessitated by nature, was to institute this [practice] so that the event is not forgotten, the real benefits of the event are preserved and the real objective of the event is established (qa’im rahay)”.
More significantly, Karbala represents for ‘Ali Naqvi the highest ideals and core of Islam. He called it the “true embodiment of Islam”. The reason it is remembered is not because the calamities were suffered by the family of the Prophet but because they embody the core teachings of Islam and for the goals for which these calamities were suffered. Even the minutest details are replete with lessons on every subject that concerns human practical life:
The incident of Karbala, despite its brevity in terms of time [in which it occurred], was the center of the core teachings of Islam. Teaching of every practical subject - from the rights of God (huquq Allah) to the rights of [fellow] human beings (huquq an-nas), relating to the character-formation of a family (tarbiyat-i manzil), the criterion of governance and rule, culture, an individual or society’s life, with respect to the conditions of love, in sum all moral, conceptual and practical teachings - are contained within Karbala. That is why even the minute details of the incident carry such importance that they needed to be conveyed to us…
On ‘Ali Naqvi’s part, raising the question “what is the true purpose of mourning and remembering Karbala?” in this religious and devotional ambience is in itself a novelty.
The culturally pervasive impulse of crying was (and remains!) so strong among Shi’i Muslims that no matter in what context the name of Husayn is invoked the instantaneous devotional response is tears and wailing. La tufsidu delivered as Muharram-related lectures, contains an interesting passage where in the middle of his argument to highlight an aspect of Husayn’s life, ‘Ali Naqvi seems perplexed as how to avoid making his audience overwhelmed by grief which will make them inattentive to his words.
Interestingly, ‘Ali Naqvi’s prescription for reflection on the Karbala episode and deriving moral and social implications from it was not restricted to Muslims alone. Even those among the non-Muslims who are familiar with the Karbala-episode were invited to the same task. In Husayn ka paygham ‘alam-i insaniyat kay nam [Husayn’s Message to Global Humanity] ‘Ali Naqvi addresses his non-Muslim audience as follows: “You who celebrate my [Husayn’s] commemoration and revive my remembrance: its outcome should also be that you are also aware of my goal. Strive to follow this [goal] in your practice. Remember! I do not belong to any particular group. Only the one who reflects on my principles and perspective and learns the lesson from it could benefit from me”.
The preceding paragraphs make it clear that the various historical, polemical, or theological reflections of ‘Ali Naqvi’s are ultimately in the service of restoring Islamic faith and practices. For a Shi’i community confronted with a deep crisis of religion, the powerful motif of the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala could prove to be an exceptional resource. ‘Ali Naqvi’s response to those who have come to see it as socially irrelevant and the burden of a bygone age, Islam can be best preserved and revived by demonstrating its inherent sagacity and social relevance. The powerful events of Karbala which had inspired so many who had come to learn about it represent the core teachings of Islam. By tying together the vision of Islam and its most powerful embodiment on the plains of Karbala, Islam could be returned its eminent social status.
Yet, the prevalent misunderstandings about the Karbala episode and what it symbolizes impedes this task. Only when its meaning is made clear and aligned with the mission of Husayn could Karbala be used to carry out the task of religious revival and preservation.
Islam can be preserved through Karbala, but for that Karbalaitself
needed to be preserved. Akin to ‘Ali Naqvi efforts to preserve Islam by explaining it, he attempts to preserve Karbala by expositing its deeper meaning and purpose.
Regarding ‘Ali Naqvi’s rhetorical style, method of argumentation, and presentation of the Karbala narrative upon which he would base his theological reflections, special mention must be made of his underlying hermeneutical strategy:
grounding
the Shi’i mythology of martyrdom and the Karbala narrative in history, which we have preferred to call “historicizing mythology”. Besides being employed in defense of Karbala commemoration, at times he reconstructs the Karbala-narrative irrespective of this intended defense, along historical lines and through extensive engagement with the historical sources. Let us explore this dimension of his writings and the underlying reasons for it.
PART II: MYTHOLOGIZING HISTORY: ETHICORELIGIOUS IMPLICATIONS OF THE HUSAYNI-ISLAH PARADIGM
Broadly speaking, ‘Ali Naqvi’s reflections on the Karbala narrative and its employment in the religious cause is a result of two hermeneutical moves: first, grounding every detail of the Karbala-event in the historical sources; second, projecting this historicallygrounded narrative back onto theological horizons. The first move can be called “historicizing mythology” and the second, “mythologizing history”. As we have shown in the previous section, it is by ‘historicizing mythology’ that he addresses the widespread confusions within the Shi’i community and rebuts sectarian attacks.
