Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

336 - القِمار

336. GAMBLING

1561 - النَّهيُ عَنِ القِمارِ

1561. FORBIDING THE GAMBLING

( يا أَيُّها الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا إنَّما الْخَمْرُ وَالْمَيْسِرُ وَالأَنْصابُ وَالأَزْلَامُ رِجْسٌ مِنْ عَمَلِ الشَّيْطانِ فَاجْتَنِبُوهُ لَعَلَّكُمْ تُفْلِحُونَ * إِنَّمَا يُرِيدُ الشَّيْطانُ أَنْ يُوقِعَ بَيْنَكُمُ الْعَدَاوَةَ وَالْبَغْضاءَ فِي الْخَمْرِ وَالْمَيْسِرِ وَيَصُدَّكُمْ عَنِ ذِكْرِ اللَّهِ وَعَنِ الصَّلَاةِ فَهَلْ أَنْتُم مُنْتَهُونَ).1

“O you who have faith! Indeed wine, gambling, idols and the divining arrows are abominations of Satan's doing, so avoid them, so that you may be felicitous. Indeed Satan seeks to cast enmity and hatred among you through wine and gambling, and to hinder you from the remembrance of Allah and from prayer. Will you, then, relinquish?” 2

5356. رسولُ اللَّه صلى اللَّه عليه وآله - في الجواب عن الميسر لمّا نزل (انّما الخَمرُ والمَيسِرُ) - : كُلُّ ما تُقُومِرَ بهِ حتَّى الكِعابُ والجَوزُ

قيلَ : فما الأنصابُ ؟ قالَ : ما ذَبَحُوهُ لآِلِهَتِهم قيلَ : فما الأزلامُ ؟ قالَ : قِداحُهُم التي يَستَقسِمُونَ بها3

5356. The Prophet (SAWA), in answer to a question about games of chance when the verse:“indeed wine, gambling...” was revealed, said, 'It is anything that can be gambled with, even dice or walnuts.' He was asked, 'So what is the dedication to idols (ansab)?' He said, 'What they sacrificed for their gods.' He was then asked, 'And what is divining with arrows?' He said, 'Their arrow shafts that they swear by.'45

5357. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : كُلُّ ما ألهى‏ عن ذِكرِ اللَّهِ فهُو مِن المَيسِرِ6

5357. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Anything that distracts one from the remembrance of Allah is gambling.'7

5358. الإمامُ الباقرُ عليه السلام - لمّا سُئلَ عنِ اللعبِ بالشَّطرَنجِ - : إنّ المُؤمِنَ لَمَشغولٌ عنِ اللَّعِبِ8

5358. Imam al-Baqir (AS), when asked about playing chess said, 'A believer is too busy to play.'9

5359. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام - في قولِهِ تعالى‏ : (ولا تَأْكُلُوا أموالَكُم بَينَكُم بالباطِلِ)10 - : كانَت قُرَيشٌ تُقامِرُ الرجُلَ بأهلِهِ ومالِهِ، فَنَهاهُمُ اللَّهُ عَزَّوجلَّ عَن ذلكَ11

5359. Imam al-Sadiq (AS), with regard to Allah's verse in the Qur'an:“Do not eat up your wealth among yourselves wrongfully” said, 'The people of Quraysh would gamble their families and their money away, and Allah Almighty prohibited them from doing so.'12

5360. السكوني : كانَ يَنْهى‏ [الإمامَ‏الصادق عليه السلام ]عَنِ الجَوزِ الذي يَجي‏ءُ بهِ الصِّبيانُ مِن القِمارِ أنْ يُؤكَلَ ، وقالَ : هُو السُّحتُ13

5360. Al-Sakuni narrated, 'He [Imam al-Sadiq (AS)] would condemn the eating of walnuts that children had won from gambling, saying, 'It is illegally earned [and forbidden] (suht).'14

Notes

1. المائدة : 90 و 91

2. Quran 5 :90,91

3. الكافي : 5 / 123 / 2

4. These were all pagan pre-Islamic practices of gambling and games of chance (ed.)

5. al-Kafi, v. 5, p. 123, no. 2

6. الأمالي للطوسي : 336 / 681

7. Amali al-Tusi, p. 336, no. 681

8. الخصال : 26 / 92

9. al-Khisal, p. 26, no. 92

10. البقرة : 188

11. الكافي : 5 / 122 / 1

12. al-Kafi, v. 5, p. 122, no. 1

13. تفسير العيّاشيّ : 1 / 322 / 116

14. Tafsir al-Ayyashi, v. 1, p. 322, no. 0116

337 - القَناعة

337. CONTENTMENT

1562 - فَضلُ القَناعَةِ

1562. THE VIRTUE OF CONTENTMENT

5361. عدّة الدّاعي : أوحَى اللَّهُ تعالى‏ إلى‏ داوودَ عليه السلام: وَضَعتُ الغِنى‏ في القَناعَةِ وهُم يَطلُبُونَهُ في كَثرَةِ المالِ فلا يَجِدُونَهُ1

5361. 'Uddat al-Dai: 'Allah Almighty revealed unto Prophet David (AS) saying, 'I put richness in contentment, whilst they seek it [richness] in abundance of wealth but do not find it.'2

5362. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : القَناعَةُ مالٌ لا يَنفَدُ3

5362. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'Contentment is wealth that does not deplete.'4

5363. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام - لمّا سُئلَ عن قولِهِ تعالى‏ : (فَلَنُحْيِيَنَّهُ حَياةً طَيِّبةً) - : هِي القَناعَةُ5

5363. Imam Ali (AS), when asked about Allah's verse in the Qur'an:“We shall revive him with a good life” 6 said, 'It is contentment.'7

5364. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : أشكَرُ الناسِ أقنَعُهُم ، وأكفَرُهُم لِلنِّعَمِ أجشَعُهُم8

5364. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'The most thankful of people are the most content, and the most ungrateful for blessings are the greediest.'9

5365. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : طَلَبتُ الغِنى‏ فما وَجَدتُ إلّا بالقَناعَةِ ، علَيكُم بالقَناعَةِ تَستَغنُوا10

5365. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'I searched for wealth and I did not find it other than through contentment. Adhere to contentment and you will become rich.'11

5366. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : لا كَنزَ أغنى‏ مِن القَناعَةِ12

5366. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'There is no treasure richer than contentment.'13

5367. الإمامُ الحسنُ عليه السلام : اعلمْ أنَّ مُروَّةَ القَناعَةِ والرِّضا أكثرُ مِن مُرُوّةِ الإعطاءِ14

5367. Imam Hasan (AS) said, 'Know that the valour in contentment and satisfaction is greater than the valour in giving.'15

Notes

1. عدّة الداعي : 166

2.'Uddat al-Dai, p. 166, and Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 453, no. 21

3. كنز العمّال : 7080

4. Kanz al-Ummal, no. 7080

5. نهج البلاغة : الحكمة 229

6. Quran 16 :97

7. Nahj al-Balagha, Saying 229

8. بحار الأنوار : 77 / 422 / 40

9. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 77, p. 422, no. 40

10. بحار الأنوار : 69 / 399 / 91

11. Ibid. v. 69, p. 399, no. 91

12.. نهج البلاغة : الحكمة 371

13. Nahj al-Balagha, Saying 371

14. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 111 / 6

15. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 111, no. 6

1563 - ما يورِثُ القَناعَةَ

1563. WHAT BRINGS ABOUT CONTENTMENT

5368. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : على‏ قَدرِ العِفَّةِ تكونُ القَناعَةُ1

5368. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Contentment is proportionate to the degree of self-restraint.'2

5369. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : مَن عَقلَ قَنِعَ3

5369. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'He who uses his intellect is content.'4

5370. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : اُنظُرْ إلى‏ مَن هُو دُونَكَ في المَقدُرَةِ ولا تَنظُرْ إلى‏ مَن هو فَوقَكَ في المَقدُرَةِ ، فإنّ ذلكَ أقنَعُ لكَ بما قُسِمَ لكَ5

5370. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Look at those who are less capable than you, and do not look at those who are more capable than you, as it makes you more content in what has been allotted for you.'6

Notes

1.. غرر الحكم : 6179

2. Ghurar al-Hikam, no. 6179

3.. غرر الحكم : 7724

4. Ibid. no. 7724

5. الكافي : 8 / 244 / 338

6. al-Kafi, v. 8 p. 244 no. 338

1564 - ثَمَرَةُ القَناعَةِ

1564. THE FRUIT OF CONTENTMENT

5371. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : اِقنَعْ بما اُوتِيتَهُ يَخِفَّ علَيكَ الحِسابُ1

5371. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'Be content with what has been given to you, and the Account [on the Day of Resurrection] will be made easy for you.'2

5372. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : أعوَنُ شي‏ءٍ على‏ صَلاحِ النَّفسِ القَناعَةُ3

5372. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'The most helpful thing in reforming the self is contentment.'4

5373. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام: مَن قَنِعَ لم يَغتَمَّ5

5373. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Whoever is content will not be depressed.'6

5374. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : بالقَناعَةِ يكونُ العِزُّ7

5374. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Through contentment comes dignity.'8

5375. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : أنعَمُ الناسِ عَيشاً مَن مَنَحَهُ اللَّهُ سُبحانَهُ القَناعَةَ وأصلَحَ لَهُ زَوجَهُ9

5375. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'The most blessed of people in his livelihood is he who Allah Almighty has granted contentment to, and has given a righteous spouse.'10

5376. الإمامُ الحسينُ عليه السلام: القُنوعُ راحَةُ الأبدانِ11

5376. Imam Husayn (AS) said, 'Contentment is comfort of the body.'12

5377. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : مَن رَضِيَ مِن اللَّهِ بِاليَسيرِ مِن المَعاشِ رَضِيَ اللَّهُ مِنهُ بِاليَسيرِ مِن العَمَلِ13

5377. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Whoever accepts from Allah the little livelihood, Allah will accept from him the little in actions [worships].'14

Notes

1. بحار الأنوار : 77 / 187 / 37

2. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 77, p. 187, no. 37

3. غرر الحكم : 3191

4. Ghurar al-Hikam, no. 3191

5. غرر الحكم : 7771

6. Ibid. no. 7771

7. غرر الحكم : 4244

8. Ibid. no. 4244

9. غرر الحكم : 3295

10. Ibid. no. 3290

11. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 128 / 11

12. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 128, no. 11

13. الكافي : 2 / 138 / 3

14. al-Kafi, v. 2, p. 138, no. 3

1565 - مَن لَم يُقنِعْهُ اليَسيرُ

1565. THOSE WHO ARE NOT CONTENT WITH THE LITTLE

5378. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : مَن لم يُقنِعْهُ اليسيرُ لم يَنفَعْهُ الكَثيرُ1

5378. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Those who are not content with a little will not be content with a lot.2

5379. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : اقنَعْ بما قَسَمَ اللَّهُ لكَ ولا تَنظُرْ إلى‏ ما عِندَ غيرِكَ ولا تَتَمَنَّ ما لَستَ نائلَهُ ؛ فإنّهُ مَن قَنِعَ شَبِعَ ومَن لم يَقنَعْ لم يَشبَعْ ، وخُذْ حَظَّكَ مِن آخِرَتِكَ3

5379. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Be content with what Allah has allotted for you, do not look at what others have, and do not wish for what you cannot acquire, for whoever is content will be full and whoever is not content will never be full, and take your portion of your hereafter.'4

Notes

1. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 71 / 33

2. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 71, no. 33

3. الكافي : 8 / 243 / 337

4. al-Kafi, v. 8, p. 243, no. 337

338 - الكِبر

338. ARROGANCE

1566 - التَّحذِيرُ مِنَ الكِبرِ

1566. WARNING AGAINST ARROGANCE

( فَسَجَدَ الْمَلَائِكَةُ كُلُّهُمْ أَجْمَعُونَ * إِلَّا إِبْلِيسَ اسْتَكْبَرَ وَكانَ مِنَ الْكافِرينَ)1

“Thereat the angels prostrated all of them together, except Iblis; he acted arrogantly and he was one of the faithless.” 2

( قالَ فَاهْبِطْ مِنْها فَما يَكُونُ لَكَ أَنْ تَتَكَبَّرَ فِيها فَاخْرُجْ إِنَّكَ مِنَ الصَّاغِرِينَ)3

““Get down from it” He said.“It is not for you to be arrogant therein. Be gone! You are indeed among the degraded ones.” 4

5380. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام: فاعتَبِرُوا بما كانَ مِن فِعلِ اللَّهِ بإبليسَ، إذ أحبَطَ عَمَلَهُ الطَّويلَ وجَهدَهُ الجَهيدَ عن كِبْرِ ساعَةٍ واحِدَةٍ ! فمَن ذا بَعدَ إبليسَ يَسلَمُ علَى اللَّهِ بمثلِ مَعصيَتِهِ ؟!5

5380. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Take lesson from what Allah did to Satan. He foiled his many deeds and his hardworking efforts.... for being arrogant for an instant! So, after Satan who will be saved from Allah's wrath with something like his sin?!'6

5381. الإمامُ الباقرُ عليه السلام : ما دَخَلَ قَلبَ امرِئٍ شي‏ءٌ مِن الكِبرِ إلّا نَقَصَ مِن عَقلِهِ مِثلُ ما دَخَلَهُ مِن ذلكَ ، قَلَّ ذلكَ أو كَثُرَ7

5381. Imam al-Baqir (AS) said, 'If any amount of arrogance enters the heart of a person, it will only bring deficiency to the intellect with the same amount of what entered it, whether it be a little or a lot.'8

5382. الإمامُ الصّادق عليه السلام : مَن بَرِئَ مِن الكِبرِ نالَ الكَرامَةَ9

5382. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Whoever is free from arrogance will obtain dignity.'10

5383. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : الكِبرُ رِداءُ اللَّهِ ، فَمَن نازَعَ اللَّهَ شيئاً مِن ذلكَ أكَبَّهُ اللَّهُ في النّارِ11

5383. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Grandeur is the robe of Allah, and whoever wants to wrest with Allah in any of it, Allah will throw him onto his face into the Hellfire.'12

Notes

1. ص : 73 ، 74

2. Quran 38 :73,74

3. الأعراف : 13

4. Quran 7 :13

5. نهج البلاغة : الخطبة 192

6. Nahj al-Balagha, Saying 192

7. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 186 / 16

8. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 186, no. 16

9. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 229 / 5

10. Ibid. v. 78, p. 229, no. 5

11. بحار الأنوار : 73 / 215 / 5

12. Ibid. v. 73, p. 215, no. 5

1567 - تَفسيرُ الكِبرِ

1567. THE EXPLANATION OF ARROGANCE

5384. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : يا أبا ذَرٍّ ، مَن ماتَ وفي قَلبِهِ مِثقالُ ذَرَّةٍ مِن كِبرٍ لم يَجِدْ رائحَةَ الجَنَّةِ إلّا أن يَتوبَ قبلَ ذلكَ ، فقالَ : يا رسولَ اللَّهِ ، إني لَيُعجِبُني الجَمالُ حتّى‏ وَدِدتُ أنَّ عِلاقَةَ سَوطي وقِبالَ نَعلي حَسَنٌ ، فَهل يُرهَبُ على‏ ذلكَ ؟ قالَ : كيفَ تَجِدُ قَلبَكَ ؟ قالَ : أجِدُهُ عارِفاً للحَقِّ مُطمَئنّاً إلَيهِ ، قالَ : ليسَ ذلكَ بالكِبرِ ، ولكنَّ الكِبرَ أن تَترُكَ الحَقَّ وتَتَجاوَزَهُ إلى‏ غيرِهِ ، وتَنظُرَ إلَى النّاسِ ولا تَرى‏ أنَّ أحَداً عِرضُهُ كَعِرضِكَ ولا دَمُهُ كَدَمِكَ1

5384. The Prophet (AS) said, 'O Abu Dharr, whoever dies having an atom's weight of arrogance in his heart will never smell the scent of Heaven unless he repents beforehand.' Abu Dharr asked, 'O Messenger of Allah, I am fond of beauty so much so that I wished that the handle of my cane and the lace of my sandal be beautiful. So, should I be afraid of this?' He said, 'How do you see your heart?' Abu Dharr said, 'I see it knowing the truth, and certain of it.' He (SAWA) said, 'That is not arrogance. Rather, arrogance is that you leave the truth and exceed beyond it. You look at people and you do not see their honour as being like your honour or their blood like yours.'2

5385. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : طَلَبتُ الخُضوعَ فما وَجَدْتُ إلّا بقبولِ الحقِّ ، اقبَلُوا الحَقَّ ، فإنَّ قبولَ الحقِّ يُبَعِّدُ مِن الكِبرِ3

5385. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'I sought after humility and did not find it other than through accepting the truth. Accept the truth, for accepting the truth distances one from arrogance.'4

5386. الكافي عن عبد الأعلى بن أعين : قال أبو عبداللَّه : قالَ رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : إنَّ أعظَمَ الكِبرِ غَمصُ الخَلقِ وسَفَهُ الحَقِّ ، قلتُ : وما غَمْصُ الخَلقِ وسَفَهُ الحَقِّ ؟ قالَ : يَجهَلُ الحَقَّ ويَطعَنُ على‏ أهلِهِ ، فَمَن فَعَلَ ذلكَ فقد نازَعَ اللَّهَ عَزَّوجلَّ رِداءَهُ5

5386. al-Kafi: 'Imam al-Sadiq (AS) narrated, 'The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'The worst of arrogance is degrading people and depreciating the truth.' At this, Abd al-Ala Ibn Ayun asked, 'And what is despising people and depreciating the truth?' He said, 'It is when one is ignorant of the truth and slanders its people, and whoever does this has wrested Allah of His robe.'6

5387. الكافي عن حفص بن غياث عن الإمام الصادق عليه السلام : مَن ذَهَبَ يَرى‏ أنَّ لَهُ علَى الآخَرِ فَضلاً فهُو مِن المُستَكبِرِينَ، فقلتُ لَهُ : إنّما يَرى‏ أنَّ لَهُ علَيهِ فَضلاً بالعافيَةِ إذا رَآهُ مُرتَكِباً لِلمَعاصِي ؟ فقالَ : هَيهاتَ هَيهاتَ ! فَلَعَلَّهُ أن يكونَ قد غُفِرَ لَهُ ما أتى‏ وأنتَ مَوقوفٌ مُحاسَبٌ ، أما تَلَوتَ قِصَّةَ سَحَرَةِ موسى‏ عليه السلام7

5387. al-Kafi: 'Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'Whoever thinks that he is superior to someone else is himself of the arrogant.' Abu Hafs Ibn Ghiyath said, 'I asked him: [What if] one sees that they are superior in their being good when they see others committing sins?' The Imam said, 'Far from it, far from it! For maybe he has been forgiven for what he has done and whilst you will be stopped and held accountable. Have you not read the story of the magicians of [the time of] Moses (AS) in the Qur'an?'8

Notes

1. بحار الأنوار : 77 / 74 ، 90 / 3

2. Ibid. v. 77, p. 90, no. 3

3. بحار الأنوار : 69 / 399 / 91

4. Ibid. v. 69, p. 399, no. 91

5. الكافي : 2 / 310 / 9

6. al-Kafi, v. 2, p. 310, no. 9

7. الكافي : 8 / 128 / 98

8. Ibid. v. 8, p. 128, no. 98

1568 - ذَمُّ المُتَكَبِّرِ

1568. REPREHENSIBILITY OF AN ARROGANT PERSON

5388. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : أمقَتُ النّاسِ المُتَكبِّرُ1

