Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

South Asian Studies

A Research Journal of South Asian Studies

Vol. 27, No. 2, July-December 2012, pp.387-407

Social and Political Role ofMadrassa : Perspectives of Religious Leaders in Pakistan

Tahir Mehmood Butt

University of the Punjab

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Table of Contents

ABSTRACT 4

Conceptual Background 5

Methodology 9

Participants Characteristics 11

Data Analysis 12

Findings 13

Madrassa being a controversial issue 14

Justification of Madrassa in Society 16

The reasons for Joining Madrassa 18

Funding Sources of Madrassa 20

Educational ideology of Madrassa 21

Discussion and Conclusions 23

Notes 26

References 27

Biographical Note 32

ABSTRACT

Madrassa is a controversial educational institution of Pakistani society. International scholarship is polarized onmadrassa issue and presents two divergent pictures of this institution: one, it is a source of radical ideology, and thus, a security threat to the modern world; and two, it is a net of social security for underprivileged who are ignored by the state’s social services. This paper, rather than taking position on either side, documents the perceptions of religious teachers, and thus, tries to discover the answers of certain questions; like, why ismadrassa a controversial issue; why does it exist in society; why do certain students joinmadrassa ; what is funding sources ofmadrassa ; and what is educational ideology of this institution? The paper is based on views of sixteen religious teachers; and the data were gained through two detailed sessions of focus group discussions, in Lahore, Pakistan.

KEY WORDS:Madrassa , Pakistan, Islam, Jihad, Religion

Conceptual Background

Madrassa institution (Islamic school) of Pakistan is facing international scrutiny after the event of 9/11 in United States. Western media connected this event of terrorism with Islamic militancy; and possibly, thousands of articles published in news papers that projectedmadrassa as a main source of Islamic militancy and extremism. However, academicians and scholars have been curious to understand the actual functioning of this institution in society; and while striving to understand the phenomenon, they have developed a polarized opinion.

One group of scholars understoodmadrassas as jihad factories having less to do with education and more to do with political indoctrination; incubators of Muslim terrorists; origins of conservative violent ideologies, and thus, a security threat to the modern world (Stern 2000; Singer 2001; ICG 2002, 2007;Alexiev 2003;Doumato 2003; Loony 2003; Colson 2004;Fandy 2007; Fair 2008; Brookings 2009;Imtiaz 2011;Kazmi andPervez 2011).

The other group of scholars presentsmadrassa playing peaceful roles in society; like, increasing literacy rate, spreading religious morality and human values, giving space to marginalized class of society, discourage criminality, and thus, maintain a social order (Rehman 2000, 2004, 2005; Knapp 2003; Ahmad 2004; Khalid 2008, Khalid andFayyaz 2006;Andrabi et al. 2005; Bergen andPanday 2006; Nelson 2006; Cockcroft et al. 2008;Bano 2007, 2009; Ali 2005, 2009;Rana 2009; McClure 2009; Winthrop and Graff 2010).

Traditionally, in Islamic notion, ‘state’ and ‘religion’ have been two adjacent entities; and Islamic state had a religious recognition (Khalid 2008). Accordingly, Muslims had a holistic vision of education; and almost in all Muslim societies, education was imparted without discrimination of secular or religious knowledge, through a singular educational system_madrassa (Anzar 2003). Thus,madrassa produced many renowned scholars and experts in various fields including natural sciences (Rehman 2004).

For centuries,madrassa played a central role in serving society and state (Talbani 1996). For society, it has been instrumental in preserving, sustaining and transmitting Islamic tradition over the generations. The tradition of Islamic learning has been core in reproducing Islamic culture, ideological goals and social control (Noor ,Sikand andBruinessen 2008). Various other studies has also shown a positive association between religiosity andprosocial behaviour of individuals in society (Ahmad 2009; Tan andVogal 2008; Johansson-Stenman , Mahmud, andMartinsson 2008; Ruffle andSosis 2006; Randolph-Seng and Nielson 2007).