Furthermore, by situating Karbala within the broader life of Imam Husayn and those of the Prophet and other Imams - therefore with the origins and religio-social vision of Islam - he preempts the misappropriation of this narrative for sociopolitical activism prevalent during his times that tended to abstract this event from its wider historical and theological context. For ‘Ali Naqvi, owing to the lack of attention to historical verification, each in their own way, both the Shi’i devotional piety and contemporary sociopolitical activism had come to misconstrue the meaning of Karbala and purpose of Imam Husayn’s mission. Therefore, the first three of the four-fold purposes (listed on page 5) were accomplished through this historicizing of the S’i'i mythology of Karbala and Husayn’s Martyrdom.
Already, I have noted the special status ‘Ali Naqvi has accorded to Tabari in historicizing the Karbala-mythology. Shahid-i insaniyat, published in 1942 upon the 1300th anniversary of the martyrdom of Husayn, is one example where a 584-page work is dedicated to a historical reconstruction of the complete life of Husayn from his birth leading up to his martyrdom to the immediate impact in its aftermath. Again, the historical sources are drawn from both Sunni and Shi’i sources in which Tabari was overwhelmingly given the foremost status. This engagement with historical sources was to provide an historical account that would be acceptable to all Muslims, regardless of their sectarian affiliations. This hermeneutical scheme was applied to almost every text written by ‘Ali Naqvi.
Yet this meticulous attention to the historical details should not be interpreted as plain historicism: once finished with the ‘straightening of the historical record’, ‘Ali Naqvi projects his historically-constructed reading of the life of Husayn (including the Karbala episode) back onto the theological plane, the hermeneutical move we have termed “mythologizing history.” The goal of historicizing was not simply to determine “what happened then, and why?”, but what it means for Shi’i Muslims and humanity today, and what lessons can be drawn from this event. His interest in the past is from the vantage point of islah in the present:
“The many precious lessons taught by Husayn in Karbala are not such that they could be easily disregarded after being interpreted from an erroneous point of view. They are such that they be made the modus operandi of life and instituted as the practical constitution of communal life.”
Between historicizing mythology and mythologizing history, therefore, ‘Ali Naqvi completes his appropriation of Karbala-narrative to the task of religious preservation and revival. Numerous examples have already been cited vis-à-vis his historicization of Shi’i mythology. In the ensuing pages then let us examine his mythologizing of history.
In providing an account of ‘Ali Naqvi’s mythologizing of history Usvah-yi Husayni [The Husayni-paradigm] is an appropriate place to begin. In ‘Ali Naqvi’s presentation of the authentic Husayni-paradigm the title of the first chapter Usvah-yi Husayni kahamah
gir pahlu: ravadari aur aman pasandi kay sath hamayat-i batil say ‘alahdagi (“The Universal Dimension of the Husayni-Paradigm: With [the intention of] Tolerance and Peacemaking Detachment from Supporting Falsehood”) lays out Husayn’s mission in a nutshell. He points out two fundamental principles (usul-i asasi) that characterize the modus operandi (tarz-i ‘amal) of the exemplary leaders and guides of Islam. Since in life there cannot be just activism or just passivism, limits are needed to guide human action. These principles ensure a proper balance between activism and passivism in the realm of human activity in the world. These principles are, “First, the necessity for peace and harmony (amn
va aman) and the second the severance from aiding falsehood” (15). Islam is ‘peace’ and calls its adherents to be peace lovers (sulh pasand). Yet this attitude of peace loving should not become a cause for promoting falsehood (batil). Yes, Muslims are called to do their utmost to support the cause of peace even when it involves great sacrifices. At the same time, when silence and sacrifice begins to lend a freehand to falsehood nourishing and supporting it, that silence needs to be broken and in clear terms one should disassociate oneself from falsehood. It is these two principles that guide human action as to when they ought to make compromise (passivity) and when to rise up and challenge the status quo (activity).
Based on these two principles, on the one hand, a Muslim should always be seeking peace - for its sake even willing to forego his supreme interests - on the other cajoling them into aiding falsehood should be absolutely impossible. The key point is that both principles are simultaneously needed. Without those human action will either be cowardly and lacking in fulfillment of one’s duty, or socially harmful and destructive.