5388. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'The most hateful of people are the arrogant.'2

5389. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : إنَّ أبعَدَكُم يَومَ القِيامَةِ مِنّي الثَّرثارُونَ ، وهُمُ المُستَكبِرُونَ3

5389. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'The most distanced of you from me on the Day of Judgment will be the braggers, who are the arrogant.'4

5390. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : عَجِبتُ لابنِ آدمَ ؛ أوَّلُهُ نُطفَةٌ وآخِرُهُ جِيفَةٌ ، وهو قائمٌ بينَهُما وِعاءٌ للغائطِ، ثُمّ يَتَكبَّرُ !5

5390. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'How man surprises me! His origin is a sperm and his end is a carcass, and between these two he is a vessel for excrement, and he is still arrogant!'6

5391. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : ما تَكَبَّرَ إلّا وَضيعٌ7

5391. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Only he who is vile is arrogant.'8

5392. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : ما مِن رَجُلٍ تَكَبَّرَ أو تَجَبَّرَ إلا لِذِلَّةٍ وَجَدَها في نفسِهِ9

5392. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'A person is arrogant or tyrannical only as a result of a [source of] disgrace he has in himself.'10

Notes

1. بحار الأنوار : 73 / 231 / 23

2. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 73, p. 331, no. 23

3. بحار الأنوار : 73 / 232 / 25

4. Ibid. v. 73, p. 232, no. 25

5. بحار الأنوار : 73 / 234 / 33

6. Ibid. v. 73, p. 234, no. 33

7. غرر الحكم : 9467

8. Ghurar al-Hikam, no. 9467

9. الكافي : 2 / 312 / 17

10. al-Kafi, v. 2, p. 312, no. 17

1569 - عِلاجُ الكِبرِ

1569. CURING ARROGANCE

5393. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : إنّهُ لَيُعجِبُني أن يَحمِلَ الرَّجُلُ الشَّي‏ءَ في يَدِهِ يكونُ مُهنِئاً1 لأهلِهِ يَدفَعُ بهِ الكِبرَ عَن نفسِهِ2

5393. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'I admire a man who brings something with his hands to please his family, with which repels arrogance from himself.'3

5394. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : مَن حَلَبَ شاتَهُ ورَقَعَ قَميصَهُ وخَصَفَ نَعلَهُ وواكَلَ خادِمَهُ وحَمَلَ مِن سُوقِهِ ، فَقَد بَرِئَ مِن الكِبرِ4

5394. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'Whoever milks his sheep, patches his own clothes, mends his own sandals, trusts his servants, and carries his own goods from the market is free from arrogance.'5

5395. أبو إمامة : إنّ النبيَّ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله خَرَجَ إلَى البَقيعِ فَتَبِعَهُ أصحابُهُ فَوَقَفَ وأمَرَهُم أن يَتَقَدَّموا ، ثُمّ مَشى‏ خَلفَهُم ، فَسُئلَ عن ذلكَ فقالَ : إنّي سَمِعتُ خَفقَ نِعالِكُم ، فَأشفَقتُ أن يَقَعَ في نفسِي شي‏ءٌ مِن الكِبرِ6 7

5395. Abu Umama said, 'The Prophet (SAWA) went to al-Baqi and some of his companions followed him. He stopped and ordered them to proceed and he then walked behind them. He was asked about this, and he said, 'I heard the beat of your sandals [behind me] and feared that some arrogance would fall into my self.'89

5396. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : لكنَّ اللَّهَ يَختَبِرُ عِبادَهُ بأنواعِ الشَّدائدِ ، ويَتَعبَّدُهُم بأنواعِ المَجاهِدِ ، ويَبتَليهِم بِضُروبِ المَكارِهِ ، إخراجاً للتَّكَبُّرِ مِن قُلوبِهِم ، وإسكاناً للتَّذَلُّلِ في نُفوسِهِم ، ولِيَجعَلَ ذلكَ أبواباً فُتُحاً إلى‏ فَضلِهِ10

5396. Imam Ali (AS) said, '...But Allah tests His worshippers with many different hardships, He makes them engage in different struggles, and He makes them undergo different kinds of misfortunes. All this in order to extract arrogance from their hearts, to establish humbleness in their selves, and to make them open the doors to His Grace.'11

5397. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : فَرَضَ اللَّهُ الإيمانَ تَطهيراً مِن الشِّركِ ، والصلاةَ تَنزيهاً عنِ الكِبرِ12

5397. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Allah obligated faith as purification from polytheism, and prayer as a deterrent from arrogance.'13

5398. الإمامُ الحسنُ عليه السلام : لا يَنبغي لِمَن عَرَفَ عَظَمَةَ اللَّهِ أن يَتَعاظَمَ ، فإنّ رِفعَةَ الذينَ يَعلَمونَ عَظَمَةَ اللَّهِ أن يَتَواضَعُوا ، و (عِزَّ) الذينَ يَعرِفُونَ ما جَلالُ اللَّهِ أن يَتَذَلَّلُوا (لَهُ)14

5398. Imam Hasan (AS) said, 'It is not appropriate for he who knows the magnitude of Allah to be haughty, for the glory of those who know the magnitude of Allah is that they become humble, and the honour of those who know the Majesty of Allah is that they humiliate themselves to Him.'15

Notes

1. في بعض النسخ : مَهنأة (كما في هامش المصدر )

2. تنبيه الخواطر : 1 / 201

3. Tanbih al-Khawatir, v. 1, p. 201

4. كنز العمّال : 7793

5. Kanz al-Ummal, no. 7793

6. كنز العمّال : 8878

7. الاُمور المذكورة في الأحاديث ليست قانوناً كلّيّاً تكشف عن عدم وجود الكبر ، بل تختلف باختلاف الأشخاص والأعصار والموارد، فقد قيل : «إنّ من النّاس ناساً يلبسون الصوف إرادة التواضع وقلوبهم مملوءة عُجباً وكِبراً» فليُتأمّل

8. Ibid. no. 8878

9. The issue mentioned in these traditions is not a general law indicating lack of arrogance .In fact it differs because of differences that people may have or time and circumstances .Some may dress rough woolen cloth to pretend humbleness while their hearts are full of arrogance

10. نهج البلاغة : الخطبة 192

11. Nahj al-Balagha, Sermon 192

12. نهج البلاغة : الحكمة 252

13. Ibid. Saying 252

14. بحار الأنوار : 78 / 104 / 3

15. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 78, p. 104, no. 3

1570 - ثَمَرَةُ الكِبرِ

1570. THE OUTCOME OF ARROGANCE

5399. رسولُ اللَّهِ صلى اللَّه عليه وآله : مَن يَستَكبِرْ يَضَعْهُ اللَّهُ1

5399. The Prophet (SAWA) said, 'Whoever is arrogant, Allah degrades him.'2

5400. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : الحِرصُ والكِبرُ والحَسَدُ دَواعٍ إلَى التَّقحُّمِ في الذُّنوبِ3

5400. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Greed, arrogance, and jealousy are all motives for falling into sins.'4

5401. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : لَيسَ لِمُتَكبِّرٍ صَديقٌ5

5401. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'An arrogant person has no friend.'6

5402. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : لا يَتَعَلَّمُ مَن يَتَكَبَّرُ7

5402. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'He who behaves arrogantly will never learn.'8

5403. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : مَن تَكَبَّرَ علَى النّاسِ ذَلَّ9

5403. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'He who behaves arrogantly with people will be degraded.'10

5404. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : لا يَطمَعَنَّ ذو الكِبرِ في الثَّناءِ الحَسَنِ11

5404. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'An arrogant person should not avidly expect good praises.'12

5405. الإمامُ الكاظمُ عليه السلام : إنّ الزَّرعَ يَنبُتُ في السَّهلِ ولا يَنبُتُ في الصَّفا ، فكذلكَ الحِكمَةُ تَعمُرُ في قَلبِ المُتَواضِعِ ولا تَعمُرُ في قَلبِ المُتَكبِّرِ الجَبّارِ ؛ لِأنَّ اللَّهَ جَعَلَ التَّواضُعَ آلةَ العَقلِ ، وجَعَلَ التَّكبُّرَ مِن آلةِ الجَهلِ ، ألَم تَعلَمْ أنّ مَن شَمَخَ إلَى السَّقفِ برأسِهِ شَجَّهُ ، ومَن خَفَضَ رأسَهُ استَظَلَّ تَحتَهُ وأكَنَّهُ ؟! وكذلكَ مَن لم يَتَواضَعْ للَّهِ‏ِ خَفَضَهُ اللَّهُ ، ومَن تَواضَعَ للَّهِ‏ِ رَفَعَهُ13

5405. Imam al-Kazim (AS) said, 'A plant grows in a plain-levelled land and does not grow in a hard rocky place. The same goes for wisdom, as it grows in the humble heart and does not grow in the arrogant haughty heart; for Allah has made humbleness the tool for the intellect, and made arrogance the tool for ignorance. Do you not know that he who turns his head up towards the ceiling will break it, and he who lowers his head will be shaded and sheltered underneath it?! Thus, Allah will abase one who is not humble before Him, and Allah will elevate whoever is humble for Him.'14

Notes

1. الأمالي للصدوق : 577 / 788

2. Amali al-Saduq, p. 395, no. 1

3. نهج البلاغة : الحكمة 371

4. Nahj al-Balagha, Saying 371

5. غرر الحكم : 7464

6. Ghurar al-Hikam, no. 7464

7. غرر الحكم : 10586

8. Ibid. no. 10586

9. بحار الأنوار : 77 / 235 / 3

10. Bihar al-Anwar, v. 77, p. 235, no. 3

11. الخصال : 434 / 20

12. al-Khisal, p. 434, no. 20

13. تحف العقول : 396

14. Tuhaf al-Uqul, p. 396

1571 - مَثوَى المُتَكَبِّرينَ‏

1571. THE ABODE OF THE ARROGANT

( فَادْخُلُوا أَبْوَابَ جَهَنَّمَ خالِدِينَ فِيها فَلَبِئْسَ مَثْوَى الْمُتَكَبِّرِينَ)1

“Enter the gates of hell to remain in it [forever]. Evil is the [final] abode of the arrogant.” 2

5406. الإمامُ الصّادقُ عليه السلام : إنّ في جَهنَّمَ لَوادِياً لِلمُتَكبِّرِينَ يقالُ لَهُ سَقَرُ ، شَكا إلَى اللَّهِ عَزَّوجلَّ شِدَّةَ حَرِّهِ وسَألَهُ أن يَأذَنَ لَهُ أن يَتَنَفَّسَ ، فَتَنَفَّسَ فَأحرَقَ جَهَنَّمَ3

5406. Imam al-Sadiq (AS) said, 'In Hell there is a valley by the name of Saqar reserved for the arrogant, and it complained to Allah about the extremity of its heat and asked Him to be permitted to breathe. So it breathed and ignited Hell.'4

Notes

1. النحل : 29

2. Quran 16 :29

3. الكافي : 2 / 310 / 10

4. al-Kafi, v. 2, p. 310, no. 10

339 - الكتاب‏

339. WRITING

1572 - الكِتابُ‏

1572. Writing

( ن وَالْقَلَمِ وَما يَسْطُرُونَ)1

“By the Pen and what they write.” 2

5407. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : الكُتُبُ بَساتِينُ العُلَماءِ3

5407. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Books are the gardens of scholars.'4

5408. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : نِعمَ المُحَدِّثُ الكتابُ5

5408. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'A book is the best of conversers.'6

5409. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : مَن تَسَلّى‏ بالكُتبِ لم تفُتْهُ سَلوَةٌ7

5409. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Whoever seeks harmony with books will not miss any tranquillity.'8

Notes

1. القلم : 1

2. Quran 68 :1

3. غرر الحكم : 991

4. Ghurar al-Hikam, no 991

5. غرر الحكم : 9948

6. Ibid. no. 9948

7. غرر الحكم : 8126

8. Ibid. no 8126

1573 - الكِتابَةُ وَشخصِيَّةُ الكاتِبِ‏

1573. Writing and the Personality OF THE WRITER

5410. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : رَسولُكَ تَرجُمانُ عَقلِكَ ، وكِتابُكَ أبلَغُ ما يَنطِقُ عَنكَ1

5410. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'Your messenger is the interpreter of your intellect, and your letter is their most eloquent at expressing your true self.'2

5411. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : كِتابُ الرَّجُلِ عُنوانُ عَقلِهِ وبُرهانُ فَضلِهِ3

5411. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'A man's book is the title of his intellect and the proof of his virtue.'4

5412. الإمامُ عليٌّ عليه السلام : عُقولُ الفُضَلاءِ في أطرافِ أقلامِها5

5412. Imam Ali (AS) said, 'The intellects of the meritorious are around their pens.'6

Notes

1. نهج البلاغة : الحكمة 301

2. Nahj al-Balagha, Saying 301

3. غرر الحكم : 7260

4. Ghurar al-Hikam, no. 7260

5. غرر الحكم : 6339

6. Ibid. no. 6339

III- HISTORY OF THE TEXT

Muhammad b. `Alî Raqqâm informs us, in his preface to theHadîqa , that while Sanâ'î was yet engaged in its composition, some portions were abstracted and divulged by certain ill-disposed persons. Further, `Abdu'l-Latîf in his preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , states that the disciples of Sanâ'î made many different arrangements of the text, each one arranging the matter for himself and making his own copy; and that thus there came into existence many and various arrangements, and two copies agreeing together could not be found.

The confusion into which the text thus fell is illustrated to some extent by the MSS. which I have examined for the purpose of this edition. C shows many omissions as compared with later MSS.; at the same time there is a lengthy passage, 38 verses, which is not found in any other; H, though also defective, is fuller than C but evidently belongs to the same family. M contains almost all the matter comprised in `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension, much of it twice over as has already been mentioned; and in addition about 300 verses, or altogether 10 folia, which apparently do not of right belong to this first chapter at all; the first chapter, too, is here divided into two chapters. The remaining MSS. and lithographs agree closely with each other and are evidently all nearly related.

The same story, of an early confusion of the text, is even more strikingly brought out if, instead of the omissions and varying extent of the text in the several MSS., we compare the order of the text. Here M startles us by giving us an order totally at variance with that of any other of our sources. There seems to be no reason for this: the arrangement of the subject is not, certainly, more logical; and it would appear that the confusion has simply been due to carelessness at some early stage of the history of the text; the repetitions, and the inclusions of later parts of the work, point to the same explanation. I need only mention the consequent labour and expenditure of time on the collation of this manuscript. C and H agree mostly between themselves in the order of the text, and broadly speaking the general order is the same as that of the later MSS.; the divergences would no doubt have appeared considerable, but that they are entirely overshadowed by the confusion exhibited by M. IALB agree closely with each other, as before.

The same confusion is again seen in the titles of the various sections as given in the several MSS. I am inclined to doubt how far any of the titles are to be considered as original; and it seems to me very possible that all are later additions, and that the original poem was written as one continuous whole, not divided up into short sections as we have it now. At any rate, the titles vary very much in the different MSS.; some, I should say, were obviously marginal glosses transferred to serve as headings; in other cases the title has reference only to the first few lines of the section, and is quite inapplicable to the subject-matter of the bulk of the section; in other cases again it is difficult to see any applicability whatever. It appears to have been the habit of the copyists to leave spaces for the titles, which were filled in later; in some cases this has never been done in others, through some omission in the series, each one of a number of sections will be denoted by a title which corresponds to that of the text following section in other MSS.

It is then obvious that `Abdu'l-Latîf is right in saying that in the centuries following Sanâ'î's death great confusion existed in the text of theHadîqa . This text he claims to have purified and restored, as well as explained by means of his commentary; and it is his recension which is given in A, as well as in the Indian lithographs Land B. He says that he heard that the Nawâb Mirzâ Muhammad `Azîz Kaukiltâsh, styled the Great Khân, had, while governor of Gujrât in the year 1000 A.H., sent to the town of Ghaznîn a large sum of money in order to obtain from the tomb of Sanâ'î a correct copy of theHadîqa , written in an ancient hand; this copy the Nawâb, on his departure on the pilgrimage, had bestowed on the Amîr `Abdu'r-Razzâq Ma`mûri, styled Muz affar Khan, at that time viceroy of that country. `Abdu'l-Latîf, however, being then occupied in journeys in various parts of India, could not for some time present himself before the Amîr; till in A.H. 1035 this chief came to Agra, where `Abdu'l-Latîf presented himself before him and obtained the desire of so many years. This MS. of theHadîqa had been written only 80 years after the original composition, but the text did not satisfy the editor, and it was besides deficient, both in verses here and there, and also as regards twenty leaves in the middle of the work.

In the year A.H. 1037 `Abdu'l-Latîf came to Lahore, where having some freedom from the counterfeit affairs of the world and the deceitful cares of this life, he entered again on the task of editing the text, with the help of numerous copies supplied to him by learned and critical friends; He adopted the order of the ancient MS. before-mentioned, and added thereto such other verses as he found in the later MSS. which appeared to be of common origin, and to harmonize in style and dignity and doctrine, with the text. As to what `Abdu'l-Latîf attempted in his commentary, v. p. xxiipost .

So far `Abdu'l-Latîf's own account of his work. We can, however, supplement this by a number of conclusions derived from the MSS. themselves.

In the first place, it appears that A is not, as stated in the India Office Catalogue, `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph copy. The statement that it is so is apparently based on the fact of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu wa sawwadahu `Abdu'l-Latîf. b. 'Abdu'llâhi'l-`Abbâsî ," at the end of the editor's few words of introduction to Sanâ'î's preface and again of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . ki shârih wa niusahhih-i în kitâb-i maimunat ni sâb ast ," at the end of the few lines of introduction immediately preceding the text. But both these sentences are found in the Lucknow lithograph, and therefore must have been copied in all the intermediate MSS. from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph downwards the words in each case refer only to the paragraph to which they are appended, and were added solely to distinguish these from Sanâ'î's own writings.