The Muslim states had also been relying onmadrassas in acquiring human resource to run government machinery, and to seek political legitimization (Talibani 1996). Since, educational sites across the world has been centrally involved in propagation, selective dissemination, and social appropriation of the discourse (Ball 1990); therefore, the ruling elite in Muslim countries have been actively engaged with official functions withinmadrassas , like appointments of teachers, recruitment of students, and orientation of curriculum (Nashabi 1980). Financial patronage was also one of the primary tools to maintain state’s control over this institution: the ultimate goal was to control religious scholars, and through them, to the masses (Maqdisi 1961). In this regard,madrassa was also a source of legitimization of power structure of society (Noor ,Sikand andBruinessen 2008)

Under the influence of modern political thoughts in seventeenth century, when ‘state’ and ‘church’ began to be recognized as two distinct entities, and church began to loosen its grip over state in Europe: the Muslim states also could not save themselves from this social change. In the changed atmosphere,madrassa institution began to lose its significance in state-affairs; and gradually, it confined its role to religion only. Now, the re-defined functioning ofmadrassa was just reproducing religious leadership for rest of society (Jamal 2008). This historically peaceful function ofmadrassa has been widely recognized across international scholarship (Singer 2001; ICG 2002; 2007).

Suddenly, the event of 9/11, 2001, in United States, raised a high degree of controversy on institutional functioning ofmadrassa . Political activism and transnational linkages ofmadrassa were widely asserted in number of studies (Loony 2003; Colson 2004;Fandy 2007; Fair 2008). The centuries-old institution of Islamic learning was projected as political entity, rather than a social entity (Bano 2007); and thus,madrassa was largely misperceived (Malik 2008). This confusion was hoisted by multiple factors: like sensational propaganda of Western media, unscientific researches based on anecdotal accounts, and investigative journalism (Ali 2005; 2009).

Normally, two fundamental objections are made onmadrassa system. One, the currentmadrassa -curriculum is invalid in economic market of society: therefore,madrassa does not impart market oriented education. Rather, it darkens the economic future of its graduates, and they become economic burden on rest of society (Malik 2008). And two, it imparts radical socialization to Muslim youth (Brookings 2009). It is also assumed that the blend of economic constraints and radical socialization results in vulnerability ofmadrassa students/graduates for adventurism in religious extremism (Imtiaz 2011).

Generally, it is perceived that Pakistanimadrassas have connections with transnational Islamic militants, who are responsible for precipitate violence and terrorism in the name of religion, and thus, cause a global social disorder (Ali 2005). Particularly, after the fall of Taliban in Afghanistan,madrassas in Pakistan have been considered supporting Taliban in many ways; like providing them sanctuary, and training of new recruits (Fair 2008). The graduates and the students ofmadrassas are accused of being active in supporting militant and sectarian activities, and thus, creating a social disturbance within the country and beyond (Noor ,Skind andBruinessen 2008).

In this regard, for instance, Stern (2004) claimed that global Islamic militancy grows in Pakistanimadrassas , which are functioning without government supervision, and thus, have become training camps of terrorists.Coulson (2004) viewedmadrassas as militant Islamic schools inculcating ideology of intolerance, violence and hate. The 9/11 Commission (2004) reportedmadrassas as incubators of violent extremism.Khokhar (2007) observed Pakistanimadrassa playing a major role in spreadingjihadism , and posing continues threat of violence to the modern world.Alexiev (2003) noted that all Islamic terrorist groups around the world benefited frommadrassa system of Pakistan. Singer (2001) concluded thatmadrassa played a critical role in sustaining international terrorist network.

The issue has been continuously attracting newspapers headlines and electronic media debates across the world. And, the governments of Pakistan remained under pressure in this regard. Severalmadrassas in Northern Pakistan have been destroyed through missile attacks and drone bombing by NATO forces present in Afghanistan. Since foreign military actions inside Pakistan also put question on territorial sovereignty of the country, therefore, sometimes, Pakistani forces themselves operate againstmadrassas and cause many casualties ofmadrassa students and teachers. Extermination of 82madrassa students in Bajurh1 in October 2006, and several hundred in ‘Jamia Hafsa ’ Islamabad2 in June 2007, are two examples, among others. The ultimate outcome of this process was an emergence of mistrust between the state and a social institution.

The successive governments in Pakistan have been trying to deal with Islamic militancy at two levels: one, encountering militants militarily, as short-term measure; and two, introducing reforms inmadrassa system, as long-term measure. United States paid money to government of Pakistan for introducing reforms inmadrassas system, and thus, to eliminate the perceived element of militancy frommadrassa education (Fair 2008; Ali 2009). Interestingly, the people who paid for creating Islamic militancy during 1980s: now were paying to eliminate the same. And more interestingly, governments of Pakistan, at both the times, accepted money to act accordingly (ICG 2007).