‘Ali Naqvi sees the concurrent presence of these two principles in human action best exemplified in the model of the Prophet and his household and symbolize the true teachings of Islam vis-à-vis human action.
Unless they were blamed for aiding falsehood, until that moment no matter how many tribulations they may have to bear - even to the point of giving up their personal interests - peacemaking (aman pasandi) prevailed. But when silence becomes supporting falsehood, then at that moment the seal of silence needs to be broken and [certain] steps are necessary to separate [this silence] from the blameworthy [act of] nourishing falsehood (batil parvari). This is what is evident from the modus operandi of the Prophet and it is also what is clearly illuminated in the life of the family of the Prophet.
For ‘Ali Naqvi, it is through these principles that the human intellect can discern reasons for why at times the Shi’i holy figures chose to stay silent and sought peace, and why at others they chose to rise and fight. Misapplication or misunderstanding regarding how these principles are to be brought together in one’s active life will only cause those prone to domination by their sentiments and feelings to err in judgment regarding how these principles are to be properly juxtaposed in one’s life and will misapply them in human activity: “…Upon occasions [deserving] of peace, self-conceited temperaments find peace objectionable and upon occasions [deserving] of battle, weak personalities find battles unacceptable”, he observes. As best exemplars of all things Islamic, for ‘Ali Naqvi, the Prophet and his family best illustrated and taught their followers how to concretely apply these principles to one’s day-to-day life.
In the subsequent chapters, ‘Ali Naqvi attempts to demonstrate through examples from the lives of the Prophet, the first two Imams and eventually from the life of Husayn how their whole lives were infused with these two fundamental attitudes of tolerance and peacemaking and detachment from supporting falsehood, and a fair poise between these two dispositions. In demonstrating this claim he employs his already noted historical method. Yet having established it historically, in the concluding pages he returns to the significance of these historical details for contemporary society. The chapter is titled “The Consequence of the Aforementioned Events or the Summary of this [Moral] Lesson”. He notes how lack of national
unity is a major dilemma of his times which had caused outright denigration of “the other” on the one hand, and lack of zeal for action and apathy toward the state of the Muslim on the other. Lack of fellowship and lack of tolerance had lead to self-centered egotism causing a disturbing degree of sociopolitical demise. For ‘Ali Naqvi the model of Karbala and principles that made possible the incredible fellowship among the martyrs teaches the world a great lesson in this regard. If paid heed to, these lessons could transform the fate of the nation, breathing new sense of unity within the Muslim community.
Speaking to the larger sociopolitical communal crisis first, ‘Ali Naqvi then turns to the more specific application of the Husayni-paradigm. He observes that every politician and leader of a movement that initiates a movement goes at length to persuade people of their mission. This involves making promises, raising expectations of the future, making people daydream about wealth and power and all sorts of other assurances of a brighter future.
Imam Husayn’s leadership displayed an entirely different character. He never built false expectations nor made any promises to gather support. In other words, “from his modus operandi Imam Husayn gave a lesson that one must pay heed to veracity, untainted conscience and trust in the world”. Neither did he take advantage of people’s bewilderment or his lofty sociopolitical status, nor deployed deceit or misinformation. He remained instead always transparent and vocal about the nature of his mission.
Deriving further implications of the Husayni-paradigm under the chapter title “Various Lessons” ‘Ali Naqvi notes that one of the most important features of the Karbala-episode is that it offers a tangible criterion for human beings to discern the meaning of truth and falsehood, whereby the idea of truth and falsehood and virtue and vice become - no more an abstraction - applicable in concrete practical terms:
The Karbala episode and its practical implication is a huge topic. Every subevent of this episode is a fountainhead of moral, communal, and religious teachings. Imam Husayn embodied all the human perfections and in reality the Karbala episode is an event in which all the characteristics of truth and falsehood came forth without any veils. Before this event the semblances of truth and falsehood were ambiguous, [their] traits were unclear. It is the outcome of Karbala that all the exquisite, beautiful and morally good features contained within truth emerged in front of the world. On the other hand, all the wickedness, faults, horrors, and ferocity within falsehood transpired for the world
…
Reflecting further on the events of Karbala, he lists numerous lessons that can be drawn from the incident. These include the two key principles governing human action (i.e., peacemaking and support of truth and refusal to aid falsehood), kindness towards friends and foes
, and equitable approach towards all regardless of kinship or other considerations. ‘Ali Naqvi illustrated each lesson through various examples from the events of Karbala. He further illustrated how these lessons were relevant for his times.