1 cannot find any other facts in favour of the statement that A is the editor's autograph; there are, however, many against it. Thus A is beautifully written, and is evidently the work of a skilled professional scribe, not of a man of affairs and a traveller, which `Abdu'l-Latîf represents himself as having been. Again, there are occasional explanatory glosses to the commentary, in the original hand; these would have been unnecessary had the scribe been himself the author of the commentary. The handwriting is quite modern in character and the pointing is according to modern standards throughout; the late date of A is immediately brought out clearly by comparing it with I (of date 1027 A.H.) or M (of date 1076 A.H.); though the supposed date of A is 1044 A.H. it is obviously much later than either of the others. But perhaps the most curious bit of evidence is the following; at the top of fol. 11b of the text of A there is an erasure, in which is written ### in place of an original reading ###, and as it happens this line is one which has been commented on by the editor; in the margin is a note in a recent hand,--###, which is true,--the commentary certainly presumes a reading ###, but this MS. had originally ###; the scribe could not therefore have been the commentator himself, i.e., `Abdu'l-Latîf

Further, not only is A not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, but it does not accurately reproduce that autograph. I refer to 34 short passages of Sanâ'î's text, which in A are found as additions in the margin; these, though obviously written in the same hand, I regard as subsequent additions from another source by the same scribe, not as careless omissions filled in afterwards on comparing the copy with the original. In the first place, the scribe was on the whole a careful writer; and the mistakes he has made in transcribing the commentary, apart from the text, are few. The omissions of words or passages of commentary, which have been filled in afterwards, are altogether 10; of these, two are of single words only; two are on the first page, when perhaps the copyist had not thoroughly settled down to his work; five are short passages, no doubt due to carelessness; and one is a longer passage, the whole of a comment on a certain verse,--an example of carelessness certainly, but explicable by supposing that the scribe had overlooked the reference number in the text indicating that the comment was to be introduced in relation to that particular verse. Roughly speaking, the commentary is of about equal bulk with the text; yet the omissions of portions of commentary by the copyist are thus many fewer in number and much less in their united extent than the omissions of the text,--supposing, that is, that the marginal additions to the text in A are merely the consequence of careless copying. The reverse would be expected, since owing to the manner of writing, it is easier to catch up the place where one has got to in a verse composition; it would seem therefore. as said above, that the comparatively numerous marginal additions to the text are rather additions introduced afterwards from another source than merely careless omissions in copying. In the second place, none of these 34 passages are annotated by `Abdu'l-Latîf; in all likelihood, if they had formed part of his text, some one or more of the lines would have received a comment. The passages comprise, together, 63 verses; there is only one instance in the First chapter of theHadîqa of a longer consecutive passage without annotation, and in general it is rare (eleven instances only) to find more than 30 consecutive verses without annotation; usually the editor's comments occur to the number of two, three or more on each page of 15 lines. I think, therefore. it must be admitted that the chances would be much against a number of casual omissions aggregating 63 lines falling out so as not to include a single comment of the editor. Thirdly, it is a remarkable fact that of these 34 passages the great majority are also omitted in both C and H, while they are present in both M and 1; to particularize, C omits 30 ½, H omits 28, both C and H omit 25 ½, and either C or H or both omit every one of these 34 passages; while I and M each have all the 34 with one exception in each case; further, while many of these 34 marginally added passages in A correspond exactly to omissions in H, the corresponding omissions in C may be more extensive, i.e., may include more, in each case, of the neighbouring text.

We must therefore, I think, conclude that after completing the transcription of A the scribe obtained a copy of theHadîqa of the type of I or M, and filled in certain additions therefrom; and that '`Abdu'l-Latîf's edition did not originally contain these passages.

Let us turn to a consideration of I and its relation to `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition. I is dated A.H. 1027; it is, therefore, earlier than `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition of A.H. 1044. As we have seen, A is not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph; but we have, I think, no reason to doubt that it was either copied from that autograph, or at any rate stands in the direct line of descent; so much seems to be attested by the occurrence of the words --"harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . . . " and by the inscription at the end as to the completion of the book in A.H. 1044, the actual date of the completion of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. Regarding, then, A as presenting us (with the exception of the marginally added passages) with a practically faithful copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's own text, we notice a striking correspondence between this text and that of I. As to the general agreement of the readings of the two texts, a glance at the list of variants will be sufficient; and it is not impossible to find whole pages without a single difference of any importance. The titles also, which as a rule vary even so much in the different MSS., correspond closely throughout. The order of the sections is the same throughout; and the order of the lines within each section, which, ' is also very variable in the various M88., corresponds in I and A with startling closeness. The actual spellings of individual words also, which vary even in the same MS., are frequently the same in I and A; for example, at the bottom of p. ### of the present text the word ### or ### occurs three times within a few lines. The word may also be written ###, ###; thus while C and M have ###, H has first ### and then twice ###; I however has first ### and then twice ###; and this is exactly repeated in A. Another example occurs a few lines afterwards (p. ###, l. ###); the reading is ###,mâr-i shikanj ,mâr being followed by the izâdfat; this I writes as ###; in A an erasure occurs between ### and ###, doubtless due to the removal of a ### originally written there as in I.

The above will serve to show the close relation between I and A, or between I and `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, of which A is a copy or descendant. But, however close this relationship, `Abdu'l-Latîf cannot actually have used I in the preparation of his revision of the text, or he would certainly have incorporated many of the 34 passages before alluded to, which were all, with one exception, contained in 1. These, we have seen, were only added by the scribe of A, and by him only subsequently, from another source, after he had completed his transcription from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph.

The facts, then, are these. There was in existence, before `Abdu'l-Latîf's time, a tradition, probably Persian, of the order of the text, which he adopted even in detail. This is represented for us by I, written A.H. 1027 at Is fahân; but I itself is somewhat fuller than the copy of which `Abdu'l-Latîf if made such great use. This copy may be called P. Such use, indeed, did `Abdu'l-Latîf make of P, that, so far as can be seen, it is only necessary that he should have had P before him, with one or two other copies from which he derived a certain number of variant readings, which he substituted here and there in his own edition for those of P.

We have now brought down the history of the text to A.H. 1044. Not much remains to be said; A, as we have seen, is quite possibly a direct copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, with, however, marginal additions from another source. This other source might be at once assumed to be 1, but for the fact that only 33 out of the 34 marginally added passages occur in I; and it still seems to me at least possible that I was thus used. 1, though written at Is fahân, was probably by this time in India, where A, the so-called "Tippu MS.," was certainly written; at least, that I did come to India may be assumed from its presence in the India Office Library. Again, though it is, I think, impossible that the whole of the 34 passages added marginally in A should have been careless omissions of the copyist, one or two might possibly be so, and it is possible that the single line now under discussion may be such an omission, filled in from the scribe's original, not from another source. Finally it is, of course, always possible that the additions were taken from two sources, not one only; i.e., that while perhaps even 33 were filled in after comparison with I, the single remaining line may have been derived from elsewhere. Though absent in C, it is present in both H and M.

As to the lithographs, both are obviously descendants of A. The above conclusions may be summarized in the followingstemma codicum .

The present text is founded on that of the Lucknow lithograph L, with which have been collated the other texts mentioned above. L is practically a verbatim copy of A, the value of which has been discussed above. Though MSS. of theHadîqa are not rare, at least in European libraries, I have not met with any in India; and a considerable portion of the first draft of the translation and notes was done on the basis of L and B alone. TheHadîqa is not in any case an easy book, with the exception, perhaps, of a number of the anecdotes which are scattered through it; and it was rendered far more difficult by the fact, which I did not recognize for some time, that a very great amount of confusion exists even in the text as it is published to-day, in the lithographs descended from `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension. There appeared to be frequently no logical connection whatever between successive verses; whole pages appeared to consist of detached sayings, the very meaning of which was frequently obscure; a subject would be taken up only to be dropped immediately.

I ultimately became convinced that the whole work had fallen into confusion, and that the only way of producing any result of value would be to rearrange it. This I had done, tentatively, for part of the work, before collating the British Museum and India office MSS. cited above.

When I came to examine the MSS., the wide variations, not only in the general order of the sections to which allusion has already been made, but in the order of the verses within each section, showed me that probably no MS. at the present day, or at any rate none of those examined by me, retains the original order of the author: and I felt justified in proceeding as I had begun, altering the order of the lines, and even of the sections, if by so doing a. meaning or a logical connection could be brought out. I need not say that the present edition has no claims to represent Sanâ'î's original; probably it does not represent it even approximately. In some cases there is, I think, no doubt that I have been able to restore the original order of the lines, and so to make sense where before it was wanting; in other cases this is possible, but I feel less confident; while in still others the reconstruction, preferable though I believe it to be to the order as found in any single MS., is nevertheless almost certainly a, makeshift, and far from the original order. Lastly it will be seen that I have quite failed, in a number of instances, to find the context of short passages or single lines; it seemed impossible to allow them to stand in the places they occupied in any of the MSS., and I have, therefore, simply collected them together, or in the ease of single lines given them in the notes.

IV- THE COMMENTATORS

Khwâja `Abdu'l-Latîf b. `Abdullâh al-`Abbâsî, already so frequently mentioned, explains to us in his Preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , what he has attempted in his commentary on theHadîqa . He states that he was writing in A.H. 1038, in the second year of the reign of the Emperor Shahjahân, that he had already completed his work on Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, and that he had in A.H. 1037 settled down to work on theHadîqa . 'What he professes to have done for the text of that work has been mentioned in the last section; the objects he has aimed at in the way of commentary and explanation are the following:-- Firstly, he has followed up the references to passages in the Qur'ân, has given these passages with their translations, and a statement of the sûra in which they are to be found. Secondly, the traditions referred to are also quoted. Thirdly, obscure passages have been annotated, and strange or curious Arabic and Persian words have been explained, after an investigation into their meanings in trustworthy books. Fourthly, certain signs have been used in transcribing the text, in order to fix the signification of various letters; thus theyâ'i kitâbî is denoted by ### subscript, theyâ'i majhûl similarly by ###, theyâ'i ma'rûf by ###, the Persian # (#) by #, the Arabic # by #, and so on. Again the vocalization has been attended to in words which are often mispronounced; thus ignorant people often substitutefatha forkasra in such words as`khizâna' , of which theQâmûs says "Khizâna is never pronounced withfatha "; 'Shamâl ', meaning the North wind, should be pronounced withfatha , notkasra , as is often done. Theizâfat ,jazm , and other orthographical signs have often been written in the text; and finally a glossary of the less known words has been added in the margin. Since it is inconvenient to have text and commentary separate, "in this copy the whole stability of the text has been dissolved, and the text bears the commentary along with it (###), i.e., text and commentary are intermingled, the commentary not being written in the margin, but each annotation immediately after the word or line to which it applies. These researches the author has also written out separately, and called them "La tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq min Nafâ'isi'l-Daqâ'iq ." The date is again given as A.H. 1038.

It appears then that the original form of the commentary was not that of marginal notes, as it is presented in A and L; that it was completed in 1038 A.H., and, in its separate form, was called theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . That this is the name of the commentary we know and possess, seems to have been the opinion of the scholar who prepared the Lucknow lithograph, which is entitled "Sanâ'î'sHadîqa , with the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ."

Besides the preface just considered, there is also another, found in both A and L, called theRâsta-i Khiyâbân , written especially, it would seem, as an introduction to the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . After dwelling on the unworthiness of the writer, `Abdu'l-Latîf states that the interpretations given by him are not mere expressions of private opinion, but are derived from the best Arabic and Persian books; the emendations of the text are all derived from authentic MSS., and are in accordance with the judgment of discerning men; everything has been weighed and discussed by the learned. He does not, however, say that these explanations are the only ones, nor that he has commented on every line that to some people would seem to require it. Though his work may seem poor now while he is alive, it may grow in the esteem of men after his death. The work has been done in the intervals of worldly business, while occupied with affairs of government. There follows a lengthy eulogy of his friend Mîr `Imâdu'd-Dîn Mahmûd al-Hamadâni, called Ilâhî, twotârîkhs by whom close this preface. The firsttârîkh says that the work having been begun in the year 1040. all the correction and revision was completed in 1042 (###); the second simply gives the date 1040.

These dates evidently cannot refer to the edition and commentary as first written; since we have seen that the text and theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq are referred to by `Abdu'l-Latîf in 1038 as having been completed. It would seem that the editor had either been at work on another, revised and improved edition; or, as is assumed in the India Office Catalogue (No. 923), on an abridgment of his earlier work. Lastly, we have the date 1041 for the completed work of which A is a copy (see description of contents of A, in Section II, p. xi); and this seems to represent the final form of the work. in which the annotations are written in the margin, not, as at first, intermingled in the text.

In the India Office Catalogue the series of events is interpreted somewhat differently. The commentary as it appears in A (and L, the only form, apparently, in which we possess it) is stated to be an abridgement from a larger commentary, theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ; according to the preface (the Catalogue states) the larger work wa-. begun in 1040 and completed in 1042. It is with diffidence that I venture to question this presentation of the facts; but A, in the description of which the above statements occur, does not contain the preface calledMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , and therefore presents no indication that the text andLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq had already been completed in 1038. That the work done between 1040 and 1042 consisted in the preparation of the originalLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq is, from the statement of theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , impossible. We have seen, moreover, that the tradition in India is that the commentary as we have it, as it appears in A and L, is theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq itself., and not an abridgement. I do not gather from the India Office Catalogue or elsewhere that two-commentaries, a larger and a smaller, are actually in existence; there may be other evidences of their former existence of which I am ignorant, but so far merely as my own knowledge goes, I can see no reason for assuming two commentaries, and would look on the labours of 1040-1042 in the light of revision and rearrangement, a work which was perhaps only finally completed in 1044, the date given in A for the completion of the work. Besides his work on theHadîqa , `Abdu'l-Latîf had previously, as has been mentioned, published a revised and annotated edition of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, commentaries on the same poem, and a special glossary, the lithographed at Lucknow in A.D. 1877 under the titleFarhang-i Mathnawî . He died in 1048 or 1049 A.H. (A.D. 1638, 1639).

A general description of the volume containing the other commentary which I have used in the preparation of the notes appended to the present translation, has already been given. Of the authors, or author and scribe, Mirzâ `Alâu'd-Dîn Ahmad of Lûhârû, called `Alâ'î, and Maulavî Muhammad Ruknu'd-Dîn of Hiss ar, I know no more, than is to be gathered from their prefaces.

Their commentary is of slight value as compared with that of `Abdu'l-Latîf: that is to say, that part of it which is original. The commentary is considerably more bulky than `Abdu'l-Latîf's, perhaps between two and three times as extensive; but it includes, without one word of acknowledgment, the whole of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. This is, in the great majority of cases, reproduced verbatim; in some instances a paraphrase of `Abdu'l-Latîf's commentary has been attempted, and in certain of these it is plain that the authors did not understand the sense of what they paraphrased. Of their own work, a certain amount is superfluous, the sense of the text being immediately obvious; a certain amount is mere paraphrase of Sanâ'î's words: and another portion consists in an attempt to read mystical meanings into the original in passages which, as it seems, were never intended by the author to bear them. Notwithstanding these facts, I have, as will be seen, quoted freely in my notes from their commentary; for a certain portion of their work is helpful, and moreover, it seemed to me to be of interest to give in this way a specimen of present-day Indian thought and criticism in the field ofS ûfîistic philosophy. I cannot, however, leave the subject of Sanâ'î's commentators without expressing my sorrow that scholars should have existed who were not only capable of such wholesale theft, but even lauded themselves on the results of it; witness the extravagant praise of `Alâ'î in Ruknu'd-Dîn's preface; and again the words

Praise be to God! There has never been. such a commentator of theHadîqa , nor will be; or if there is. it will be an imitation or a theft from this king of commentators!" There is also no indication that the volume comprises only one out of ten chapters of theHadîqa ; it is everywhere implied that the. completeHadîqa is presented.

V-THE HADÎQATU'L-HAQÎQAT

TheHadîqatu'l-Haqîqat , or the "Enclosed Garden of the Truth", commonly called theHadîqa , is a poem of about 11,500 lines; each line consists of two hemistichs, each of ten or eleven syllables; the bulk, therefore, is equal to about 23,000 lines of English ten-syllabled verse. It is composed in the metre ### which may be represented thus:

The two hemistichs of each verse rhyme; and the effect may therefore roughly be compared to that of English rhymed couplets with the accent falling on the first (instead of the second) syllable of the line, and, occasionally, an additional short syllable introduced in the last foot.

The chapter,; of which theHadîqa consists treat, according to a few lines of verse at the end of the table of contents in the Lucknow edition, of the following subjects; the First, on the Praise of God, and especially on His Unity; the Second, in praise of Muhammad; the Third, on the Understanding; the Fourth, on Knowledge; the Fifth, on Love, the Lover, and the Beloved; the Sixth, on Heedlessness; the Seventh, on Friends and Enemies, the Eighth, on the Revolution of the Heavens; the Ninth, in praise of the Emperor Shâhjahân; the Tenth, on the characters or qualities of the whole work. This, however, is not the actual arrangement of the work as presented in the volume itself; the first five chapters are as already given, but the Sixth concerns the Universal Soul; the Seventh is on Heedlessness; the Eighth on the Stars; the Ninth on Friends and Enemies; the Tenth on many matters, including the praise of the Emperor. Prof. Browne (Lit. Hist. Persia, vol. ii., p. 318) gives still another order, apparently that of an edition lithographed at Bombay in A.H. 1275 (A.D. 1859).

Sanâ'î's fame has always rested on hisHadîqa ; it is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works; it is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio ofS ûfî teachers,--Sanâ'î, `Att âr, Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. It will be of interest to compare some of the estimates that have been formed of him and of the present work in particular.

In time he was the first of the three, and perhaps the most cordial acknowledgment of his merits conies from his successor Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. He says:--

I left off boiling while still half cooked;

 Hear the full account from the Sage of Ghazna."

And again--

"`Att âr was the Spirit, Sanâ'î the two eyes:

 We walk in the wake of Sanâ'î and `Att âr."

`Abdu'l-Latîf, in his preface called theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , enters into a somewhat lengthy comparison between Sanâ'î and Rûmî, in which he is hard put to it to avoid giving any preference to one or other. It is interesting to observe how he endeavours to keep the scales even. He begins by adverting to the greater length of theMathnawî as compared with theHadîqa , and compares theHadîqa to an abridgement, theMathnawî to a fully detailed account. Sanâ'î's work is the more compressed; he expresses in two or three verses what theMathnawî expresses in twenty or thirty, `Abdu'l-Latîf therefore, as it would seem reluctantly, and merely on the ground of his greater prolixity, gives the palm for eloquence to Jalâlu'd-Dîn.

There is the most perfect accord between Sanâ'î and Rûmî; tile substance of their works, indeed, is in part identical. Shall it therefore be said that Rûmî stole from Sanâ'î? He asks pardon from God for expressing the thought; with regard to beggars in the spiritual world, who own a stock-in-trade of trifles, bankrupts of the road of virtue and accomplishments, this might be suspected; but to accuse the treasurers of the stores of wisdom and knowledge, the able natures of the kingdom of truth and allegory, of. plagiarism and borrowing is the height of folly and unwisdom.

With regard to style, some suppose that the verse of theHadîqa is more elevated and dignified than the elegantly ordered language of theMathnawî . TheHadîqa does indeed contain poetry of which one verse is a knapsack of a hundreddîwâns ; nor, on account of its great height, can the hand of any intelligent being's ability reach the pinnacles of its rampart; and the saying--

"I have spoken a saying which is a whole work;
I have uttered a sentence which is a (complete) dîwân,"

is true of theHadîqa . But if the sense and style of the Maulavî be considered, there is no room for discrimination and distinction; and, since "Thou shalt not make a distinction between any of His prophets ," to distinguish between the positions of these two masters, who may unquestionably be called prophets of religion, has infidelity and error as its fruit. Who possesses the power of dividing and discriminating between milk and sugar intermingled in one vessel? `Abdu'l-Latîf sums up thus "in fine, thus much one may say, that in sobriety the Hakîm is pre-eminent, and in intoxication our lord the Maulavî is superior; and that sobriety is in truth the essence of intoxication, and this intoxication the essence of sobriety."

Prof. Browne, however, places theHadîqa on a far lower level than the Eastern authors quoted above. He says1 :--"The poem is written in a halting and unattractive metre, and is in my opinion one of the dullest books in Persian, seldom rising to the level of Martin Tupper'sProverbial Philosophy , filled with fatuous truisms and pointless anecdotes, and as far inferior to theMathnawî of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî as is Robert Montgomery'sSatan to Milton'sParadise Lost ."

It is of course true that to us, at least, the interest of theHadîqa is largely historical, as being one of the early Persian text-books of theS ûfî philosophy, and as having so largely influenced subsequent writers, especially, as we have seen, the Maulavî Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. Yet I cannot butt think that Prof. Browne's opinion, which is doubtless shared by other scholars, as well as the neglect to which theHadîqa has been exposed in the West, is due not to the demerits of the original text so much as to the repellent and confused state into which the text has fallen; and I would venture to hope that the present attempt at a restoration of the form and meaning of a portion of the work, imperfect in the highest degree as I cannot but acknowledge it to be, may still be of some slight service to its author's reputation among European Orientalists.