Despite all the efforts so far have been made by the governments, the issue could not be resolved. There is a state of mistrust between the government and themadrassa establishment. Government offered financial and technical assistance tomadrassas for their batter role in society. But, clerics perceived it a cost of their sovereignty, and thus refused to accept it (Itehad Tanzimat Madris -e-Dinia Pakistan 2007). Consequently, important projects of the government, underMadrassa Board Ordinances 2001, 2002 and (amended) 2005, like ‘Madrassas Reform Project’ and ‘Madrassas Education Board’, could not achieve the desired goals. In this context, it seemed important to study this institution scientifically.

The debate on the role ofmadrassa is multidimensional. Some scholars think that connectingmadrassa with religious militancy or terrorism is actually a political game (Bergen andPandey 2006), and a misperception created through propaganda campaign against Islamic seminaries (Khalid 2008). In this regard, some parts of the existing literature points out that all the renowned terrorists in the world were high profile people, like engineers, doctors, economists, and military schools graduates, and none of them was qualified frommadrassa (Bergen andPandey 2006).

Bergen andPandey (2006) referred five major events of terrorist attacks in the world, and argued that all masterminds behind these events were university graduates who had no concern withmadrassa . They also highlighted ambiguity in 9/11 Commission’s final report that it had linkedmadrassa to terrorism without giving any evidence: because it did not mention that which of the 19 hijackers had attendedmadrassa .Rubani , as quoted by Khalid (2008) adopted the same line and referred assassination of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat, murder of American journalist Denial Pearl, and organizational command of Al-Qaida: and argued that none of the offenders wasmadrassa -graduate.

This polarization and ambiguity on the social role ofmadrassa is just because no nationally representative empirical study is available to depict the factual position of this institution. This lack of scientific research is also indicative from the fact that different studies have shown differentmadrassa -statistics in Pakistan: ranged from 7500 to 50000. In this regard,Coulsin (2004) observed thatmadrassas numbers in the year 2000 were shown 7500 by Bragg; 8000 by Asian Times; 10000 by International Crises Group (ICG); and 15000 byBaldu . Similarly, Looney (2003) averred 20000madrassas in Pakistan. Stern (2000) and Singer (2001) estimated this figure near fifty thousand (50000).

This lack of empirical research onmadrassa has made it a blend of myth and reality (Ali 2005). This vacuum in research, actually, suggested the researcher to investigate this institution scientifically, and understand it correctly. To the best of researcher’s knowledge, no study, in Pakistan, was conducted to investigate the opinion ofmadrassa stakeholders regarding ongoing controversy onmadrassa . Therefore, the present research intends to fill this research-gap by documenting the perspectives ofmadrassa teachers regarding different issues related tomadrassa . This was also important because more than two million children in Pakistan are studying inmadrassa (Ijazulhaq 2007).

Methodology

This study is a part of the dissertation project on “social and educational functioning ofmadrassa in Pakistan”. The study was approved by the group of professors (Doctoral Program Committee) at Institute of Social and Cultural Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan. The study was got validated by the Advanced Studies and Research Board of Punjab University. It was also accredited by the fellowship committee of Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies at University of Oxford, UK. Funds for this study were provided by Higher Education Commission of Pakistan, Islamabad.

As a part of the dissertation project, this paper is based on information provided by sixteen religious teachers during the course of two focus group discussions (FGDs), held indeobandi andahl -e-hadith madrassas in Lahore. The reason of purposively selectingdeobandi andahl -e-hadith madrassas for this paper was that, the existing literature had particularly mentioned these sects as more likely to be associated with radical Islamists groups in the World. For example, Taliban aredeobandies ; andLashkar -e-Tayyaba isahl -e-hadiths ’ organization (Ali 2005;Rehman 2004).