For example, in pointing out how Imam Husayn treated all his followers absolutely equally, regardless of racial background, tribal affiliation, or social rank, ‘Ali Naqvi observes that “through this he [i.e., Imam Husayn] taught how a leader, prince, an officer should treat all those with him equally.”
In sum, the Karbala episode is the repository of all moral and spiritual teachings for the needs of a human being or a human community. Therefore, it is now up to people to learn more about the Husayni-paradigm and draw these ethical implications forthemselves
. Since ‘Ali Naqvi sees Karbala as emblematic of the pinnacle of Islamic teachings, it could not therefore be simply about ‘love of neighbor’ or ethico-social reforms alone; it is also the supreme expression of a willful submission to the Divine Will in which worshipping God has a pivotal role. Karbala not only taught how to respond to the rights of people (huquq an-nas), it equally exemplified how best one may discharge the rights of God (huquq Allah). For example, ‘Ali Naqvi points out the night before the battle of ‘Ashura when Imam Husayn asked for a night for himself: “The Imam asked for one night. Why, to see his family, to spend ample time with them, or to give them instructions about future? No!None of that: Only to worship God.”
For ‘Ali Naqvi the fact that Imam’s sense of duty and responsibility stayed with him all throughout even when he was suffering through the severest calamities is the greatest lesson that Muslims can learn from him.
One may recall how ‘Ali Naqvi universalized the figure of Husayn by positing him as the martyr par excellence of humanity. What are the lessons that nations other than Muslims could learn from his life? Evident from its title, Husayn ka paygham ‘alam-i insaniyat kay nam [Husayn’s Message to the Global Humanity], here he addresses his global audience. He begins by introducing Husayn as an utterly Islamic figure: “You may not have pondered over Islamic teachings but you must have heard the name of Islam. This divine message came to my grandfather, Muhammad the chosen one, to be conveyed to the world.”
He moves on to provide an historical account of events that led to Husayn’s mission whereby the essential universal teachings of Islam were undermined by the Umayyads, leaving him no option but to strive to save the religion that had become distorted and turned into a tool in the hands of the worldly power of Yazid. The same idolatry that the Prophet of Islam had come to abolish was reinstituted by this worldly power: “I plainly refused to pay allegiance to Yazid. I knew what would happen to me in that case, and I was prepared for it.”
Going through the details of the later events leading up to the battle of Karbala, ‘Ali Naqvi closes his presentation of Husayn’s message with the following words: “This is my [Husayn’s] message for you: to achieve pious and holy goals do not be afraid of the difficulties of the world. This is the true essence of your humanity.”
It is almost impossible to encompass all the various moral, religious, and social implications ‘Ali Naqvi drew from his reflections on the Karbala episode. In conclusion therefore let me turn to one of the most important works written on Karbala and Husayn in the twentieth century, Shahid-i insaniyat [The Martyr of Humanity], where ‘Ali Naqvi’s project of religious revival through Karbala and his hermeneutic of “historicizing mythology and mythologizing history” is witnessed most clearly. After devoting over five hundred pages of historical reconstruction of the whole episode (historicizing mythology), he turns to the various implications of this event for contemporary Muslims (mythologizing history). Without providing all the arguments below I list the various lessons cited by him which, it is hoped, will bring to light in a summary fashion the range of his many reflections on this subject that are dispersed throughout his writings:
1. Change of mindset (tabdili-yi zahniyat), 536
2. Demonstration of the power of religion and spirituality, 539
3. Affirmation and propagation of Islam’s veracity, 540
Under moral and cultural teachings he lists the following:
4. Freedom, 543
5. Perseverance, 544
6. Collective discipline, 546
7. Dignity (‘izzat-i nafs), 548
8. Patience, 550
9. Sacrifice for others, 553
10. Empathy, 555
11. Good dealings with others, 555
12. Sympathy for human beings, 558
13. Truthfulness, 559
14. Peacemaking and tolerance, 564
15. Sacrifice, 573
Finally, the following were grouped under “Miscellaneous Teachings (574)”:
16. Veiling, 574
17. Arranging for a will before death, 578
18. Reverence for Divine laws, 581
19. Remembering forefathers, 581
20. Nobility, 581
The list provided in Shahid-i insaniyat is far from being exhaustive of the various lessons ‘Ali Naqvi derived from his reflections. Interspersed in all his writings, be those on the Karbala-narrative explicitly or on another subject, are found numerous others.