The first Chapter or Book of theHadîqa , which is here presented, comprises a little more than one-sixth of the entire work. The subjects of which it treats may be briefly resumed as follows:--

After an introductory section in praise of God the author speaks of the impotence of reason for the attaining a knowledge of God; of God's Unity, of God as First Cause and Creator and delivers more than one attack against anthropomorphic conceptions of God (pp. 1-10). After speaking of the first steps of the ascent towards God, for which worldly wisdom is not a bad thing, with work and serenity (pp. 10-11), he devotes the next portion of the book to God as Provider, to His care for man through life, the uselessness of earthly possessions, and to God as guide on the road, but self must first be abandoned (pp. 11-46). A fine section on God's incomprehensibility to man might perhaps come more fittingly at an earlier stage instead of here (pp. 16-18). After overcoming self, God's special favour is granted to the traveller on the path: but we see crookedly, and He alone knows what is best for us: He has ordered all things well, and what seems evil is so only in appearance (pp. 18-25).

The greater part of the book is really concerned with the life and experiences of theS ûfî, and especially with continually repeated injunctions as to abandonment of the world and of self; to be dead to this world is to live in the other. Pp. 25-30 are thus concerned with poverty in this world, with loss of the, self, humility, man's insignificance and God's omnipotence; pp. 30-34 with the necessity of continual remembrance of God, of never living apart from Him, and again of dying to the world; death to the world leads to high position with God. There follows (pp. 34-41) a series of passages on the duty of thanksgiving for God's mercies; His mercy however has its counterpart in His anger, and examples of His wrath are given; then returning again to the subject of His mercies, the author speaks of God's omniscience, and His knowledge of the wants of His servants; we must therefore trust in God for all the necessaries of life, they will be given as long as life is destined to last. Two later pages (48-50), which are similarly devoted to the subject of trust in God, should probably come here. Pp. 41-48 deal with theS ûfîs desire for God, and his zeal in pursuing the path; various directions for the road are given, especially as rewards the abandonment of the world and of self, and fixing the desires on God only; union with God is the. goal. The abandonment of self is again the theme of pp. 50-51.

A portion of the book (pp. 51-56) is, curiously, here devoted to the interpretation of dreams; after which the author treats of the incompatibility of the two worlds, again of the abandonment of earth and self, and of the attainment of the utmost degree of annihilation (pp. 56-58). There follows a passage on the treatment of schoolboys, a comparison with the learner on theS ûfî path, and an exhortation to strive in pursuing it (pp. 58-60). The next portion of the book (pp., 60-67) treats of charity and gifts as a form of renunciation, of relinquishing riches for God's sake; prosperity is injurious to the soul, and the world must be abandoned; possessions and friends are useless, and each must trust to himself; each will find his deserts hereafter, and receive the reward of what he has worked for here.

Pp. 67-80 treat of prayer, the preparation for which consists in purity of heart, humility, and dependence upon God. Prayer must come from the heart; the believer must be entirely absorbed in his devotions. Prayer must be humble; the believer must come in poverty and perplexity, and only so can receive God's kindness. A number of addresses to God follow, prayers for help, and humble supplications to God on the part of the author. A few pages (80-92) treat of God's kindness in drawing men towards himself, though His ways may appear harsh at first. The progress of the believer is described in a strain of hyperbole (pp. 82-83); and this portion closes with a few sections (pp. 83-86) on God's majesty and omnipotence somewhat after the manner of those in the earlier part of the book.

In pp. 86-97 the author speaks of the Qur'ân, and its excellence and sweetness. The letter however is not the essential: its true meaning is not to be discovered by reason alone. The Qur'ân is often dishonoured, especially by theologians, and by professional readers, who read it carelessly and without understanding it. A short section (pp. 97-98) on humility and self-effacement follows, and the book is brought to a close by a description of the godlessness of the world before the advent of Muhammad (pp. 98-100), which serves to introduce the subject of the Second Chapter.

Though it must he admitted that the author is occasionally obscure, sometimes dull, and not infrequently prosaic, some fine sections and a larger number of short passages of great beauty are contained in this chapter; I may perhaps be permitted especially to refer to the sections "In His Magnification," pp. 16-18. and "On Poverty and Perplexity," p. 74; while as characteristic and on the whole favourable passages may be mentioned "On His Omniscience, and His Knowledge of the Minds of Men," pp. 37-39; " On the Incompatibility of the Two Abodes," pp. 56-58; "On intimate Friendship and Attachment," pp. 62-63; and certain of the addresses to God contained in pp. 74-77.

Footnote

1 A Literary History of Persia, Vol. II., p. 319.

III- HISTORY OF THE TEXT

Muhammad b. `Alî Raqqâm informs us, in his preface to theHadîqa , that while Sanâ'î was yet engaged in its composition, some portions were abstracted and divulged by certain ill-disposed persons. Further, `Abdu'l-Latîf in his preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , states that the disciples of Sanâ'î made many different arrangements of the text, each one arranging the matter for himself and making his own copy; and that thus there came into existence many and various arrangements, and two copies agreeing together could not be found.

The confusion into which the text thus fell is illustrated to some extent by the MSS. which I have examined for the purpose of this edition. C shows many omissions as compared with later MSS.; at the same time there is a lengthy passage, 38 verses, which is not found in any other; H, though also defective, is fuller than C but evidently belongs to the same family. M contains almost all the matter comprised in `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension, much of it twice over as has already been mentioned; and in addition about 300 verses, or altogether 10 folia, which apparently do not of right belong to this first chapter at all; the first chapter, too, is here divided into two chapters. The remaining MSS. and lithographs agree closely with each other and are evidently all nearly related.

The same story, of an early confusion of the text, is even more strikingly brought out if, instead of the omissions and varying extent of the text in the several MSS., we compare the order of the text. Here M startles us by giving us an order totally at variance with that of any other of our sources. There seems to be no reason for this: the arrangement of the subject is not, certainly, more logical; and it would appear that the confusion has simply been due to carelessness at some early stage of the history of the text; the repetitions, and the inclusions of later parts of the work, point to the same explanation. I need only mention the consequent labour and expenditure of time on the collation of this manuscript. C and H agree mostly between themselves in the order of the text, and broadly speaking the general order is the same as that of the later MSS.; the divergences would no doubt have appeared considerable, but that they are entirely overshadowed by the confusion exhibited by M. IALB agree closely with each other, as before.

The same confusion is again seen in the titles of the various sections as given in the several MSS. I am inclined to doubt how far any of the titles are to be considered as original; and it seems to me very possible that all are later additions, and that the original poem was written as one continuous whole, not divided up into short sections as we have it now. At any rate, the titles vary very much in the different MSS.; some, I should say, were obviously marginal glosses transferred to serve as headings; in other cases the title has reference only to the first few lines of the section, and is quite inapplicable to the subject-matter of the bulk of the section; in other cases again it is difficult to see any applicability whatever. It appears to have been the habit of the copyists to leave spaces for the titles, which were filled in later; in some cases this has never been done in others, through some omission in the series, each one of a number of sections will be denoted by a title which corresponds to that of the text following section in other MSS.

It is then obvious that `Abdu'l-Latîf is right in saying that in the centuries following Sanâ'î's death great confusion existed in the text of theHadîqa . This text he claims to have purified and restored, as well as explained by means of his commentary; and it is his recension which is given in A, as well as in the Indian lithographs Land B. He says that he heard that the Nawâb Mirzâ Muhammad `Azîz Kaukiltâsh, styled the Great Khân, had, while governor of Gujrât in the year 1000 A.H., sent to the town of Ghaznîn a large sum of money in order to obtain from the tomb of Sanâ'î a correct copy of theHadîqa , written in an ancient hand; this copy the Nawâb, on his departure on the pilgrimage, had bestowed on the Amîr `Abdu'r-Razzâq Ma`mûri, styled Muz affar Khan, at that time viceroy of that country. `Abdu'l-Latîf, however, being then occupied in journeys in various parts of India, could not for some time present himself before the Amîr; till in A.H. 1035 this chief came to Agra, where `Abdu'l-Latîf presented himself before him and obtained the desire of so many years. This MS. of theHadîqa had been written only 80 years after the original composition, but the text did not satisfy the editor, and it was besides deficient, both in verses here and there, and also as regards twenty leaves in the middle of the work.

In the year A.H. 1037 `Abdu'l-Latîf came to Lahore, where having some freedom from the counterfeit affairs of the world and the deceitful cares of this life, he entered again on the task of editing the text, with the help of numerous copies supplied to him by learned and critical friends; He adopted the order of the ancient MS. before-mentioned, and added thereto such other verses as he found in the later MSS. which appeared to be of common origin, and to harmonize in style and dignity and doctrine, with the text. As to what `Abdu'l-Latîf attempted in his commentary, v. p. xxiipost .

So far `Abdu'l-Latîf's own account of his work. We can, however, supplement this by a number of conclusions derived from the MSS. themselves.

In the first place, it appears that A is not, as stated in the India Office Catalogue, `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph copy. The statement that it is so is apparently based on the fact of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu wa sawwadahu `Abdu'l-Latîf. b. 'Abdu'llâhi'l-`Abbâsî ," at the end of the editor's few words of introduction to Sanâ'î's preface and again of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . ki shârih wa niusahhih-i în kitâb-i maimunat ni sâb ast ," at the end of the few lines of introduction immediately preceding the text. But both these sentences are found in the Lucknow lithograph, and therefore must have been copied in all the intermediate MSS. from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph downwards the words in each case refer only to the paragraph to which they are appended, and were added solely to distinguish these from Sanâ'î's own writings.

1 cannot find any other facts in favour of the statement that A is the editor's autograph; there are, however, many against it. Thus A is beautifully written, and is evidently the work of a skilled professional scribe, not of a man of affairs and a traveller, which `Abdu'l-Latîf represents himself as having been. Again, there are occasional explanatory glosses to the commentary, in the original hand; these would have been unnecessary had the scribe been himself the author of the commentary. The handwriting is quite modern in character and the pointing is according to modern standards throughout; the late date of A is immediately brought out clearly by comparing it with I (of date 1027 A.H.) or M (of date 1076 A.H.); though the supposed date of A is 1044 A.H. it is obviously much later than either of the others. But perhaps the most curious bit of evidence is the following; at the top of fol. 11b of the text of A there is an erasure, in which is written ### in place of an original reading ###, and as it happens this line is one which has been commented on by the editor; in the margin is a note in a recent hand,--###, which is true,--the commentary certainly presumes a reading ###, but this MS. had originally ###; the scribe could not therefore have been the commentator himself, i.e., `Abdu'l-Latîf

Further, not only is A not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, but it does not accurately reproduce that autograph. I refer to 34 short passages of Sanâ'î's text, which in A are found as additions in the margin; these, though obviously written in the same hand, I regard as subsequent additions from another source by the same scribe, not as careless omissions filled in afterwards on comparing the copy with the original. In the first place, the scribe was on the whole a careful writer; and the mistakes he has made in transcribing the commentary, apart from the text, are few. The omissions of words or passages of commentary, which have been filled in afterwards, are altogether 10; of these, two are of single words only; two are on the first page, when perhaps the copyist had not thoroughly settled down to his work; five are short passages, no doubt due to carelessness; and one is a longer passage, the whole of a comment on a certain verse,--an example of carelessness certainly, but explicable by supposing that the scribe had overlooked the reference number in the text indicating that the comment was to be introduced in relation to that particular verse. Roughly speaking, the commentary is of about equal bulk with the text; yet the omissions of portions of commentary by the copyist are thus many fewer in number and much less in their united extent than the omissions of the text,--supposing, that is, that the marginal additions to the text in A are merely the consequence of careless copying. The reverse would be expected, since owing to the manner of writing, it is easier to catch up the place where one has got to in a verse composition; it would seem therefore. as said above, that the comparatively numerous marginal additions to the text are rather additions introduced afterwards from another source than merely careless omissions in copying. In the second place, none of these 34 passages are annotated by `Abdu'l-Latîf; in all likelihood, if they had formed part of his text, some one or more of the lines would have received a comment. The passages comprise, together, 63 verses; there is only one instance in the First chapter of theHadîqa of a longer consecutive passage without annotation, and in general it is rare (eleven instances only) to find more than 30 consecutive verses without annotation; usually the editor's comments occur to the number of two, three or more on each page of 15 lines. I think, therefore. it must be admitted that the chances would be much against a number of casual omissions aggregating 63 lines falling out so as not to include a single comment of the editor. Thirdly, it is a remarkable fact that of these 34 passages the great majority are also omitted in both C and H, while they are present in both M and 1; to particularize, C omits 30 ½, H omits 28, both C and H omit 25 ½, and either C or H or both omit every one of these 34 passages; while I and M each have all the 34 with one exception in each case; further, while many of these 34 marginally added passages in A correspond exactly to omissions in H, the corresponding omissions in C may be more extensive, i.e., may include more, in each case, of the neighbouring text.

We must therefore, I think, conclude that after completing the transcription of A the scribe obtained a copy of theHadîqa of the type of I or M, and filled in certain additions therefrom; and that '`Abdu'l-Latîf's edition did not originally contain these passages.

Let us turn to a consideration of I and its relation to `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition. I is dated A.H. 1027; it is, therefore, earlier than `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition of A.H. 1044. As we have seen, A is not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph; but we have, I think, no reason to doubt that it was either copied from that autograph, or at any rate stands in the direct line of descent; so much seems to be attested by the occurrence of the words --"harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . . . " and by the inscription at the end as to the completion of the book in A.H. 1044, the actual date of the completion of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. Regarding, then, A as presenting us (with the exception of the marginally added passages) with a practically faithful copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's own text, we notice a striking correspondence between this text and that of I. As to the general agreement of the readings of the two texts, a glance at the list of variants will be sufficient; and it is not impossible to find whole pages without a single difference of any importance. The titles also, which as a rule vary even so much in the different MSS., correspond closely throughout. The order of the sections is the same throughout; and the order of the lines within each section, which, ' is also very variable in the various M88., corresponds in I and A with startling closeness. The actual spellings of individual words also, which vary even in the same MS., are frequently the same in I and A; for example, at the bottom of p. ### of the present text the word ### or ### occurs three times within a few lines. The word may also be written ###, ###; thus while C and M have ###, H has first ### and then twice ###; I however has first ### and then twice ###; and this is exactly repeated in A. Another example occurs a few lines afterwards (p. ###, l. ###); the reading is ###,mâr-i shikanj ,mâr being followed by the izâdfat; this I writes as ###; in A an erasure occurs between ### and ###, doubtless due to the removal of a ### originally written there as in I.

The above will serve to show the close relation between I and A, or between I and `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, of which A is a copy or descendant. But, however close this relationship, `Abdu'l-Latîf cannot actually have used I in the preparation of his revision of the text, or he would certainly have incorporated many of the 34 passages before alluded to, which were all, with one exception, contained in 1. These, we have seen, were only added by the scribe of A, and by him only subsequently, from another source, after he had completed his transcription from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph.

The facts, then, are these. There was in existence, before `Abdu'l-Latîf's time, a tradition, probably Persian, of the order of the text, which he adopted even in detail. This is represented for us by I, written A.H. 1027 at Is fahân; but I itself is somewhat fuller than the copy of which `Abdu'l-Latîf if made such great use. This copy may be called P. Such use, indeed, did `Abdu'l-Latîf make of P, that, so far as can be seen, it is only necessary that he should have had P before him, with one or two other copies from which he derived a certain number of variant readings, which he substituted here and there in his own edition for those of P.

We have now brought down the history of the text to A.H. 1044. Not much remains to be said; A, as we have seen, is quite possibly a direct copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, with, however, marginal additions from another source. This other source might be at once assumed to be 1, but for the fact that only 33 out of the 34 marginally added passages occur in I; and it still seems to me at least possible that I was thus used. 1, though written at Is fahân, was probably by this time in India, where A, the so-called "Tippu MS.," was certainly written; at least, that I did come to India may be assumed from its presence in the India Office Library. Again, though it is, I think, impossible that the whole of the 34 passages added marginally in A should have been careless omissions of the copyist, one or two might possibly be so, and it is possible that the single line now under discussion may be such an omission, filled in from the scribe's original, not from another source. Finally it is, of course, always possible that the additions were taken from two sources, not one only; i.e., that while perhaps even 33 were filled in after comparison with I, the single remaining line may have been derived from elsewhere. Though absent in C, it is present in both H and M.

As to the lithographs, both are obviously descendants of A. The above conclusions may be summarized in the followingstemma codicum .

The present text is founded on that of the Lucknow lithograph L, with which have been collated the other texts mentioned above. L is practically a verbatim copy of A, the value of which has been discussed above. Though MSS. of theHadîqa are not rare, at least in European libraries, I have not met with any in India; and a considerable portion of the first draft of the translation and notes was done on the basis of L and B alone. TheHadîqa is not in any case an easy book, with the exception, perhaps, of a number of the anecdotes which are scattered through it; and it was rendered far more difficult by the fact, which I did not recognize for some time, that a very great amount of confusion exists even in the text as it is published to-day, in the lithographs descended from `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension. There appeared to be frequently no logical connection whatever between successive verses; whole pages appeared to consist of detached sayings, the very meaning of which was frequently obscure; a subject would be taken up only to be dropped immediately.

I ultimately became convinced that the whole work had fallen into confusion, and that the only way of producing any result of value would be to rearrange it. This I had done, tentatively, for part of the work, before collating the British Museum and India office MSS. cited above.

When I came to examine the MSS., the wide variations, not only in the general order of the sections to which allusion has already been made, but in the order of the verses within each section, showed me that probably no MS. at the present day, or at any rate none of those examined by me, retains the original order of the author: and I felt justified in proceeding as I had begun, altering the order of the lines, and even of the sections, if by so doing a. meaning or a logical connection could be brought out. I need not say that the present edition has no claims to represent Sanâ'î's original; probably it does not represent it even approximately. In some cases there is, I think, no doubt that I have been able to restore the original order of the lines, and so to make sense where before it was wanting; in other cases this is possible, but I feel less confident; while in still others the reconstruction, preferable though I believe it to be to the order as found in any single MS., is nevertheless almost certainly a, makeshift, and far from the original order. Lastly it will be seen that I have quite failed, in a number of instances, to find the context of short passages or single lines; it seemed impossible to allow them to stand in the places they occupied in any of the MSS., and I have, therefore, simply collected them together, or in the ease of single lines given them in the notes.