In this study, ‘religious teacher’ means a person with religious education, currently teaching in amadrassa on regular basis. Religious teachers, the potential respondents of the study, were contacted at their work places with the due permission ofmadrassas ’ administrators. In first meeting they were informed about this study and its objectives; and then, they were asked to participate. Among the willing teachers, eight (8) (from eachmadrassa ) were randomly selected as participants of study. They were provided a written code of ethics, in Urdu version, explaining the rights of research-participants. The willingness of each individual participant regarding to take part in study was obtained in writing, prior to the commencement of FGD sessions.

As a tool of data collection, the study used a list of points to guide the process of discussions and to follow certain topics for exploring participants’ views. The list included the questions: a) what is the issue ofmadrassa , or howmadrassa became an issue; b) whymadrassa exists in society i.e. what is the justification ofmadrassa in the presence of mainstream educational system; c) why some students prefer to joinmadrassa instead of going mainstream schools; d) what are the funding sources ofmadrassa ; e) which type of education, ideology and trainingmadrassa inculcates in its students, which determines their future social role.

The discussions were held in Urdu (the first language of the respondents) and lasted about two hours each. With the prior approval ofmadrassa administration, as well as respondents, the discussions were audio-recorded and written notices were taken. The participants were seated in a circular shape. The physical space was comfortable and welcoming to participants: it was neutral, private, and interruption-free. For the purpose to eliminate the psychological barriers, the respondents were made realized that their opinion was too valuable. However, reaction of researcher against the responses of participants was value-neutral and nonaligned sentences were use for probing, like “can you explain further?”, “would you explain what you mean?”, “I hear what you are saying”, “would you describe with some example?” etc.

The questions relevant to the topics of inquiry were asked loudly to make audible for all research-participants. Time for each topic was already planned; and every participant was encouraged to talk during this time (because few respondents were extra-talkative). It was also noticed during the discussions that after two or three respondents, the participants tended to lose focus. Then the researcher helped the participants to stay focused on the topic and keep the track.

Participants Characteristics

All sixteen religious teachers who participated in research were males. The age range was from 27 to 40 years. All were married with children 1 to 4. The time they had been serving asmadrassa teachers was ranged from five to eighteen years. Mean of the time they spent on getting religious education was 8 years. The participants represented diverse formal educational background ranged fromMatric to Masters. All participants got formal education as private students. None of the participant had parent with government service. Only one teacher reported that his father was amadrassa teacher.

Data Analysis

All the audio recorded qualitative data acquired from religious teachers, in Urdu language, were transcribed verbatim. The transcribed data was translated into English language (the researcher is comfortable in both languages: Urdu and English). After that, the data was classified into different sets of categories with regards to the emerging themes and similarities (Auerbach and Silverstein 2003). In order to ensure the validity of data, the initial write-up of the results was shared with the participants of the study: they confirmed it and showed no reservation.

Findings

Focus of this study was to examine the functioning ofmadrassa in Pakistan. During the course of focus group discussions, it was tried to understand how religious leaders, being stakeholders ofmadrassa , respond to certain questions related tomadrassa . The questions were included: why ismadrassa a controversial issue; why does it exist in society; why do certain students joinmadrassa ; what is funding sources ofmadrassa ; and what is educational ideology ofmadrassa institution? In this regard, the details of the views of religious teachers were as follows:

Madrassa being a controversial issue

Madrassa has existed in Pakistan for centuries and its social and educational roles have never been controversial (Anzar 2003). Nonetheless, for the last twenty years, especially after the events of 9/11 in New York, the institution ofmadrassa gained salience and prominence (Ali 2005). A question was asked to the religious teachers about their reaction and opinion on the subject. A great majority of the participants thought thatmadrassa was unjustly accused and highlighted by the Western media and think-tanks to malign Muslims and their centuries old educational institution. They perceived that a coordinated campaign has been launched to showmadrassa as an issue:

Western politicians, security agencies, research scholars, academicians, and mass media: all are participating. Some Muslim scholars, even from Pakistan, had also been borrowed to write againstmadrassas . Under the influence of this whole campaign, the image ofmadrassa has been distorted; and its peaceful role has been mad controversial.

Some of the participants strongly believed in conspiracy theories and argued that the Western powers (mainly referring to Europe and USA) were afraid of intellectual and spiritual strength ofmadrassa’s education. They assumed that “socioeconomic system of Islam is a perceived potential threat to the Western capitalist system, after the demise of Socialism”. And, “since Islam is studied inmadrassas , therefore propaganda is also againstmadrassas : the ultimate goal is to eradicate, or at least to modify, the spirit of Islamic education in a way that suits to the West” they asserted.