Nevertheless, the summary presented here gives us a sense of how rich the event was in its symbolic depth for ‘Ali Naqvi and how wide ranging were his reflections on this subject.
CONCLUSION: The Relationship between ‘Ali Naqvi’s Reconfiguration of Islamic Theology and Praxis and the Husayni-islah Paradigm
In the beginning of the chapter it was noted that the Husayni Islah-Paradigm is the alternative method ‘Ali Naqvi used for his project of religious revival. It is timely now to reflect on how the two modes relate to one another. Briefly stated, there are two ways in which the two strands of his writings relate to one another: First, the Husayni- paradigm was a way to bolster and augment the proofs arrived at through ‘aql-based arguments, and second, it stretched the gamut and perimeters of ‘Religion’ (mazhab) established through the reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis (as discussed in Chapter 2 and 3). Let us examine each in turn.
Since for ‘Ali Naqvi the religious truths need to be demonstrated with ‘aql, Karbala-related reflections cannot be used as arguments for the principle of faith of the religious tradition. Yet, once the veracity of religious beliefs is established and illustrated through ‘aql, the Husayni-paradigm can help reinforce this intellectual assent at the levels of human emotion and psychology. In other words, through reinforcement from the exemplary lives of the Imams, especially Husayn, one may be led to deepen one’s convictions in religious beliefs and practice. This way of relating the two strandsis
best illustrated in his essay, “Belief in the Unseen” (Iman bi al-ghayb), the full text of which is discussed in Appendix II.
Seen this way, the Husayni-paradigm illustrates and brings home the full implications of the beliefs assented to by the ‘aql. In this, the Husayni-paradigm exemplifies how religious convictions are lived and embodied in their most perfect mode. Due to their immense love and devotion for the family of the Prophet and the Karbala-narrative, the audience is cajoled and exhorted to replicate this exemplary behavior intheir own
lives.
Second, the Karbala-paradigm also allowed ‘Ali Naqvi to expand the definition of ‘religion’, which is demonstrated in his writings on the reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis. Whereas the reconfiguration project presents the Islamic faith in its bare-bone skeleton through the broader contours of its essential creed and praxis, his reflections on the Karbala-paradigm fills in the missing pieces through a discussion of the inner comportment and commitments that are needed to fulfill these responsibilities in the most consummate manner. The essential definition and sketch of the religion of Islam ‘Ali Naqvi outlined in his writings is limited in scope and barely encompass all the various levels and dimensions that collectively makeup that “life-orientational”
phenomenon we term “religion”. It is in view of the limitedness of this ‘aql-based religious theology and praxis that in ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings on the subject of reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis, there are ample allusions to the Karbala narrative. Perhaps that is the reason why in his presentation of any topic ‘Ali Naqvi would take advantage of every opportunity to incorporate the Husayni-paradigm so that themeaning of the life-orientational religious convictions are
not understood in their limited outward dimensions alone.
If I have been able to make a convincing case for “reviving Islam through Karbala”, it is hoped that this discussion has also been able to illustrate ways in which ‘Ali Naqvi’s reflections on the Husayni-paradigm contributed toward a broader conception of ‘Islam’. In other words, one must not take ‘Ali Naqvi’s definition of religion as usul (principles/creed) andfuru‘ (
branches/praxis) as rigid or final: The lengthy list of lessons learned from the life of Husayn provided by him in Shahid-i insaniyat and numerous other texts clearly forestalls this conception.
The relationship between ‘Ali Naqvi’s writings on the reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis and his reflections on Karbala can be summed up as follows: From one point of view, what happened at Karbala is a concrete proof of the religious commitments established by intellectual reflection. From another, the Karbala-paradigm conveys what these commitments entail in the first place. With mutual support, both modes help accomplish the vital task of preserving and reviving religion.