IV- THE COMMENTATORS

Khwâja `Abdu'l-Latîf b. `Abdullâh al-`Abbâsî, already so frequently mentioned, explains to us in his Preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , what he has attempted in his commentary on theHadîqa . He states that he was writing in A.H. 1038, in the second year of the reign of the Emperor Shahjahân, that he had already completed his work on Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, and that he had in A.H. 1037 settled down to work on theHadîqa . 'What he professes to have done for the text of that work has been mentioned in the last section; the objects he has aimed at in the way of commentary and explanation are the following:-- Firstly, he has followed up the references to passages in the Qur'ân, has given these passages with their translations, and a statement of the sûra in which they are to be found. Secondly, the traditions referred to are also quoted. Thirdly, obscure passages have been annotated, and strange or curious Arabic and Persian words have been explained, after an investigation into their meanings in trustworthy books. Fourthly, certain signs have been used in transcribing the text, in order to fix the signification of various letters; thus theyâ'i kitâbî is denoted by ### subscript, theyâ'i majhûl similarly by ###, theyâ'i ma'rûf by ###, the Persian # (#) by #, the Arabic # by #, and so on. Again the vocalization has been attended to in words which are often mispronounced; thus ignorant people often substitutefatha forkasra in such words as`khizâna' , of which theQâmûs says "Khizâna is never pronounced withfatha "; 'Shamâl ', meaning the North wind, should be pronounced withfatha , notkasra , as is often done. Theizâfat ,jazm , and other orthographical signs have often been written in the text; and finally a glossary of the less known words has been added in the margin. Since it is inconvenient to have text and commentary separate, "in this copy the whole stability of the text has been dissolved, and the text bears the commentary along with it (###), i.e., text and commentary are intermingled, the commentary not being written in the margin, but each annotation immediately after the word or line to which it applies. These researches the author has also written out separately, and called them "La tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq min Nafâ'isi'l-Daqâ'iq ." The date is again given as A.H. 1038.

It appears then that the original form of the commentary was not that of marginal notes, as it is presented in A and L; that it was completed in 1038 A.H., and, in its separate form, was called theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . That this is the name of the commentary we know and possess, seems to have been the opinion of the scholar who prepared the Lucknow lithograph, which is entitled "Sanâ'î'sHadîqa , with the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ."

Besides the preface just considered, there is also another, found in both A and L, called theRâsta-i Khiyâbân , written especially, it would seem, as an introduction to the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . After dwelling on the unworthiness of the writer, `Abdu'l-Latîf states that the interpretations given by him are not mere expressions of private opinion, but are derived from the best Arabic and Persian books; the emendations of the text are all derived from authentic MSS., and are in accordance with the judgment of discerning men; everything has been weighed and discussed by the learned. He does not, however, say that these explanations are the only ones, nor that he has commented on every line that to some people would seem to require it. Though his work may seem poor now while he is alive, it may grow in the esteem of men after his death. The work has been done in the intervals of worldly business, while occupied with affairs of government. There follows a lengthy eulogy of his friend Mîr `Imâdu'd-Dîn Mahmûd al-Hamadâni, called Ilâhî, twotârîkhs by whom close this preface. The firsttârîkh says that the work having been begun in the year 1040. all the correction and revision was completed in 1042 (###); the second simply gives the date 1040.

These dates evidently cannot refer to the edition and commentary as first written; since we have seen that the text and theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq are referred to by `Abdu'l-Latîf in 1038 as having been completed. It would seem that the editor had either been at work on another, revised and improved edition; or, as is assumed in the India Office Catalogue (No. 923), on an abridgment of his earlier work. Lastly, we have the date 1041 for the completed work of which A is a copy (see description of contents of A, in Section II, p. xi); and this seems to represent the final form of the work. in which the annotations are written in the margin, not, as at first, intermingled in the text.

In the India Office Catalogue the series of events is interpreted somewhat differently. The commentary as it appears in A (and L, the only form, apparently, in which we possess it) is stated to be an abridgement from a larger commentary, theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ; according to the preface (the Catalogue states) the larger work wa-. begun in 1040 and completed in 1042. It is with diffidence that I venture to question this presentation of the facts; but A, in the description of which the above statements occur, does not contain the preface calledMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , and therefore presents no indication that the text andLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq had already been completed in 1038. That the work done between 1040 and 1042 consisted in the preparation of the originalLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq is, from the statement of theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , impossible. We have seen, moreover, that the tradition in India is that the commentary as we have it, as it appears in A and L, is theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq itself., and not an abridgement. I do not gather from the India Office Catalogue or elsewhere that two-commentaries, a larger and a smaller, are actually in existence; there may be other evidences of their former existence of which I am ignorant, but so far merely as my own knowledge goes, I can see no reason for assuming two commentaries, and would look on the labours of 1040-1042 in the light of revision and rearrangement, a work which was perhaps only finally completed in 1044, the date given in A for the completion of the work. Besides his work on theHadîqa , `Abdu'l-Latîf had previously, as has been mentioned, published a revised and annotated edition of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, commentaries on the same poem, and a special glossary, the lithographed at Lucknow in A.D. 1877 under the titleFarhang-i Mathnawî . He died in 1048 or 1049 A.H. (A.D. 1638, 1639).

A general description of the volume containing the other commentary which I have used in the preparation of the notes appended to the present translation, has already been given. Of the authors, or author and scribe, Mirzâ `Alâu'd-Dîn Ahmad of Lûhârû, called `Alâ'î, and Maulavî Muhammad Ruknu'd-Dîn of Hiss ar, I know no more, than is to be gathered from their prefaces.

Their commentary is of slight value as compared with that of `Abdu'l-Latîf: that is to say, that part of it which is original. The commentary is considerably more bulky than `Abdu'l-Latîf's, perhaps between two and three times as extensive; but it includes, without one word of acknowledgment, the whole of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. This is, in the great majority of cases, reproduced verbatim; in some instances a paraphrase of `Abdu'l-Latîf's commentary has been attempted, and in certain of these it is plain that the authors did not understand the sense of what they paraphrased. Of their own work, a certain amount is superfluous, the sense of the text being immediately obvious; a certain amount is mere paraphrase of Sanâ'î's words: and another portion consists in an attempt to read mystical meanings into the original in passages which, as it seems, were never intended by the author to bear them. Notwithstanding these facts, I have, as will be seen, quoted freely in my notes from their commentary; for a certain portion of their work is helpful, and moreover, it seemed to me to be of interest to give in this way a specimen of present-day Indian thought and criticism in the field ofS ûfîistic philosophy. I cannot, however, leave the subject of Sanâ'î's commentators without expressing my sorrow that scholars should have existed who were not only capable of such wholesale theft, but even lauded themselves on the results of it; witness the extravagant praise of `Alâ'î in Ruknu'd-Dîn's preface; and again the words

Praise be to God! There has never been. such a commentator of theHadîqa , nor will be; or if there is. it will be an imitation or a theft from this king of commentators!" There is also no indication that the volume comprises only one out of ten chapters of theHadîqa ; it is everywhere implied that the. completeHadîqa is presented.

V-THE HADÎQATU'L-HAQÎQAT

TheHadîqatu'l-Haqîqat , or the "Enclosed Garden of the Truth", commonly called theHadîqa , is a poem of about 11,500 lines; each line consists of two hemistichs, each of ten or eleven syllables; the bulk, therefore, is equal to about 23,000 lines of English ten-syllabled verse. It is composed in the metre ### which may be represented thus:

The two hemistichs of each verse rhyme; and the effect may therefore roughly be compared to that of English rhymed couplets with the accent falling on the first (instead of the second) syllable of the line, and, occasionally, an additional short syllable introduced in the last foot.

The chapter,; of which theHadîqa consists treat, according to a few lines of verse at the end of the table of contents in the Lucknow edition, of the following subjects; the First, on the Praise of God, and especially on His Unity; the Second, in praise of Muhammad; the Third, on the Understanding; the Fourth, on Knowledge; the Fifth, on Love, the Lover, and the Beloved; the Sixth, on Heedlessness; the Seventh, on Friends and Enemies, the Eighth, on the Revolution of the Heavens; the Ninth, in praise of the Emperor Shâhjahân; the Tenth, on the characters or qualities of the whole work. This, however, is not the actual arrangement of the work as presented in the volume itself; the first five chapters are as already given, but the Sixth concerns the Universal Soul; the Seventh is on Heedlessness; the Eighth on the Stars; the Ninth on Friends and Enemies; the Tenth on many matters, including the praise of the Emperor. Prof. Browne (Lit. Hist. Persia, vol. ii., p. 318) gives still another order, apparently that of an edition lithographed at Bombay in A.H. 1275 (A.D. 1859).

Sanâ'î's fame has always rested on hisHadîqa ; it is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works; it is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio ofS ûfî teachers,--Sanâ'î, `Att âr, Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. It will be of interest to compare some of the estimates that have been formed of him and of the present work in particular.

In time he was the first of the three, and perhaps the most cordial acknowledgment of his merits conies from his successor Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. He says:--

I left off boiling while still half cooked;

 Hear the full account from the Sage of Ghazna."

And again--

"`Att âr was the Spirit, Sanâ'î the two eyes:

 We walk in the wake of Sanâ'î and `Att âr."

`Abdu'l-Latîf, in his preface called theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , enters into a somewhat lengthy comparison between Sanâ'î and Rûmî, in which he is hard put to it to avoid giving any preference to one or other. It is interesting to observe how he endeavours to keep the scales even. He begins by adverting to the greater length of theMathnawî as compared with theHadîqa , and compares theHadîqa to an abridgement, theMathnawî to a fully detailed account. Sanâ'î's work is the more compressed; he expresses in two or three verses what theMathnawî expresses in twenty or thirty, `Abdu'l-Latîf therefore, as it would seem reluctantly, and merely on the ground of his greater prolixity, gives the palm for eloquence to Jalâlu'd-Dîn.

There is the most perfect accord between Sanâ'î and Rûmî; tile substance of their works, indeed, is in part identical. Shall it therefore be said that Rûmî stole from Sanâ'î? He asks pardon from God for expressing the thought; with regard to beggars in the spiritual world, who own a stock-in-trade of trifles, bankrupts of the road of virtue and accomplishments, this might be suspected; but to accuse the treasurers of the stores of wisdom and knowledge, the able natures of the kingdom of truth and allegory, of. plagiarism and borrowing is the height of folly and unwisdom.

With regard to style, some suppose that the verse of theHadîqa is more elevated and dignified than the elegantly ordered language of theMathnawî . TheHadîqa does indeed contain poetry of which one verse is a knapsack of a hundreddîwâns ; nor, on account of its great height, can the hand of any intelligent being's ability reach the pinnacles of its rampart; and the saying--

"I have spoken a saying which is a whole work;
I have uttered a sentence which is a (complete) dîwân,"

is true of theHadîqa . But if the sense and style of the Maulavî be considered, there is no room for discrimination and distinction; and, since "Thou shalt not make a distinction between any of His prophets ," to distinguish between the positions of these two masters, who may unquestionably be called prophets of religion, has infidelity and error as its fruit. Who possesses the power of dividing and discriminating between milk and sugar intermingled in one vessel? `Abdu'l-Latîf sums up thus "in fine, thus much one may say, that in sobriety the Hakîm is pre-eminent, and in intoxication our lord the Maulavî is superior; and that sobriety is in truth the essence of intoxication, and this intoxication the essence of sobriety."

Prof. Browne, however, places theHadîqa on a far lower level than the Eastern authors quoted above. He says1 :--"The poem is written in a halting and unattractive metre, and is in my opinion one of the dullest books in Persian, seldom rising to the level of Martin Tupper'sProverbial Philosophy , filled with fatuous truisms and pointless anecdotes, and as far inferior to theMathnawî of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî as is Robert Montgomery'sSatan to Milton'sParadise Lost ."

It is of course true that to us, at least, the interest of theHadîqa is largely historical, as being one of the early Persian text-books of theS ûfî philosophy, and as having so largely influenced subsequent writers, especially, as we have seen, the Maulavî Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. Yet I cannot butt think that Prof. Browne's opinion, which is doubtless shared by other scholars, as well as the neglect to which theHadîqa has been exposed in the West, is due not to the demerits of the original text so much as to the repellent and confused state into which the text has fallen; and I would venture to hope that the present attempt at a restoration of the form and meaning of a portion of the work, imperfect in the highest degree as I cannot but acknowledge it to be, may still be of some slight service to its author's reputation among European Orientalists.

The first Chapter or Book of theHadîqa , which is here presented, comprises a little more than one-sixth of the entire work. The subjects of which it treats may be briefly resumed as follows:--

After an introductory section in praise of God the author speaks of the impotence of reason for the attaining a knowledge of God; of God's Unity, of God as First Cause and Creator and delivers more than one attack against anthropomorphic conceptions of God (pp. 1-10). After speaking of the first steps of the ascent towards God, for which worldly wisdom is not a bad thing, with work and serenity (pp. 10-11), he devotes the next portion of the book to God as Provider, to His care for man through life, the uselessness of earthly possessions, and to God as guide on the road, but self must first be abandoned (pp. 11-46). A fine section on God's incomprehensibility to man might perhaps come more fittingly at an earlier stage instead of here (pp. 16-18). After overcoming self, God's special favour is granted to the traveller on the path: but we see crookedly, and He alone knows what is best for us: He has ordered all things well, and what seems evil is so only in appearance (pp. 18-25).

The greater part of the book is really concerned with the life and experiences of theS ûfî, and especially with continually repeated injunctions as to abandonment of the world and of self; to be dead to this world is to live in the other. Pp. 25-30 are thus concerned with poverty in this world, with loss of the, self, humility, man's insignificance and God's omnipotence; pp. 30-34 with the necessity of continual remembrance of God, of never living apart from Him, and again of dying to the world; death to the world leads to high position with God. There follows (pp. 34-41) a series of passages on the duty of thanksgiving for God's mercies; His mercy however has its counterpart in His anger, and examples of His wrath are given; then returning again to the subject of His mercies, the author speaks of God's omniscience, and His knowledge of the wants of His servants; we must therefore trust in God for all the necessaries of life, they will be given as long as life is destined to last. Two later pages (48-50), which are similarly devoted to the subject of trust in God, should probably come here. Pp. 41-48 deal with theS ûfîs desire for God, and his zeal in pursuing the path; various directions for the road are given, especially as rewards the abandonment of the world and of self, and fixing the desires on God only; union with God is the. goal. The abandonment of self is again the theme of pp. 50-51.

A portion of the book (pp. 51-56) is, curiously, here devoted to the interpretation of dreams; after which the author treats of the incompatibility of the two worlds, again of the abandonment of earth and self, and of the attainment of the utmost degree of annihilation (pp. 56-58). There follows a passage on the treatment of schoolboys, a comparison with the learner on theS ûfî path, and an exhortation to strive in pursuing it (pp. 58-60). The next portion of the book (pp., 60-67) treats of charity and gifts as a form of renunciation, of relinquishing riches for God's sake; prosperity is injurious to the soul, and the world must be abandoned; possessions and friends are useless, and each must trust to himself; each will find his deserts hereafter, and receive the reward of what he has worked for here.

Pp. 67-80 treat of prayer, the preparation for which consists in purity of heart, humility, and dependence upon God. Prayer must come from the heart; the believer must be entirely absorbed in his devotions. Prayer must be humble; the believer must come in poverty and perplexity, and only so can receive God's kindness. A number of addresses to God follow, prayers for help, and humble supplications to God on the part of the author. A few pages (80-92) treat of God's kindness in drawing men towards himself, though His ways may appear harsh at first. The progress of the believer is described in a strain of hyperbole (pp. 82-83); and this portion closes with a few sections (pp. 83-86) on God's majesty and omnipotence somewhat after the manner of those in the earlier part of the book.

In pp. 86-97 the author speaks of the Qur'ân, and its excellence and sweetness. The letter however is not the essential: its true meaning is not to be discovered by reason alone. The Qur'ân is often dishonoured, especially by theologians, and by professional readers, who read it carelessly and without understanding it. A short section (pp. 97-98) on humility and self-effacement follows, and the book is brought to a close by a description of the godlessness of the world before the advent of Muhammad (pp. 98-100), which serves to introduce the subject of the Second Chapter.

Though it must he admitted that the author is occasionally obscure, sometimes dull, and not infrequently prosaic, some fine sections and a larger number of short passages of great beauty are contained in this chapter; I may perhaps be permitted especially to refer to the sections "In His Magnification," pp. 16-18. and "On Poverty and Perplexity," p. 74; while as characteristic and on the whole favourable passages may be mentioned "On His Omniscience, and His Knowledge of the Minds of Men," pp. 37-39; " On the Incompatibility of the Two Abodes," pp. 56-58; "On intimate Friendship and Attachment," pp. 62-63; and certain of the addresses to God contained in pp. 74-77.

Footnote

1 A Literary History of Persia, Vol. II., p. 319.

III- HISTORY OF THE TEXT

Muhammad b. `Alî Raqqâm informs us, in his preface to theHadîqa , that while Sanâ'î was yet engaged in its composition, some portions were abstracted and divulged by certain ill-disposed persons. Further, `Abdu'l-Latîf in his preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , states that the disciples of Sanâ'î made many different arrangements of the text, each one arranging the matter for himself and making his own copy; and that thus there came into existence many and various arrangements, and two copies agreeing together could not be found.

The confusion into which the text thus fell is illustrated to some extent by the MSS. which I have examined for the purpose of this edition. C shows many omissions as compared with later MSS.; at the same time there is a lengthy passage, 38 verses, which is not found in any other; H, though also defective, is fuller than C but evidently belongs to the same family. M contains almost all the matter comprised in `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension, much of it twice over as has already been mentioned; and in addition about 300 verses, or altogether 10 folia, which apparently do not of right belong to this first chapter at all; the first chapter, too, is here divided into two chapters. The remaining MSS. and lithographs agree closely with each other and are evidently all nearly related.

The same story, of an early confusion of the text, is even more strikingly brought out if, instead of the omissions and varying extent of the text in the several MSS., we compare the order of the text. Here M startles us by giving us an order totally at variance with that of any other of our sources. There seems to be no reason for this: the arrangement of the subject is not, certainly, more logical; and it would appear that the confusion has simply been due to carelessness at some early stage of the history of the text; the repetitions, and the inclusions of later parts of the work, point to the same explanation. I need only mention the consequent labour and expenditure of time on the collation of this manuscript. C and H agree mostly between themselves in the order of the text, and broadly speaking the general order is the same as that of the later MSS.; the divergences would no doubt have appeared considerable, but that they are entirely overshadowed by the confusion exhibited by M. IALB agree closely with each other, as before.

The same confusion is again seen in the titles of the various sections as given in the several MSS. I am inclined to doubt how far any of the titles are to be considered as original; and it seems to me very possible that all are later additions, and that the original poem was written as one continuous whole, not divided up into short sections as we have it now. At any rate, the titles vary very much in the different MSS.; some, I should say, were obviously marginal glosses transferred to serve as headings; in other cases the title has reference only to the first few lines of the section, and is quite inapplicable to the subject-matter of the bulk of the section; in other cases again it is difficult to see any applicability whatever. It appears to have been the habit of the copyists to leave spaces for the titles, which were filled in later; in some cases this has never been done in others, through some omission in the series, each one of a number of sections will be denoted by a title which corresponds to that of the text following section in other MSS.

It is then obvious that `Abdu'l-Latîf is right in saying that in the centuries following Sanâ'î's death great confusion existed in the text of theHadîqa . This text he claims to have purified and restored, as well as explained by means of his commentary; and it is his recension which is given in A, as well as in the Indian lithographs Land B. He says that he heard that the Nawâb Mirzâ Muhammad `Azîz Kaukiltâsh, styled the Great Khân, had, while governor of Gujrât in the year 1000 A.H., sent to the town of Ghaznîn a large sum of money in order to obtain from the tomb of Sanâ'î a correct copy of theHadîqa , written in an ancient hand; this copy the Nawâb, on his departure on the pilgrimage, had bestowed on the Amîr `Abdu'r-Razzâq Ma`mûri, styled Muz affar Khan, at that time viceroy of that country. `Abdu'l-Latîf, however, being then occupied in journeys in various parts of India, could not for some time present himself before the Amîr; till in A.H. 1035 this chief came to Agra, where `Abdu'l-Latîf presented himself before him and obtained the desire of so many years. This MS. of theHadîqa had been written only 80 years after the original composition, but the text did not satisfy the editor, and it was besides deficient, both in verses here and there, and also as regards twenty leaves in the middle of the work.