The respondents also elucidated the issue ofmadrassa in scriptural frame of reference. They referred certain verses of Quran translated as “Christians and Jews can never be the friends of Muslims”. They applied it on the crises in Palestine, Afghanistan, Iraq, Chechnya, Lebanon, Bosnia and Kashmir, and argued, “Christians and Jews have adopted anti-Muslim policies everywhere; and likewise, the current campaign againstmadrassa is also an extension of their historic enmity against Islam and Muslims”.

Apparently, for the last twenty years, there has been worldwide resurgence of religion, and conservative forces have been trying to assert their identity and seek political relevance and power by constructing threat from “other religions” (Vlas 2010). In the same line, most of the religious teachers also strived to construct an external threat to the valuable Pakistani assets like nuclear capability. They tried to establish a relationship between nuclear capability of Pakistan and “political construction of issue ofmadrassa -militancy”.

Western powers exert pressure on Pakistan to rollback its nuclear program. For this purpose, as modern warfare tactics, they have created an issue of Islamic militancy and connected it to the issue of safety of nuclear weapons. They propagate that militant Islamist groups can access to Pakistan’s nuclear weapons so as to misuse these against the West. In this relevance, sincemadrassa is the only institution that produces Islamists: therefore, it is specifically under the Western plot.

In this regard, some respondents showed an interesting understanding. Their interpretation was unique in respect of the question as to why the Westerns want to rollback Pakistan’s nuclear capability and howmadrassa is relevant to it.

Economic pulse of United States is in hands of Jews, who are working on the agenda of establishing a ‘Greater Israel’ in the Middle East. For that, Israel will have to fight a great-war against Arabs. At that point of time, Pakistan, being a Muslim state, can provide help to Arabs by virtue of its nuclear technology. Therefore, as a precautionary measure, Jews are instrumentally using the influence of US to rollback Pakistan’s nuclear advancements to save their future. In this connection,madrassa is just a scapegoat.

Many of the respondents also denied any positive relationship betweenmadrassa and Taliban militancy. They asserted that Taliban movement was a resistance struggle against American oppression in Afghanistan. And “if American forces throw bombs and missiles on to thePashtun population inside Pakistan (in tribal area): the victims are resentful and can join resistance movement of Taliban”. In this regard “madrassa has no role to make them militant Taliban” they maintained.

The discussions explored three main factors that could facilitate the West in establishing controversy onmadrassa . One, the presence of Afghan students in Pakistanimadrassas creates suspicions regardingmadrassa education because some of them, subsequently, join resistance movement in their homeland. Two, former ruling military establishment in Pakistan purposely created an issue of Islamic militancy to seek politicalfavour from the West for its aristocratic rule. Three, transnational powers “hatch conspiracies against a Muslim nuclear state, and pose a threat ofmadrassa -military correlation as part of the big game of destabilizing Pakistan”.

In this regard, almost all the respondents had consensus on the view that “terrorism or militancy in the world was not due to the Islamic education ofmadrassa ; rather, economic depression and social injustice in the world played a vital role behind this phenomenon”. They explained that the poor people, who intend to commit suicide under economic and mental stress, can get involve in suicidal terrorist attacks for the sake of monitory benefit for their family. “Certain poor people can be bought as commodity to be used instrumentally by international players” they argued. They expressed thatmadrassa students and graduates can never indulge in such heinous crime, because

Madrassa acts as a safety-valve in society that keeps people away from heinous crimes like terrorism. It keeps youth contented, calm and peaceful. It grants not only mental satisfaction, but also provides physical amenities of life, like, food, shelter, clothes, medical cover, even pocket money. It also provides opportunities of employment in the religious market, after the completion of education.

Justification ofMadrassa in Society

Perceived ineffectiveness of state institutions provides space for non-state actors (Chaudhri 2009).Madrassa being a non-state actor fills the space in state’s educational arrangements and accommodates the marginalized social class. In fact,madrassa plays multidimensional social roles including counseling services on domains of life, like marriage, divorce, inheritance disputes etc (ICG 2002; Ali, Milstein, andMarzuk 2005). These social roles justify the existence ofmadrassa in society.