‘Ali Naqvi careful islah of the Karbala mourning practices in the Indian Shi’i milieu did not always go uncontested or without controversy. Publication of Shahid-i insaniyat is one example in this regard. On the 1300th anniversary of Husayn’s martyrdom in 1942, attempts were made by the Shi‘ites of India to commemorate the occasion in a fitting manner. For that an editorial board of prominent intellectuals, scholars, and community leaders was setup in Lucknow to oversee the publication of a major work summarizing the complete life of Husayn and his martyrdom. ‘Ali Naqvi took upon himself to write that book. The first draft of the book was submitted for the editorial review with a clear note on the first page stating that it was only a draft to be corrected in light of the comments and corrections suggested by the board. For reasons not entirely clear, the manuscript - including the note that this is simply a draft, not the edited proof - was published and widely distributed, without ‘Ali Naqvi’s prior consent or permission. Huge criticisms were leveled against ‘Ali Naqvi in regards to his analysis and account of early Islamic history.Grounding his analysis in textual sources, ‘Ali Naqvi had brought to fore certain historical evidence that did not sit well with the popular Shi’i imaginations about the doctrine of Imamate and the events of Karbala.
For example, Naqvi noted that on the eve of 8th or 9th of Muharram, ‘Abbas (Husayn’s stepbrother) along with a few companions of Husayn were able to secure water for Husayn’s army.
For popular Shi’i piety, availability of water ran counter to the narrative of Husayn’s great suffering at Karbala. Furthermore, instead of the popular conception of events of Karbala as predestined fate of Husayn that is to be mourned, throughout the text Naqvi emphasized how carefully - almost calculatedly - Husayn assessed his options to succeed in his mission. In that the mythical Imam was turned into a historical human figure. In all, to present Husayn as martyr of humanity necessitated his humanization which was not acceptable to the popular Shi’i sensibilities. In other words, ‘Ali Naqvi’s historicizing of the Shi’i mythology in this case did not impress his audience. Strong resentment followed publication of this unedited manuscript: preachers spoke openly against ‘Ali Naqvi, subaltern scholars passed fatvás condemning him, and the book was also publicly torn and burned.
In any case, as a result of this controversy, ‘Ali Naqvi decided to take the manuscript back, made extensive revisions, and finally the revised edition was published in 1945.
Notwithstanding this controversy, in conclusion, for ‘Ali Naqvi Shi’i Muslims’ utter devotion to the family of the Prophet and their mourning of the event of Karbala presented an enormous opportunity and conduit for accomplishing the task of religious preservation, propagation, and revival. The Karbala episode carries immense symbolic power and needed to be carefully channeled so that it could be used as a springboard for the religious training of his audience. I use the term “training” instead of instruction simply because ‘Ali Naqvi’s numerous meditations on the theme of Karbala deal not only with matters related to the principles of religion (usul ad-din) and branches of religion (furu‘ ad-din), that is, basic theology and law; its all-encompassing scope extends to also incorporate socio-political matters and inner moral comportment. In other words, these writings go way beyond simply teaching doctrinal beliefs or basic practices. They are intended to instill a religious consciousness capable of transforming the outward and inward religious life altogether, bringing meaning and purpose to everything that is performed therein. Seen from this point of view the scope of these writings is much wider and their function much greater than teaching the basics, which was the purpose of his writings on the configuration of religious theology and praxis.
‘Ali Naqvi’s religio-intellectual project owes immensely to the figure of Husayn and the tragic events of Karbala. Our discussion has shown ways in which the Husayni- paradigm has contributed to ‘Ali Naqvi’s goal of religious revival in buttressing his reconfiguration of Islamic theology and praxis and in enriching the definition of religion itself. One of the recurring themes of Shahid-i insaniyat is Husayn’s utter loyalty to Islamic Shari‘a throughout his life; ‘Ali Naqvi presents Husayn as protector of Shari‘a reminding his audience of the significance of the Divine Law.
In view of our discussion it is hardly surprising then why ‘Ali Naqvi would claim that in “explaining Islam” he could not find a historical figure more fitting and compelling than Husayn.
That is why fully aware of this indebtedness to Husayn and hismission,
he never tired of praising him:
O Husayn b. ‘Ali!My greetings to you.
Till the last moment you did not let go of your sense of duty or of calmness and patience. You sacrificed your life, dignity, everything. You did not deem anything more worthy than your grandfather’s Shari‘a. You made the world remember the lesson of true tauhid. You died temporarily but gave new life to Islam. Every drop of your blood that touched the ground of Karbala breathed new spirit into the Shari’a. Religion owes you its life and Islam can never return you your beneficence (ahsan)
toward it. On our behalf may God present you with the gift ofblessings.
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Author: Syed Rizwan Zamir