In the year A.H. 1037 `Abdu'l-Latîf came to Lahore, where having some freedom from the counterfeit affairs of the world and the deceitful cares of this life, he entered again on the task of editing the text, with the help of numerous copies supplied to him by learned and critical friends; He adopted the order of the ancient MS. before-mentioned, and added thereto such other verses as he found in the later MSS. which appeared to be of common origin, and to harmonize in style and dignity and doctrine, with the text. As to what `Abdu'l-Latîf attempted in his commentary, v. p. xxiipost .

So far `Abdu'l-Latîf's own account of his work. We can, however, supplement this by a number of conclusions derived from the MSS. themselves.

In the first place, it appears that A is not, as stated in the India Office Catalogue, `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph copy. The statement that it is so is apparently based on the fact of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu wa sawwadahu `Abdu'l-Latîf. b. 'Abdu'llâhi'l-`Abbâsî ," at the end of the editor's few words of introduction to Sanâ'î's preface and again of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . ki shârih wa niusahhih-i în kitâb-i maimunat ni sâb ast ," at the end of the few lines of introduction immediately preceding the text. But both these sentences are found in the Lucknow lithograph, and therefore must have been copied in all the intermediate MSS. from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph downwards the words in each case refer only to the paragraph to which they are appended, and were added solely to distinguish these from Sanâ'î's own writings.

1 cannot find any other facts in favour of the statement that A is the editor's autograph; there are, however, many against it. Thus A is beautifully written, and is evidently the work of a skilled professional scribe, not of a man of affairs and a traveller, which `Abdu'l-Latîf represents himself as having been. Again, there are occasional explanatory glosses to the commentary, in the original hand; these would have been unnecessary had the scribe been himself the author of the commentary. The handwriting is quite modern in character and the pointing is according to modern standards throughout; the late date of A is immediately brought out clearly by comparing it with I (of date 1027 A.H.) or M (of date 1076 A.H.); though the supposed date of A is 1044 A.H. it is obviously much later than either of the others. But perhaps the most curious bit of evidence is the following; at the top of fol. 11b of the text of A there is an erasure, in which is written ### in place of an original reading ###, and as it happens this line is one which has been commented on by the editor; in the margin is a note in a recent hand,--###, which is true,--the commentary certainly presumes a reading ###, but this MS. had originally ###; the scribe could not therefore have been the commentator himself, i.e., `Abdu'l-Latîf

Further, not only is A not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, but it does not accurately reproduce that autograph. I refer to 34 short passages of Sanâ'î's text, which in A are found as additions in the margin; these, though obviously written in the same hand, I regard as subsequent additions from another source by the same scribe, not as careless omissions filled in afterwards on comparing the copy with the original. In the first place, the scribe was on the whole a careful writer; and the mistakes he has made in transcribing the commentary, apart from the text, are few. The omissions of words or passages of commentary, which have been filled in afterwards, are altogether 10; of these, two are of single words only; two are on the first page, when perhaps the copyist had not thoroughly settled down to his work; five are short passages, no doubt due to carelessness; and one is a longer passage, the whole of a comment on a certain verse,--an example of carelessness certainly, but explicable by supposing that the scribe had overlooked the reference number in the text indicating that the comment was to be introduced in relation to that particular verse. Roughly speaking, the commentary is of about equal bulk with the text; yet the omissions of portions of commentary by the copyist are thus many fewer in number and much less in their united extent than the omissions of the text,--supposing, that is, that the marginal additions to the text in A are merely the consequence of careless copying. The reverse would be expected, since owing to the manner of writing, it is easier to catch up the place where one has got to in a verse composition; it would seem therefore. as said above, that the comparatively numerous marginal additions to the text are rather additions introduced afterwards from another source than merely careless omissions in copying. In the second place, none of these 34 passages are annotated by `Abdu'l-Latîf; in all likelihood, if they had formed part of his text, some one or more of the lines would have received a comment. The passages comprise, together, 63 verses; there is only one instance in the First chapter of theHadîqa of a longer consecutive passage without annotation, and in general it is rare (eleven instances only) to find more than 30 consecutive verses without annotation; usually the editor's comments occur to the number of two, three or more on each page of 15 lines. I think, therefore. it must be admitted that the chances would be much against a number of casual omissions aggregating 63 lines falling out so as not to include a single comment of the editor. Thirdly, it is a remarkable fact that of these 34 passages the great majority are also omitted in both C and H, while they are present in both M and 1; to particularize, C omits 30 ½, H omits 28, both C and H omit 25 ½, and either C or H or both omit every one of these 34 passages; while I and M each have all the 34 with one exception in each case; further, while many of these 34 marginally added passages in A correspond exactly to omissions in H, the corresponding omissions in C may be more extensive, i.e., may include more, in each case, of the neighbouring text.

We must therefore, I think, conclude that after completing the transcription of A the scribe obtained a copy of theHadîqa of the type of I or M, and filled in certain additions therefrom; and that '`Abdu'l-Latîf's edition did not originally contain these passages.

Let us turn to a consideration of I and its relation to `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition. I is dated A.H. 1027; it is, therefore, earlier than `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition of A.H. 1044. As we have seen, A is not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph; but we have, I think, no reason to doubt that it was either copied from that autograph, or at any rate stands in the direct line of descent; so much seems to be attested by the occurrence of the words --"harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . . . " and by the inscription at the end as to the completion of the book in A.H. 1044, the actual date of the completion of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. Regarding, then, A as presenting us (with the exception of the marginally added passages) with a practically faithful copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's own text, we notice a striking correspondence between this text and that of I. As to the general agreement of the readings of the two texts, a glance at the list of variants will be sufficient; and it is not impossible to find whole pages without a single difference of any importance. The titles also, which as a rule vary even so much in the different MSS., correspond closely throughout. The order of the sections is the same throughout; and the order of the lines within each section, which, ' is also very variable in the various M88., corresponds in I and A with startling closeness. The actual spellings of individual words also, which vary even in the same MS., are frequently the same in I and A; for example, at the bottom of p. ### of the present text the word ### or ### occurs three times within a few lines. The word may also be written ###, ###; thus while C and M have ###, H has first ### and then twice ###; I however has first ### and then twice ###; and this is exactly repeated in A. Another example occurs a few lines afterwards (p. ###, l. ###); the reading is ###,mâr-i shikanj ,mâr being followed by the izâdfat; this I writes as ###; in A an erasure occurs between ### and ###, doubtless due to the removal of a ### originally written there as in I.

The above will serve to show the close relation between I and A, or between I and `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, of which A is a copy or descendant. But, however close this relationship, `Abdu'l-Latîf cannot actually have used I in the preparation of his revision of the text, or he would certainly have incorporated many of the 34 passages before alluded to, which were all, with one exception, contained in 1. These, we have seen, were only added by the scribe of A, and by him only subsequently, from another source, after he had completed his transcription from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph.

The facts, then, are these. There was in existence, before `Abdu'l-Latîf's time, a tradition, probably Persian, of the order of the text, which he adopted even in detail. This is represented for us by I, written A.H. 1027 at Is fahân; but I itself is somewhat fuller than the copy of which `Abdu'l-Latîf if made such great use. This copy may be called P. Such use, indeed, did `Abdu'l-Latîf make of P, that, so far as can be seen, it is only necessary that he should have had P before him, with one or two other copies from which he derived a certain number of variant readings, which he substituted here and there in his own edition for those of P.

We have now brought down the history of the text to A.H. 1044. Not much remains to be said; A, as we have seen, is quite possibly a direct copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, with, however, marginal additions from another source. This other source might be at once assumed to be 1, but for the fact that only 33 out of the 34 marginally added passages occur in I; and it still seems to me at least possible that I was thus used. 1, though written at Is fahân, was probably by this time in India, where A, the so-called "Tippu MS.," was certainly written; at least, that I did come to India may be assumed from its presence in the India Office Library. Again, though it is, I think, impossible that the whole of the 34 passages added marginally in A should have been careless omissions of the copyist, one or two might possibly be so, and it is possible that the single line now under discussion may be such an omission, filled in from the scribe's original, not from another source. Finally it is, of course, always possible that the additions were taken from two sources, not one only; i.e., that while perhaps even 33 were filled in after comparison with I, the single remaining line may have been derived from elsewhere. Though absent in C, it is present in both H and M.

As to the lithographs, both are obviously descendants of A. The above conclusions may be summarized in the followingstemma codicum .

The present text is founded on that of the Lucknow lithograph L, with which have been collated the other texts mentioned above. L is practically a verbatim copy of A, the value of which has been discussed above. Though MSS. of theHadîqa are not rare, at least in European libraries, I have not met with any in India; and a considerable portion of the first draft of the translation and notes was done on the basis of L and B alone. TheHadîqa is not in any case an easy book, with the exception, perhaps, of a number of the anecdotes which are scattered through it; and it was rendered far more difficult by the fact, which I did not recognize for some time, that a very great amount of confusion exists even in the text as it is published to-day, in the lithographs descended from `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension. There appeared to be frequently no logical connection whatever between successive verses; whole pages appeared to consist of detached sayings, the very meaning of which was frequently obscure; a subject would be taken up only to be dropped immediately.

I ultimately became convinced that the whole work had fallen into confusion, and that the only way of producing any result of value would be to rearrange it. This I had done, tentatively, for part of the work, before collating the British Museum and India office MSS. cited above.

When I came to examine the MSS., the wide variations, not only in the general order of the sections to which allusion has already been made, but in the order of the verses within each section, showed me that probably no MS. at the present day, or at any rate none of those examined by me, retains the original order of the author: and I felt justified in proceeding as I had begun, altering the order of the lines, and even of the sections, if by so doing a. meaning or a logical connection could be brought out. I need not say that the present edition has no claims to represent Sanâ'î's original; probably it does not represent it even approximately. In some cases there is, I think, no doubt that I have been able to restore the original order of the lines, and so to make sense where before it was wanting; in other cases this is possible, but I feel less confident; while in still others the reconstruction, preferable though I believe it to be to the order as found in any single MS., is nevertheless almost certainly a, makeshift, and far from the original order. Lastly it will be seen that I have quite failed, in a number of instances, to find the context of short passages or single lines; it seemed impossible to allow them to stand in the places they occupied in any of the MSS., and I have, therefore, simply collected them together, or in the ease of single lines given them in the notes.

IV- THE COMMENTATORS

Khwâja `Abdu'l-Latîf b. `Abdullâh al-`Abbâsî, already so frequently mentioned, explains to us in his Preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , what he has attempted in his commentary on theHadîqa . He states that he was writing in A.H. 1038, in the second year of the reign of the Emperor Shahjahân, that he had already completed his work on Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, and that he had in A.H. 1037 settled down to work on theHadîqa . 'What he professes to have done for the text of that work has been mentioned in the last section; the objects he has aimed at in the way of commentary and explanation are the following:-- Firstly, he has followed up the references to passages in the Qur'ân, has given these passages with their translations, and a statement of the sûra in which they are to be found. Secondly, the traditions referred to are also quoted. Thirdly, obscure passages have been annotated, and strange or curious Arabic and Persian words have been explained, after an investigation into their meanings in trustworthy books. Fourthly, certain signs have been used in transcribing the text, in order to fix the signification of various letters; thus theyâ'i kitâbî is denoted by ### subscript, theyâ'i majhûl similarly by ###, theyâ'i ma'rûf by ###, the Persian # (#) by #, the Arabic # by #, and so on. Again the vocalization has been attended to in words which are often mispronounced; thus ignorant people often substitutefatha forkasra in such words as`khizâna' , of which theQâmûs says "Khizâna is never pronounced withfatha "; 'Shamâl ', meaning the North wind, should be pronounced withfatha , notkasra , as is often done. Theizâfat ,jazm , and other orthographical signs have often been written in the text; and finally a glossary of the less known words has been added in the margin. Since it is inconvenient to have text and commentary separate, "in this copy the whole stability of the text has been dissolved, and the text bears the commentary along with it (###), i.e., text and commentary are intermingled, the commentary not being written in the margin, but each annotation immediately after the word or line to which it applies. These researches the author has also written out separately, and called them "La tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq min Nafâ'isi'l-Daqâ'iq ." The date is again given as A.H. 1038.

It appears then that the original form of the commentary was not that of marginal notes, as it is presented in A and L; that it was completed in 1038 A.H., and, in its separate form, was called theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . That this is the name of the commentary we know and possess, seems to have been the opinion of the scholar who prepared the Lucknow lithograph, which is entitled "Sanâ'î'sHadîqa , with the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ."

Besides the preface just considered, there is also another, found in both A and L, called theRâsta-i Khiyâbân , written especially, it would seem, as an introduction to the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . After dwelling on the unworthiness of the writer, `Abdu'l-Latîf states that the interpretations given by him are not mere expressions of private opinion, but are derived from the best Arabic and Persian books; the emendations of the text are all derived from authentic MSS., and are in accordance with the judgment of discerning men; everything has been weighed and discussed by the learned. He does not, however, say that these explanations are the only ones, nor that he has commented on every line that to some people would seem to require it. Though his work may seem poor now while he is alive, it may grow in the esteem of men after his death. The work has been done in the intervals of worldly business, while occupied with affairs of government. There follows a lengthy eulogy of his friend Mîr `Imâdu'd-Dîn Mahmûd al-Hamadâni, called Ilâhî, twotârîkhs by whom close this preface. The firsttârîkh says that the work having been begun in the year 1040. all the correction and revision was completed in 1042 (###); the second simply gives the date 1040.

These dates evidently cannot refer to the edition and commentary as first written; since we have seen that the text and theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq are referred to by `Abdu'l-Latîf in 1038 as having been completed. It would seem that the editor had either been at work on another, revised and improved edition; or, as is assumed in the India Office Catalogue (No. 923), on an abridgment of his earlier work. Lastly, we have the date 1041 for the completed work of which A is a copy (see description of contents of A, in Section II, p. xi); and this seems to represent the final form of the work. in which the annotations are written in the margin, not, as at first, intermingled in the text.

In the India Office Catalogue the series of events is interpreted somewhat differently. The commentary as it appears in A (and L, the only form, apparently, in which we possess it) is stated to be an abridgement from a larger commentary, theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ; according to the preface (the Catalogue states) the larger work wa-. begun in 1040 and completed in 1042. It is with diffidence that I venture to question this presentation of the facts; but A, in the description of which the above statements occur, does not contain the preface calledMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , and therefore presents no indication that the text andLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq had already been completed in 1038. That the work done between 1040 and 1042 consisted in the preparation of the originalLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq is, from the statement of theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , impossible. We have seen, moreover, that the tradition in India is that the commentary as we have it, as it appears in A and L, is theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq itself., and not an abridgement. I do not gather from the India Office Catalogue or elsewhere that two-commentaries, a larger and a smaller, are actually in existence; there may be other evidences of their former existence of which I am ignorant, but so far merely as my own knowledge goes, I can see no reason for assuming two commentaries, and would look on the labours of 1040-1042 in the light of revision and rearrangement, a work which was perhaps only finally completed in 1044, the date given in A for the completion of the work. Besides his work on theHadîqa , `Abdu'l-Latîf had previously, as has been mentioned, published a revised and annotated edition of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, commentaries on the same poem, and a special glossary, the lithographed at Lucknow in A.D. 1877 under the titleFarhang-i Mathnawî . He died in 1048 or 1049 A.H. (A.D. 1638, 1639).

A general description of the volume containing the other commentary which I have used in the preparation of the notes appended to the present translation, has already been given. Of the authors, or author and scribe, Mirzâ `Alâu'd-Dîn Ahmad of Lûhârû, called `Alâ'î, and Maulavî Muhammad Ruknu'd-Dîn of Hiss ar, I know no more, than is to be gathered from their prefaces.

Their commentary is of slight value as compared with that of `Abdu'l-Latîf: that is to say, that part of it which is original. The commentary is considerably more bulky than `Abdu'l-Latîf's, perhaps between two and three times as extensive; but it includes, without one word of acknowledgment, the whole of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. This is, in the great majority of cases, reproduced verbatim; in some instances a paraphrase of `Abdu'l-Latîf's commentary has been attempted, and in certain of these it is plain that the authors did not understand the sense of what they paraphrased. Of their own work, a certain amount is superfluous, the sense of the text being immediately obvious; a certain amount is mere paraphrase of Sanâ'î's words: and another portion consists in an attempt to read mystical meanings into the original in passages which, as it seems, were never intended by the author to bear them. Notwithstanding these facts, I have, as will be seen, quoted freely in my notes from their commentary; for a certain portion of their work is helpful, and moreover, it seemed to me to be of interest to give in this way a specimen of present-day Indian thought and criticism in the field ofS ûfîistic philosophy. I cannot, however, leave the subject of Sanâ'î's commentators without expressing my sorrow that scholars should have existed who were not only capable of such wholesale theft, but even lauded themselves on the results of it; witness the extravagant praise of `Alâ'î in Ruknu'd-Dîn's preface; and again the words

Praise be to God! There has never been. such a commentator of theHadîqa , nor will be; or if there is. it will be an imitation or a theft from this king of commentators!" There is also no indication that the volume comprises only one out of ten chapters of theHadîqa ; it is everywhere implied that the. completeHadîqa is presented.

V-THE HADÎQATU'L-HAQÎQAT

TheHadîqatu'l-Haqîqat , or the "Enclosed Garden of the Truth", commonly called theHadîqa , is a poem of about 11,500 lines; each line consists of two hemistichs, each of ten or eleven syllables; the bulk, therefore, is equal to about 23,000 lines of English ten-syllabled verse. It is composed in the metre ### which may be represented thus:

The two hemistichs of each verse rhyme; and the effect may therefore roughly be compared to that of English rhymed couplets with the accent falling on the first (instead of the second) syllable of the line, and, occasionally, an additional short syllable introduced in the last foot.

The chapter,; of which theHadîqa consists treat, according to a few lines of verse at the end of the table of contents in the Lucknow edition, of the following subjects; the First, on the Praise of God, and especially on His Unity; the Second, in praise of Muhammad; the Third, on the Understanding; the Fourth, on Knowledge; the Fifth, on Love, the Lover, and the Beloved; the Sixth, on Heedlessness; the Seventh, on Friends and Enemies, the Eighth, on the Revolution of the Heavens; the Ninth, in praise of the Emperor Shâhjahân; the Tenth, on the characters or qualities of the whole work. This, however, is not the actual arrangement of the work as presented in the volume itself; the first five chapters are as already given, but the Sixth concerns the Universal Soul; the Seventh is on Heedlessness; the Eighth on the Stars; the Ninth on Friends and Enemies; the Tenth on many matters, including the praise of the Emperor. Prof. Browne (Lit. Hist. Persia, vol. ii., p. 318) gives still another order, apparently that of an edition lithographed at Bombay in A.H. 1275 (A.D. 1859).

Sanâ'î's fame has always rested on hisHadîqa ; it is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works; it is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio ofS ûfî teachers,--Sanâ'î, `Att âr, Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. It will be of interest to compare some of the estimates that have been formed of him and of the present work in particular.

In time he was the first of the three, and perhaps the most cordial acknowledgment of his merits conies from his successor Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. He says:--

I left off boiling while still half cooked;

 Hear the full account from the Sage of Ghazna."

And again--

"`Att âr was the Spirit, Sanâ'î the two eyes:

 We walk in the wake of Sanâ'î and `Att âr."