In this regard the research-participants were asked ‘why doesmadrassa exist in society when a formal education system is present in Pakistan?’ Responding on this question, the religious teachers showed their perceptions in different ways. For example, some of the participants tried to justify the existence ofmadrassa in society in historical context:

Historically,madrassa has been the only institution of Muslim society that has delivered secular and religious knowledge without distinction. Onlymadrassa -graduate could be called educated person; and generally, state-officials weremadrassa qualified people. In India, this process continued up to theMughal -era.

Similarly, some respondents talked about the “strength” of this institution that kept it survived in history without any support of the state.

English people captured India and divided education into ‘secular’ and ‘religious’ spheres; and provided political and financial support to just ‘secular’ education. However, it is pride ofmadrassa institution that it kept up surviving and imparting religious education to masses. It became possible just because civil society patronized, and trusted, this institution. Society needed it.

Some respondents also gave importance to social services ofmadrassa while justifying its presence in society. They highlighted certain need of society fulfilled bymadrassa institution. They mentioned that “madrassa perform some distinct social and educational functions that actually justify its existence in society”. The participants pointed out three fundamental rolesmadrassa plays in society. First, it delivers divine knowledge; second, it accommodates marginalized population of society and provides them basic amenities of life; third, it manufactures peaceful and literate citizens, and provides them opportunities of employment, and by this way, helps the state.

Many of the participants opined that “state’s ineffective social services provide space formadrassa . They illustrated that a state has to perform three basic responsibilities for society: security, health, and education. When these responsibilities are not fulfilled by the state, the society makes its own arrangement to fulfill the gap. And same is the case withmadrassa .

Some people do not have access to state’s educational service because of different reasons, including economic constraint. To them, it is blessing that the door ofmadrassas are open to bridge up the gap in state’s service.

In this connection, some of the respondents also mentioned that the Prophet of Islam has directed His followers to keep on seeking knowledge for whole life.

They argued that the “divine knowledge is the supreme form of knowledge that is delivered just inmadrassas ”. Therefore, “madrassa is the most important educational institution of Muslim society”, they maintained.

Many of the participants mentioned thatmadrassa plays a significant role in healing spiritual and physical ailments. People come here fordu’a 3 dam 4 , orta’viz 5 . “When doctors declare some disease incurable, and the will of God rests the last hope, people do come here fordu’a , dam, orta’viz for their patient”, they told. Similarly, some people contact to solve their domestic problems regarding family feuds, husband-wife relationships, and correction of spoiled children etc. In this regard,madrassa fills-up a spiritual gap in human psychology, the respondents revealed.

Many respondents argued that society’s collective thinking is always rational, and only functional and useful things can survive in society. Thus, the survival ofmadrassa indicates that it serves certain corners of society, they argued.

Whole life of a Muslim is dependent of this institution in religious matters; and in this regard,madrassa plays a dynamic role from birth to death of an individual. The presence of millions of students inmadrassas across Pakistan is indicative of public trust on this institution that firmly justifies its existence in society.

Some respondents also comprehended thatmadrassas justifies its presence in society at two levels: one, rich people find here space to spend their charities in the performance of their religious duties likezakat andsadqat etc; two, it provides opportunity for poor to get education, learn religion, and earn living in religious market. In this regard,madrassa provides them free education, free shelter, free food and all other basic amenities of life. “Thusmadrassa is functional for all segments of population (rich and poor)” the respondents articulated.

The reasons for JoiningMadrassa

Poverty and religious background are two likely factors for joiningmadrassa by certain students (Zakar 2001, Nelson 2006). In this regard, one of the objectives of this study was to understand why do certain students prefer to get admission inmadrassa , rather than going to mainstreamed educational institutions? In this regard, majority of the respondents talked about four pertinent reasons ofmadrassa admissions. These included social conditions in the country; restricted economic opportunities in the market; geo-political atmosphere in which Pakistan exists; and significant influence ofulema on Pakistani society.

Some respondents argued that unemployment among mainstream educated youth was a strong instigative factor behindmadrassa enrolments.

When parents are not sure about positive output against the investment of time, energy and money on formal education: they ultimately prefermadrassa education, where they satisfy their religious conscience along with surety of employment of their children in religious market. Further, current benefits like free education, free food and free accommodation etc are extra.