`Abdu'l-Latîf, in his preface called theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , enters into a somewhat lengthy comparison between Sanâ'î and Rûmî, in which he is hard put to it to avoid giving any preference to one or other. It is interesting to observe how he endeavours to keep the scales even. He begins by adverting to the greater length of theMathnawî as compared with theHadîqa , and compares theHadîqa to an abridgement, theMathnawî to a fully detailed account. Sanâ'î's work is the more compressed; he expresses in two or three verses what theMathnawî expresses in twenty or thirty, `Abdu'l-Latîf therefore, as it would seem reluctantly, and merely on the ground of his greater prolixity, gives the palm for eloquence to Jalâlu'd-Dîn.

There is the most perfect accord between Sanâ'î and Rûmî; tile substance of their works, indeed, is in part identical. Shall it therefore be said that Rûmî stole from Sanâ'î? He asks pardon from God for expressing the thought; with regard to beggars in the spiritual world, who own a stock-in-trade of trifles, bankrupts of the road of virtue and accomplishments, this might be suspected; but to accuse the treasurers of the stores of wisdom and knowledge, the able natures of the kingdom of truth and allegory, of. plagiarism and borrowing is the height of folly and unwisdom.

With regard to style, some suppose that the verse of theHadîqa is more elevated and dignified than the elegantly ordered language of theMathnawî . TheHadîqa does indeed contain poetry of which one verse is a knapsack of a hundreddîwâns ; nor, on account of its great height, can the hand of any intelligent being's ability reach the pinnacles of its rampart; and the saying--

"I have spoken a saying which is a whole work;
I have uttered a sentence which is a (complete) dîwân,"

is true of theHadîqa . But if the sense and style of the Maulavî be considered, there is no room for discrimination and distinction; and, since "Thou shalt not make a distinction between any of His prophets ," to distinguish between the positions of these two masters, who may unquestionably be called prophets of religion, has infidelity and error as its fruit. Who possesses the power of dividing and discriminating between milk and sugar intermingled in one vessel? `Abdu'l-Latîf sums up thus "in fine, thus much one may say, that in sobriety the Hakîm is pre-eminent, and in intoxication our lord the Maulavî is superior; and that sobriety is in truth the essence of intoxication, and this intoxication the essence of sobriety."

Prof. Browne, however, places theHadîqa on a far lower level than the Eastern authors quoted above. He says1 :--"The poem is written in a halting and unattractive metre, and is in my opinion one of the dullest books in Persian, seldom rising to the level of Martin Tupper'sProverbial Philosophy , filled with fatuous truisms and pointless anecdotes, and as far inferior to theMathnawî of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî as is Robert Montgomery'sSatan to Milton'sParadise Lost ."

It is of course true that to us, at least, the interest of theHadîqa is largely historical, as being one of the early Persian text-books of theS ûfî philosophy, and as having so largely influenced subsequent writers, especially, as we have seen, the Maulavî Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. Yet I cannot butt think that Prof. Browne's opinion, which is doubtless shared by other scholars, as well as the neglect to which theHadîqa has been exposed in the West, is due not to the demerits of the original text so much as to the repellent and confused state into which the text has fallen; and I would venture to hope that the present attempt at a restoration of the form and meaning of a portion of the work, imperfect in the highest degree as I cannot but acknowledge it to be, may still be of some slight service to its author's reputation among European Orientalists.

The first Chapter or Book of theHadîqa , which is here presented, comprises a little more than one-sixth of the entire work. The subjects of which it treats may be briefly resumed as follows:--

After an introductory section in praise of God the author speaks of the impotence of reason for the attaining a knowledge of God; of God's Unity, of God as First Cause and Creator and delivers more than one attack against anthropomorphic conceptions of God (pp. 1-10). After speaking of the first steps of the ascent towards God, for which worldly wisdom is not a bad thing, with work and serenity (pp. 10-11), he devotes the next portion of the book to God as Provider, to His care for man through life, the uselessness of earthly possessions, and to God as guide on the road, but self must first be abandoned (pp. 11-46). A fine section on God's incomprehensibility to man might perhaps come more fittingly at an earlier stage instead of here (pp. 16-18). After overcoming self, God's special favour is granted to the traveller on the path: but we see crookedly, and He alone knows what is best for us: He has ordered all things well, and what seems evil is so only in appearance (pp. 18-25).

The greater part of the book is really concerned with the life and experiences of theS ûfî, and especially with continually repeated injunctions as to abandonment of the world and of self; to be dead to this world is to live in the other. Pp. 25-30 are thus concerned with poverty in this world, with loss of the, self, humility, man's insignificance and God's omnipotence; pp. 30-34 with the necessity of continual remembrance of God, of never living apart from Him, and again of dying to the world; death to the world leads to high position with God. There follows (pp. 34-41) a series of passages on the duty of thanksgiving for God's mercies; His mercy however has its counterpart in His anger, and examples of His wrath are given; then returning again to the subject of His mercies, the author speaks of God's omniscience, and His knowledge of the wants of His servants; we must therefore trust in God for all the necessaries of life, they will be given as long as life is destined to last. Two later pages (48-50), which are similarly devoted to the subject of trust in God, should probably come here. Pp. 41-48 deal with theS ûfîs desire for God, and his zeal in pursuing the path; various directions for the road are given, especially as rewards the abandonment of the world and of self, and fixing the desires on God only; union with God is the. goal. The abandonment of self is again the theme of pp. 50-51.

A portion of the book (pp. 51-56) is, curiously, here devoted to the interpretation of dreams; after which the author treats of the incompatibility of the two worlds, again of the abandonment of earth and self, and of the attainment of the utmost degree of annihilation (pp. 56-58). There follows a passage on the treatment of schoolboys, a comparison with the learner on theS ûfî path, and an exhortation to strive in pursuing it (pp. 58-60). The next portion of the book (pp., 60-67) treats of charity and gifts as a form of renunciation, of relinquishing riches for God's sake; prosperity is injurious to the soul, and the world must be abandoned; possessions and friends are useless, and each must trust to himself; each will find his deserts hereafter, and receive the reward of what he has worked for here.

Pp. 67-80 treat of prayer, the preparation for which consists in purity of heart, humility, and dependence upon God. Prayer must come from the heart; the believer must be entirely absorbed in his devotions. Prayer must be humble; the believer must come in poverty and perplexity, and only so can receive God's kindness. A number of addresses to God follow, prayers for help, and humble supplications to God on the part of the author. A few pages (80-92) treat of God's kindness in drawing men towards himself, though His ways may appear harsh at first. The progress of the believer is described in a strain of hyperbole (pp. 82-83); and this portion closes with a few sections (pp. 83-86) on God's majesty and omnipotence somewhat after the manner of those in the earlier part of the book.

In pp. 86-97 the author speaks of the Qur'ân, and its excellence and sweetness. The letter however is not the essential: its true meaning is not to be discovered by reason alone. The Qur'ân is often dishonoured, especially by theologians, and by professional readers, who read it carelessly and without understanding it. A short section (pp. 97-98) on humility and self-effacement follows, and the book is brought to a close by a description of the godlessness of the world before the advent of Muhammad (pp. 98-100), which serves to introduce the subject of the Second Chapter.

Though it must he admitted that the author is occasionally obscure, sometimes dull, and not infrequently prosaic, some fine sections and a larger number of short passages of great beauty are contained in this chapter; I may perhaps be permitted especially to refer to the sections "In His Magnification," pp. 16-18. and "On Poverty and Perplexity," p. 74; while as characteristic and on the whole favourable passages may be mentioned "On His Omniscience, and His Knowledge of the Minds of Men," pp. 37-39; " On the Incompatibility of the Two Abodes," pp. 56-58; "On intimate Friendship and Attachment," pp. 62-63; and certain of the addresses to God contained in pp. 74-77.

Footnote

1 A Literary History of Persia, Vol. II., p. 319.

III- HISTORY OF THE TEXT

Muhammad b. `Alî Raqqâm informs us, in his preface to theHadîqa , that while Sanâ'î was yet engaged in its composition, some portions were abstracted and divulged by certain ill-disposed persons. Further, `Abdu'l-Latîf in his preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , states that the disciples of Sanâ'î made many different arrangements of the text, each one arranging the matter for himself and making his own copy; and that thus there came into existence many and various arrangements, and two copies agreeing together could not be found.

The confusion into which the text thus fell is illustrated to some extent by the MSS. which I have examined for the purpose of this edition. C shows many omissions as compared with later MSS.; at the same time there is a lengthy passage, 38 verses, which is not found in any other; H, though also defective, is fuller than C but evidently belongs to the same family. M contains almost all the matter comprised in `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension, much of it twice over as has already been mentioned; and in addition about 300 verses, or altogether 10 folia, which apparently do not of right belong to this first chapter at all; the first chapter, too, is here divided into two chapters. The remaining MSS. and lithographs agree closely with each other and are evidently all nearly related.

The same story, of an early confusion of the text, is even more strikingly brought out if, instead of the omissions and varying extent of the text in the several MSS., we compare the order of the text. Here M startles us by giving us an order totally at variance with that of any other of our sources. There seems to be no reason for this: the arrangement of the subject is not, certainly, more logical; and it would appear that the confusion has simply been due to carelessness at some early stage of the history of the text; the repetitions, and the inclusions of later parts of the work, point to the same explanation. I need only mention the consequent labour and expenditure of time on the collation of this manuscript. C and H agree mostly between themselves in the order of the text, and broadly speaking the general order is the same as that of the later MSS.; the divergences would no doubt have appeared considerable, but that they are entirely overshadowed by the confusion exhibited by M. IALB agree closely with each other, as before.

The same confusion is again seen in the titles of the various sections as given in the several MSS. I am inclined to doubt how far any of the titles are to be considered as original; and it seems to me very possible that all are later additions, and that the original poem was written as one continuous whole, not divided up into short sections as we have it now. At any rate, the titles vary very much in the different MSS.; some, I should say, were obviously marginal glosses transferred to serve as headings; in other cases the title has reference only to the first few lines of the section, and is quite inapplicable to the subject-matter of the bulk of the section; in other cases again it is difficult to see any applicability whatever. It appears to have been the habit of the copyists to leave spaces for the titles, which were filled in later; in some cases this has never been done in others, through some omission in the series, each one of a number of sections will be denoted by a title which corresponds to that of the text following section in other MSS.

It is then obvious that `Abdu'l-Latîf is right in saying that in the centuries following Sanâ'î's death great confusion existed in the text of theHadîqa . This text he claims to have purified and restored, as well as explained by means of his commentary; and it is his recension which is given in A, as well as in the Indian lithographs Land B. He says that he heard that the Nawâb Mirzâ Muhammad `Azîz Kaukiltâsh, styled the Great Khân, had, while governor of Gujrât in the year 1000 A.H., sent to the town of Ghaznîn a large sum of money in order to obtain from the tomb of Sanâ'î a correct copy of theHadîqa , written in an ancient hand; this copy the Nawâb, on his departure on the pilgrimage, had bestowed on the Amîr `Abdu'r-Razzâq Ma`mûri, styled Muz affar Khan, at that time viceroy of that country. `Abdu'l-Latîf, however, being then occupied in journeys in various parts of India, could not for some time present himself before the Amîr; till in A.H. 1035 this chief came to Agra, where `Abdu'l-Latîf presented himself before him and obtained the desire of so many years. This MS. of theHadîqa had been written only 80 years after the original composition, but the text did not satisfy the editor, and it was besides deficient, both in verses here and there, and also as regards twenty leaves in the middle of the work.

In the year A.H. 1037 `Abdu'l-Latîf came to Lahore, where having some freedom from the counterfeit affairs of the world and the deceitful cares of this life, he entered again on the task of editing the text, with the help of numerous copies supplied to him by learned and critical friends; He adopted the order of the ancient MS. before-mentioned, and added thereto such other verses as he found in the later MSS. which appeared to be of common origin, and to harmonize in style and dignity and doctrine, with the text. As to what `Abdu'l-Latîf attempted in his commentary, v. p. xxiipost .

So far `Abdu'l-Latîf's own account of his work. We can, however, supplement this by a number of conclusions derived from the MSS. themselves.

In the first place, it appears that A is not, as stated in the India Office Catalogue, `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph copy. The statement that it is so is apparently based on the fact of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu wa sawwadahu `Abdu'l-Latîf. b. 'Abdu'llâhi'l-`Abbâsî ," at the end of the editor's few words of introduction to Sanâ'î's preface and again of the occurrence of the words "harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . ki shârih wa niusahhih-i în kitâb-i maimunat ni sâb ast ," at the end of the few lines of introduction immediately preceding the text. But both these sentences are found in the Lucknow lithograph, and therefore must have been copied in all the intermediate MSS. from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph downwards the words in each case refer only to the paragraph to which they are appended, and were added solely to distinguish these from Sanâ'î's own writings.

1 cannot find any other facts in favour of the statement that A is the editor's autograph; there are, however, many against it. Thus A is beautifully written, and is evidently the work of a skilled professional scribe, not of a man of affairs and a traveller, which `Abdu'l-Latîf represents himself as having been. Again, there are occasional explanatory glosses to the commentary, in the original hand; these would have been unnecessary had the scribe been himself the author of the commentary. The handwriting is quite modern in character and the pointing is according to modern standards throughout; the late date of A is immediately brought out clearly by comparing it with I (of date 1027 A.H.) or M (of date 1076 A.H.); though the supposed date of A is 1044 A.H. it is obviously much later than either of the others. But perhaps the most curious bit of evidence is the following; at the top of fol. 11b of the text of A there is an erasure, in which is written ### in place of an original reading ###, and as it happens this line is one which has been commented on by the editor; in the margin is a note in a recent hand,--###, which is true,--the commentary certainly presumes a reading ###, but this MS. had originally ###; the scribe could not therefore have been the commentator himself, i.e., `Abdu'l-Latîf

Further, not only is A not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, but it does not accurately reproduce that autograph. I refer to 34 short passages of Sanâ'î's text, which in A are found as additions in the margin; these, though obviously written in the same hand, I regard as subsequent additions from another source by the same scribe, not as careless omissions filled in afterwards on comparing the copy with the original. In the first place, the scribe was on the whole a careful writer; and the mistakes he has made in transcribing the commentary, apart from the text, are few. The omissions of words or passages of commentary, which have been filled in afterwards, are altogether 10; of these, two are of single words only; two are on the first page, when perhaps the copyist had not thoroughly settled down to his work; five are short passages, no doubt due to carelessness; and one is a longer passage, the whole of a comment on a certain verse,--an example of carelessness certainly, but explicable by supposing that the scribe had overlooked the reference number in the text indicating that the comment was to be introduced in relation to that particular verse. Roughly speaking, the commentary is of about equal bulk with the text; yet the omissions of portions of commentary by the copyist are thus many fewer in number and much less in their united extent than the omissions of the text,--supposing, that is, that the marginal additions to the text in A are merely the consequence of careless copying. The reverse would be expected, since owing to the manner of writing, it is easier to catch up the place where one has got to in a verse composition; it would seem therefore. as said above, that the comparatively numerous marginal additions to the text are rather additions introduced afterwards from another source than merely careless omissions in copying. In the second place, none of these 34 passages are annotated by `Abdu'l-Latîf; in all likelihood, if they had formed part of his text, some one or more of the lines would have received a comment. The passages comprise, together, 63 verses; there is only one instance in the First chapter of theHadîqa of a longer consecutive passage without annotation, and in general it is rare (eleven instances only) to find more than 30 consecutive verses without annotation; usually the editor's comments occur to the number of two, three or more on each page of 15 lines. I think, therefore. it must be admitted that the chances would be much against a number of casual omissions aggregating 63 lines falling out so as not to include a single comment of the editor. Thirdly, it is a remarkable fact that of these 34 passages the great majority are also omitted in both C and H, while they are present in both M and 1; to particularize, C omits 30 ½, H omits 28, both C and H omit 25 ½, and either C or H or both omit every one of these 34 passages; while I and M each have all the 34 with one exception in each case; further, while many of these 34 marginally added passages in A correspond exactly to omissions in H, the corresponding omissions in C may be more extensive, i.e., may include more, in each case, of the neighbouring text.

We must therefore, I think, conclude that after completing the transcription of A the scribe obtained a copy of theHadîqa of the type of I or M, and filled in certain additions therefrom; and that '`Abdu'l-Latîf's edition did not originally contain these passages.

Let us turn to a consideration of I and its relation to `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition. I is dated A.H. 1027; it is, therefore, earlier than `Abdu'l-Latîf's edition of A.H. 1044. As we have seen, A is not `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph; but we have, I think, no reason to doubt that it was either copied from that autograph, or at any rate stands in the direct line of descent; so much seems to be attested by the occurrence of the words --"harrarahu `Abdu'l-Latîf . . . " and by the inscription at the end as to the completion of the book in A.H. 1044, the actual date of the completion of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. Regarding, then, A as presenting us (with the exception of the marginally added passages) with a practically faithful copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's own text, we notice a striking correspondence between this text and that of I. As to the general agreement of the readings of the two texts, a glance at the list of variants will be sufficient; and it is not impossible to find whole pages without a single difference of any importance. The titles also, which as a rule vary even so much in the different MSS., correspond closely throughout. The order of the sections is the same throughout; and the order of the lines within each section, which, ' is also very variable in the various M88., corresponds in I and A with startling closeness. The actual spellings of individual words also, which vary even in the same MS., are frequently the same in I and A; for example, at the bottom of p. ### of the present text the word ### or ### occurs three times within a few lines. The word may also be written ###, ###; thus while C and M have ###, H has first ### and then twice ###; I however has first ### and then twice ###; and this is exactly repeated in A. Another example occurs a few lines afterwards (p. ###, l. ###); the reading is ###,mâr-i shikanj ,mâr being followed by the izâdfat; this I writes as ###; in A an erasure occurs between ### and ###, doubtless due to the removal of a ### originally written there as in I.

The above will serve to show the close relation between I and A, or between I and `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, of which A is a copy or descendant. But, however close this relationship, `Abdu'l-Latîf cannot actually have used I in the preparation of his revision of the text, or he would certainly have incorporated many of the 34 passages before alluded to, which were all, with one exception, contained in 1. These, we have seen, were only added by the scribe of A, and by him only subsequently, from another source, after he had completed his transcription from `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph.

The facts, then, are these. There was in existence, before `Abdu'l-Latîf's time, a tradition, probably Persian, of the order of the text, which he adopted even in detail. This is represented for us by I, written A.H. 1027 at Is fahân; but I itself is somewhat fuller than the copy of which `Abdu'l-Latîf if made such great use. This copy may be called P. Such use, indeed, did `Abdu'l-Latîf make of P, that, so far as can be seen, it is only necessary that he should have had P before him, with one or two other copies from which he derived a certain number of variant readings, which he substituted here and there in his own edition for those of P.

We have now brought down the history of the text to A.H. 1044. Not much remains to be said; A, as we have seen, is quite possibly a direct copy of `Abdu'l-Latîf's autograph, with, however, marginal additions from another source. This other source might be at once assumed to be 1, but for the fact that only 33 out of the 34 marginally added passages occur in I; and it still seems to me at least possible that I was thus used. 1, though written at Is fahân, was probably by this time in India, where A, the so-called "Tippu MS.," was certainly written; at least, that I did come to India may be assumed from its presence in the India Office Library. Again, though it is, I think, impossible that the whole of the 34 passages added marginally in A should have been careless omissions of the copyist, one or two might possibly be so, and it is possible that the single line now under discussion may be such an omission, filled in from the scribe's original, not from another source. Finally it is, of course, always possible that the additions were taken from two sources, not one only; i.e., that while perhaps even 33 were filled in after comparison with I, the single remaining line may have been derived from elsewhere. Though absent in C, it is present in both H and M.

As to the lithographs, both are obviously descendants of A. The above conclusions may be summarized in the followingstemma codicum .

The present text is founded on that of the Lucknow lithograph L, with which have been collated the other texts mentioned above. L is practically a verbatim copy of A, the value of which has been discussed above. Though MSS. of theHadîqa are not rare, at least in European libraries, I have not met with any in India; and a considerable portion of the first draft of the translation and notes was done on the basis of L and B alone. TheHadîqa is not in any case an easy book, with the exception, perhaps, of a number of the anecdotes which are scattered through it; and it was rendered far more difficult by the fact, which I did not recognize for some time, that a very great amount of confusion exists even in the text as it is published to-day, in the lithographs descended from `Abdu'l-Latîf's recension. There appeared to be frequently no logical connection whatever between successive verses; whole pages appeared to consist of detached sayings, the very meaning of which was frequently obscure; a subject would be taken up only to be dropped immediately.

I ultimately became convinced that the whole work had fallen into confusion, and that the only way of producing any result of value would be to rearrange it. This I had done, tentatively, for part of the work, before collating the British Museum and India office MSS. cited above.

When I came to examine the MSS., the wide variations, not only in the general order of the sections to which allusion has already been made, but in the order of the verses within each section, showed me that probably no MS. at the present day, or at any rate none of those examined by me, retains the original order of the author: and I felt justified in proceeding as I had begun, altering the order of the lines, and even of the sections, if by so doing a. meaning or a logical connection could be brought out. I need not say that the present edition has no claims to represent Sanâ'î's original; probably it does not represent it even approximately. In some cases there is, I think, no doubt that I have been able to restore the original order of the lines, and so to make sense where before it was wanting; in other cases this is possible, but I feel less confident; while in still others the reconstruction, preferable though I believe it to be to the order as found in any single MS., is nevertheless almost certainly a, makeshift, and far from the original order. Lastly it will be seen that I have quite failed, in a number of instances, to find the context of short passages or single lines; it seemed impossible to allow them to stand in the places they occupied in any of the MSS., and I have, therefore, simply collected them together, or in the ease of single lines given them in the notes.

IV- THE COMMENTATORS

Khwâja `Abdu'l-Latîf b. `Abdullâh al-`Abbâsî, already so frequently mentioned, explains to us in his Preface, theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , what he has attempted in his commentary on theHadîqa . He states that he was writing in A.H. 1038, in the second year of the reign of the Emperor Shahjahân, that he had already completed his work on Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, and that he had in A.H. 1037 settled down to work on theHadîqa . 'What he professes to have done for the text of that work has been mentioned in the last section; the objects he has aimed at in the way of commentary and explanation are the following:-- Firstly, he has followed up the references to passages in the Qur'ân, has given these passages with their translations, and a statement of the sûra in which they are to be found. Secondly, the traditions referred to are also quoted. Thirdly, obscure passages have been annotated, and strange or curious Arabic and Persian words have been explained, after an investigation into their meanings in trustworthy books. Fourthly, certain signs have been used in transcribing the text, in order to fix the signification of various letters; thus theyâ'i kitâbî is denoted by ### subscript, theyâ'i majhûl similarly by ###, theyâ'i ma'rûf by ###, the Persian # (#) by #, the Arabic # by #, and so on. Again the vocalization has been attended to in words which are often mispronounced; thus ignorant people often substitutefatha forkasra in such words as`khizâna' , of which theQâmûs says "Khizâna is never pronounced withfatha "; 'Shamâl ', meaning the North wind, should be pronounced withfatha , notkasra , as is often done. Theizâfat ,jazm , and other orthographical signs have often been written in the text; and finally a glossary of the less known words has been added in the margin. Since it is inconvenient to have text and commentary separate, "in this copy the whole stability of the text has been dissolved, and the text bears the commentary along with it (###), i.e., text and commentary are intermingled, the commentary not being written in the margin, but each annotation immediately after the word or line to which it applies. These researches the author has also written out separately, and called them "La tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq min Nafâ'isi'l-Daqâ'iq ." The date is again given as A.H. 1038.

It appears then that the original form of the commentary was not that of marginal notes, as it is presented in A and L; that it was completed in 1038 A.H., and, in its separate form, was called theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . That this is the name of the commentary we know and possess, seems to have been the opinion of the scholar who prepared the Lucknow lithograph, which is entitled "Sanâ'î'sHadîqa , with the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ."

Besides the preface just considered, there is also another, found in both A and L, called theRâsta-i Khiyâbân , written especially, it would seem, as an introduction to the commentaryLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq . After dwelling on the unworthiness of the writer, `Abdu'l-Latîf states that the interpretations given by him are not mere expressions of private opinion, but are derived from the best Arabic and Persian books; the emendations of the text are all derived from authentic MSS., and are in accordance with the judgment of discerning men; everything has been weighed and discussed by the learned. He does not, however, say that these explanations are the only ones, nor that he has commented on every line that to some people would seem to require it. Though his work may seem poor now while he is alive, it may grow in the esteem of men after his death. The work has been done in the intervals of worldly business, while occupied with affairs of government. There follows a lengthy eulogy of his friend Mîr `Imâdu'd-Dîn Mahmûd al-Hamadâni, called Ilâhî, twotârîkhs by whom close this preface. The firsttârîkh says that the work having been begun in the year 1040. all the correction and revision was completed in 1042 (###); the second simply gives the date 1040.

These dates evidently cannot refer to the edition and commentary as first written; since we have seen that the text and theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq are referred to by `Abdu'l-Latîf in 1038 as having been completed. It would seem that the editor had either been at work on another, revised and improved edition; or, as is assumed in the India Office Catalogue (No. 923), on an abridgment of his earlier work. Lastly, we have the date 1041 for the completed work of which A is a copy (see description of contents of A, in Section II, p. xi); and this seems to represent the final form of the work. in which the annotations are written in the margin, not, as at first, intermingled in the text.

In the India Office Catalogue the series of events is interpreted somewhat differently. The commentary as it appears in A (and L, the only form, apparently, in which we possess it) is stated to be an abridgement from a larger commentary, theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq ; according to the preface (the Catalogue states) the larger work wa-. begun in 1040 and completed in 1042. It is with diffidence that I venture to question this presentation of the facts; but A, in the description of which the above statements occur, does not contain the preface calledMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , and therefore presents no indication that the text andLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq had already been completed in 1038. That the work done between 1040 and 1042 consisted in the preparation of the originalLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq is, from the statement of theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , impossible. We have seen, moreover, that the tradition in India is that the commentary as we have it, as it appears in A and L, is theLa tâ'ifu'l-Hadâ'iq itself., and not an abridgement. I do not gather from the India Office Catalogue or elsewhere that two-commentaries, a larger and a smaller, are actually in existence; there may be other evidences of their former existence of which I am ignorant, but so far merely as my own knowledge goes, I can see no reason for assuming two commentaries, and would look on the labours of 1040-1042 in the light of revision and rearrangement, a work which was perhaps only finally completed in 1044, the date given in A for the completion of the work. Besides his work on theHadîqa , `Abdu'l-Latîf had previously, as has been mentioned, published a revised and annotated edition of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî's Mathnawî, commentaries on the same poem, and a special glossary, the lithographed at Lucknow in A.D. 1877 under the titleFarhang-i Mathnawî . He died in 1048 or 1049 A.H. (A.D. 1638, 1639).

A general description of the volume containing the other commentary which I have used in the preparation of the notes appended to the present translation, has already been given. Of the authors, or author and scribe, Mirzâ `Alâu'd-Dîn Ahmad of Lûhârû, called `Alâ'î, and Maulavî Muhammad Ruknu'd-Dîn of Hiss ar, I know no more, than is to be gathered from their prefaces.

Their commentary is of slight value as compared with that of `Abdu'l-Latîf: that is to say, that part of it which is original. The commentary is considerably more bulky than `Abdu'l-Latîf's, perhaps between two and three times as extensive; but it includes, without one word of acknowledgment, the whole of `Abdu'l-Latîf's work. This is, in the great majority of cases, reproduced verbatim; in some instances a paraphrase of `Abdu'l-Latîf's commentary has been attempted, and in certain of these it is plain that the authors did not understand the sense of what they paraphrased. Of their own work, a certain amount is superfluous, the sense of the text being immediately obvious; a certain amount is mere paraphrase of Sanâ'î's words: and another portion consists in an attempt to read mystical meanings into the original in passages which, as it seems, were never intended by the author to bear them. Notwithstanding these facts, I have, as will be seen, quoted freely in my notes from their commentary; for a certain portion of their work is helpful, and moreover, it seemed to me to be of interest to give in this way a specimen of present-day Indian thought and criticism in the field ofS ûfîistic philosophy. I cannot, however, leave the subject of Sanâ'î's commentators without expressing my sorrow that scholars should have existed who were not only capable of such wholesale theft, but even lauded themselves on the results of it; witness the extravagant praise of `Alâ'î in Ruknu'd-Dîn's preface; and again the words

Praise be to God! There has never been. such a commentator of theHadîqa , nor will be; or if there is. it will be an imitation or a theft from this king of commentators!" There is also no indication that the volume comprises only one out of ten chapters of theHadîqa ; it is everywhere implied that the. completeHadîqa is presented.

V-THE HADÎQATU'L-HAQÎQAT

TheHadîqatu'l-Haqîqat , or the "Enclosed Garden of the Truth", commonly called theHadîqa , is a poem of about 11,500 lines; each line consists of two hemistichs, each of ten or eleven syllables; the bulk, therefore, is equal to about 23,000 lines of English ten-syllabled verse. It is composed in the metre ### which may be represented thus:

The two hemistichs of each verse rhyme; and the effect may therefore roughly be compared to that of English rhymed couplets with the accent falling on the first (instead of the second) syllable of the line, and, occasionally, an additional short syllable introduced in the last foot.

The chapter,; of which theHadîqa consists treat, according to a few lines of verse at the end of the table of contents in the Lucknow edition, of the following subjects; the First, on the Praise of God, and especially on His Unity; the Second, in praise of Muhammad; the Third, on the Understanding; the Fourth, on Knowledge; the Fifth, on Love, the Lover, and the Beloved; the Sixth, on Heedlessness; the Seventh, on Friends and Enemies, the Eighth, on the Revolution of the Heavens; the Ninth, in praise of the Emperor Shâhjahân; the Tenth, on the characters or qualities of the whole work. This, however, is not the actual arrangement of the work as presented in the volume itself; the first five chapters are as already given, but the Sixth concerns the Universal Soul; the Seventh is on Heedlessness; the Eighth on the Stars; the Ninth on Friends and Enemies; the Tenth on many matters, including the praise of the Emperor. Prof. Browne (Lit. Hist. Persia, vol. ii., p. 318) gives still another order, apparently that of an edition lithographed at Bombay in A.H. 1275 (A.D. 1859).

Sanâ'î's fame has always rested on hisHadîqa ; it is the best known and in the East by far the most esteemed of his works; it is in virtue of this work that he forms one of the great trio ofS ûfî teachers,--Sanâ'î, `Att âr, Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. It will be of interest to compare some of the estimates that have been formed of him and of the present work in particular.

In time he was the first of the three, and perhaps the most cordial acknowledgment of his merits conies from his successor Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. He says:--

I left off boiling while still half cooked;

 Hear the full account from the Sage of Ghazna."

And again--

"`Att âr was the Spirit, Sanâ'î the two eyes:

 We walk in the wake of Sanâ'î and `Att âr."

`Abdu'l-Latîf, in his preface called theMirâtu'l-Hadâ'iq , enters into a somewhat lengthy comparison between Sanâ'î and Rûmî, in which he is hard put to it to avoid giving any preference to one or other. It is interesting to observe how he endeavours to keep the scales even. He begins by adverting to the greater length of theMathnawî as compared with theHadîqa , and compares theHadîqa to an abridgement, theMathnawî to a fully detailed account. Sanâ'î's work is the more compressed; he expresses in two or three verses what theMathnawî expresses in twenty or thirty, `Abdu'l-Latîf therefore, as it would seem reluctantly, and merely on the ground of his greater prolixity, gives the palm for eloquence to Jalâlu'd-Dîn.

There is the most perfect accord between Sanâ'î and Rûmî; tile substance of their works, indeed, is in part identical. Shall it therefore be said that Rûmî stole from Sanâ'î? He asks pardon from God for expressing the thought; with regard to beggars in the spiritual world, who own a stock-in-trade of trifles, bankrupts of the road of virtue and accomplishments, this might be suspected; but to accuse the treasurers of the stores of wisdom and knowledge, the able natures of the kingdom of truth and allegory, of. plagiarism and borrowing is the height of folly and unwisdom.

With regard to style, some suppose that the verse of theHadîqa is more elevated and dignified than the elegantly ordered language of theMathnawî . TheHadîqa does indeed contain poetry of which one verse is a knapsack of a hundreddîwâns ; nor, on account of its great height, can the hand of any intelligent being's ability reach the pinnacles of its rampart; and the saying--

"I have spoken a saying which is a whole work;
I have uttered a sentence which is a (complete) dîwân,"

is true of theHadîqa . But if the sense and style of the Maulavî be considered, there is no room for discrimination and distinction; and, since "Thou shalt not make a distinction between any of His prophets ," to distinguish between the positions of these two masters, who may unquestionably be called prophets of religion, has infidelity and error as its fruit. Who possesses the power of dividing and discriminating between milk and sugar intermingled in one vessel? `Abdu'l-Latîf sums up thus "in fine, thus much one may say, that in sobriety the Hakîm is pre-eminent, and in intoxication our lord the Maulavî is superior; and that sobriety is in truth the essence of intoxication, and this intoxication the essence of sobriety."

Prof. Browne, however, places theHadîqa on a far lower level than the Eastern authors quoted above. He says1 :--"The poem is written in a halting and unattractive metre, and is in my opinion one of the dullest books in Persian, seldom rising to the level of Martin Tupper'sProverbial Philosophy , filled with fatuous truisms and pointless anecdotes, and as far inferior to theMathnawî of Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî as is Robert Montgomery'sSatan to Milton'sParadise Lost ."

It is of course true that to us, at least, the interest of theHadîqa is largely historical, as being one of the early Persian text-books of theS ûfî philosophy, and as having so largely influenced subsequent writers, especially, as we have seen, the Maulavî Jalâlu'd-Dîn Rûmî. Yet I cannot butt think that Prof. Browne's opinion, which is doubtless shared by other scholars, as well as the neglect to which theHadîqa has been exposed in the West, is due not to the demerits of the original text so much as to the repellent and confused state into which the text has fallen; and I would venture to hope that the present attempt at a restoration of the form and meaning of a portion of the work, imperfect in the highest degree as I cannot but acknowledge it to be, may still be of some slight service to its author's reputation among European Orientalists.

The first Chapter or Book of theHadîqa , which is here presented, comprises a little more than one-sixth of the entire work. The subjects of which it treats may be briefly resumed as follows:--

After an introductory section in praise of God the author speaks of the impotence of reason for the attaining a knowledge of God; of God's Unity, of God as First Cause and Creator and delivers more than one attack against anthropomorphic conceptions of God (pp. 1-10). After speaking of the first steps of the ascent towards God, for which worldly wisdom is not a bad thing, with work and serenity (pp. 10-11), he devotes the next portion of the book to God as Provider, to His care for man through life, the uselessness of earthly possessions, and to God as guide on the road, but self must first be abandoned (pp. 11-46). A fine section on God's incomprehensibility to man might perhaps come more fittingly at an earlier stage instead of here (pp. 16-18). After overcoming self, God's special favour is granted to the traveller on the path: but we see crookedly, and He alone knows what is best for us: He has ordered all things well, and what seems evil is so only in appearance (pp. 18-25).

The greater part of the book is really concerned with the life and experiences of theS ûfî, and especially with continually repeated injunctions as to abandonment of the world and of self; to be dead to this world is to live in the other. Pp. 25-30 are thus concerned with poverty in this world, with loss of the, self, humility, man's insignificance and God's omnipotence; pp. 30-34 with the necessity of continual remembrance of God, of never living apart from Him, and again of dying to the world; death to the world leads to high position with God. There follows (pp. 34-41) a series of passages on the duty of thanksgiving for God's mercies; His mercy however has its counterpart in His anger, and examples of His wrath are given; then returning again to the subject of His mercies, the author speaks of God's omniscience, and His knowledge of the wants of His servants; we must therefore trust in God for all the necessaries of life, they will be given as long as life is destined to last. Two later pages (48-50), which are similarly devoted to the subject of trust in God, should probably come here. Pp. 41-48 deal with theS ûfîs desire for God, and his zeal in pursuing the path; various directions for the road are given, especially as rewards the abandonment of the world and of self, and fixing the desires on God only; union with God is the. goal. The abandonment of self is again the theme of pp. 50-51.

A portion of the book (pp. 51-56) is, curiously, here devoted to the interpretation of dreams; after which the author treats of the incompatibility of the two worlds, again of the abandonment of earth and self, and of the attainment of the utmost degree of annihilation (pp. 56-58). There follows a passage on the treatment of schoolboys, a comparison with the learner on theS ûfî path, and an exhortation to strive in pursuing it (pp. 58-60). The next portion of the book (pp., 60-67) treats of charity and gifts as a form of renunciation, of relinquishing riches for God's sake; prosperity is injurious to the soul, and the world must be abandoned; possessions and friends are useless, and each must trust to himself; each will find his deserts hereafter, and receive the reward of what he has worked for here.

Pp. 67-80 treat of prayer, the preparation for which consists in purity of heart, humility, and dependence upon God. Prayer must come from the heart; the believer must be entirely absorbed in his devotions. Prayer must be humble; the believer must come in poverty and perplexity, and only so can receive God's kindness. A number of addresses to God follow, prayers for help, and humble supplications to God on the part of the author. A few pages (80-92) treat of God's kindness in drawing men towards himself, though His ways may appear harsh at first. The progress of the believer is described in a strain of hyperbole (pp. 82-83); and this portion closes with a few sections (pp. 83-86) on God's majesty and omnipotence somewhat after the manner of those in the earlier part of the book.

In pp. 86-97 the author speaks of the Qur'ân, and its excellence and sweetness. The letter however is not the essential: its true meaning is not to be discovered by reason alone. The Qur'ân is often dishonoured, especially by theologians, and by professional readers, who read it carelessly and without understanding it. A short section (pp. 97-98) on humility and self-effacement follows, and the book is brought to a close by a description of the godlessness of the world before the advent of Muhammad (pp. 98-100), which serves to introduce the subject of the Second Chapter.

Though it must he admitted that the author is occasionally obscure, sometimes dull, and not infrequently prosaic, some fine sections and a larger number of short passages of great beauty are contained in this chapter; I may perhaps be permitted especially to refer to the sections "In His Magnification," pp. 16-18. and "On Poverty and Perplexity," p. 74; while as characteristic and on the whole favourable passages may be mentioned "On His Omniscience, and His Knowledge of the Minds of Men," pp. 37-39; " On the Incompatibility of the Two Abodes," pp. 56-58; "On intimate Friendship and Attachment," pp. 62-63; and certain of the addresses to God contained in pp. 74-77.

Footnote

1 A Literary History of Persia, Vol. II., p. 319.