Some respondents considered ‘religious culture’ as relatively a more powerful factor in augment ofmadrassa enrolments. They argued that religiosity in family and surroundings likeneighbourhood and peers influences on the minds of parents and students to get them aggravated formadrassa education. “Perhaps, same is the reason why most of the educated people from Western tribal belt of Pakistan aremadrassa graduates” some of the respondents argued.

It was also revealed during the discussions that some well-off families, under the influence of religious culture, take interest in religious education; however, they usually send their children forhifz -e-Qur’an only. Normally, these students attendmadrassa as day-scholars non-resident students.

Priority of rich people is bit different: they like religious education for their children, but not at the cost of mainstream education that guarantees a good economic future. SinceDars -e-Nizami (madrassa syllabi) requires six to eight years, but they do not afford consuming much time on religious education: therefore, theyopt Hifz -e-Qur’an, which usually takes two to three years to complete: and one can also continue it as part time, along with mainstream education.

‘Economic Constraints’ were the most pertinent factor behindmadrassa enrolments that emerged during the discussions. However, majority of respondents were reluctant to accept it as sole contributory factor formadrassa admissions. They argued “it does not mean that economic constrains solely can instigate formadrassa enrolment: rather, certain level of family’s religiosity is also must besides economic constraints”. In fact, the phenomenon ofmadrassa admission seemed a blend of poverty and religiosity.

In this frame of reference, some respondents specifically mentioned that “middle socio-economic class of society was more religious” and thus, more likely to be associated withmadrassa education. Otherwise, “rich class of society is enjoying luxurious life, free from bindings of religion; whereas, destitute class is ludicrous under economic misery, and has no sense of education or religion” they maintained.

It was also found during discussions that natural disasters and hardships in human life can also become the reason ofmadrassa -admissions. In this regard, some of the participants specifically drew attention towards the recent earthquake in Northern Pakistan.

This earth-quack caused to leave numerous children without guardians. Then,madrassa adopted these children and performed all parental responsibilities and provided them all amenities of life including family atmosphere, andreligiou s education.

Funding Sources ofMadrassa

State of Pakistan outlays nothing onmadrassas (Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan 2009). In this concern, it was also a part of this study to investigate about funding sources of institution ofmadrassa . Accordingly, it was found thatmadrassa runs by the philanthropy of civil society. Society owns this institution and supports it logistically and financially; and state spends nothing on this institution. The question emerged as to why people give fund tomadrassa ? Against this question, some of the respondents stated that

It is religious duty of every Muslims to take care of needy and poor people of society. Normally, the religious people perform this duty. Since themadrassa students are generally needy and poor: therefore, people send their alms and charities tomadrassas .

Some of the respondents also mentioned an Islamic injunction about alms giving that preference should be given to the nearest needy. Thus, the people send theirzakat ,sadqat , skins of sacrificed animals and other kinds of charity, preferably, to nearest (local)madrassas .

The respondents also revealed that somemadrassa have agricultural or commercial property donated by philanthropists or bought bymadrassas . This property is given on rent that also provides sufficient amount of funds to meet expenditures ofmadrassas .

The respondents also mentioned that sometimes the local-gains become insufficient to meet extensive expenditures ofmadrassa . Then,madrassa -administration sends envoys to other areas for fund-raising. These envoys visit mosques of their own sects, along with documentary evidences. With due permission of concerned mosque-administration, they make appeals before the people who come to the mosque for payer.

Sincemadrassa administration was responsible to meet all kinds of expenditures including salaries of the teachers: therefore, the administrators need to be very active in fund raising. They make contacts with potential philanthropists; and also make appeals during religious gatherings like Friday sermons andEid prayers etc. They also pull public attention through wall-chalking, posters, banners, handbills, leaflets, and newspaper ads etc.

It was also found during the discussions that somemadrassas have also foreign links for fund raising. Foreign donor could be alumni ofmadrassa , or some other philanthropist belonging to the same sect. Besides individuals, some civil society organizations of Muslims in foreign countries also send funds to Pakistanimadrassas .

Almost all the respondents expressed that private sources of funds grant a financial autonomy and sustainability tomadrassa institution. And, perhaps, this is the reason whymadrassa stakeholders neither seek state’s assistance nor like state’s interference in the affairs ofmadrassa .