Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

An Overview of Contemporary Muslim History

Pan-Arabism, Pan-Iranism and Pan-Turanism, three of the different tendencies or ideologies among Muslim societies, came into being as a result of secularist activities at the beginning of the twentieth century and during the inter-war period (1914-1945)77 . However, my present discussion will not focus on the problems of particular Muslim nations or Arab, Turkish or Persian nationalism.

My major concern here is the theoretical stance of Islam on the subject of nationalism. In some ways, it is almost confusing to speak of Islam and nationalism by referring to specific examples. P. J. Vatikiotis in his chapter on Islam and Nationalism, faces this problem in dealing with individual nationalist ideologies.78

The work conducted by Vatikiotics is to a large extent a study of a specific Muslim nation and its nationalism rather than of Islam and nationalism, for the terms Arab, Persian, Turk, etc., are not equivalent to Islam.

At any rate, Syria was the country in which Arab nationalism, (al- qawmiyyah al-'Arabiyyah) had its origin.79 However, according to M. J. Steiner,“Syria was not the first Arab land to open her gates to modern nationalist; Egypt did so several decades earlier. But Syria was the first Arab speaking country to ride towards nationalism on the vehicle of cultural awakening.” 80 It was before World War I that Arab nationalism emerged, and it was in the period after World War II that it spread through the Arab world. Sharabi has stated:

The most sophisticated articulation of the doctrine of Arab nationalism is probably that given by the Socialist Arab Ba'th party. But Arab nationalism does not constitute a single political creed Under the leadership of Gamal 'Abdul-Nasser, a mass nationalist movement emerged which attracted the allegiance of Arabs from Morocco to Iraq.81

'Urubah (Arabism) may be defined as taking pride in being the inheritor of the Arab as well as Muslim culture heritage.82 Syria at that time was considered to be a cosmopolitan country of many races, nationalities and religions. Therefore, it is rather surprising to find it stated by Sharabi that Syria“was destined to become the cradle of Arab nationalism.” There existed around twenty religious sects in that relatively small area each with its own voice. From within such an area“the cultural renaissance of the Arabs in modern times” emerged.83

As a result of this movement, however, the religious outlook was replaced by a secular doctrine whose power had been derived from both the cultural and political aspirations of the peoples who were fighting for their independence. This wave of secularism derived from the West, was to a large extent more successful in Turkey than in the Arab lands“where Islam still retains some power as a cultural and even political factor.” In the case of the latter,“the bonds of religion had to be removed slowly and gradually.” 84

The Pan-Islamic movement of the end of the nineteenth century on the other hand, represented“an impulse to resist and repulse the attacks of the European powers.” It was obviously intended to unite all Muslims“in a common defensive struggle against European attacks.” 85 'Divide and rule' had been the policy of the colonial powers up to that time.

Since the rise of nationalist movements within their societies, Muslims have been constantly encouraged to think about and to take pride in their nationality. In some instances, and mostly in Western societies nationalism is considered to be a key factor in a nation's success and independence. In Europe the expansion of the movement was natural since there was no energetic and effective school of religious thought encouraging people of the same religion and different nations to come together and form a single community. In Muslim world, however, Islam itself is considered to be the guarantor of liberty, and is regarded as the basic element of Muslim independence and freedom. Algeria, Indonesia, Pakistan, and more recently Islamic Republic of Iran are examples of this trend.86

In the nineteenth century the Muslim world was stirred by the teachings of two insightful figures, Sayyid Jamal al-Din (1838- 1896/97) and Shaykh Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905), the“two champions of the Pan-Islamic movement.” These two Muslim thinkers, and particularly Sayyid Jamal al-Din were among the first figures who“inspired feelings of resistance to the danger of Western imperialism in the hearts of the Muslim peoples” and forced them to think of an Islamic front against imperialism.87

Sayyid himself used to hide his own nationality for he preferred not to be known as an individual belonging to a specific nation so that the Western colonialists might motivate others against him88 . He stated that there is no nationality for Muslims except Islam89 .

Sayyid was chief among individuals who“were the first to seize upon the Pan-Islamic idea, and became its propagandists.” 90 Familiar with the ancient civilization and power of the East, he“yearned to rouse it from a state of complete decadence. He recognized all the menace of existing conditions and the need of a solid alliance against Christian Europe.” 91

Sayyid Jamal al-Din“conceived the idea of Pan-Islam” , in 1882 while in Constantinpole, where he made a“deep impression upon” Ottoman Sultan Abdul- Hamid II. The Turkish Sultan developed and supported the idea of Pan-Islam“as a deliberate policy and attempt to restore to the office of Caliph its ancient significance as the chief and protector of all Muhammedans.” 92

The Sultan sent delegates to the Muslim world“to rally all believers behind their caliph.” Consequently, even among the orthodox Arabs, Shi'ites, and Sunnites, the Pan-Islamic idea received an encouraging response, although theoretically they could not recognize Abdul-Hamid as caliph93 , probably because they realized that the Qur'an did not predict the office of Caliph. Instead they believed that such an office“sprang from military and political needs.94” During the revival of Pan-Islamism, the office of caliphate, after having long been void of all significance,“rose again to importance, especially through Abdul-Hamid who endeavoured to restore the authority of the Caliph.” 95

It was in the late nineteenth century that both Sayyid Jama al-Din and Sultan Abdul-Hamid upheld the call for Muslim unity and for a single Islamic government ruling the entire Muslim world. They tried to gather all Muslims under the umbrella of the 0ttoman Empire in the hope of defending Islam against Western imperialism and its dream of conquering the Middle East.96

However, as Kohn elaborates:

In spite of a consciousness of Islamic affinity, politically nationalism was the stronger force. Attempts to revive the Caliphate (which Mustafa Kemal abolished in Turkey in 1924) as a pan-Islamic movement failed.97

At the very outset of the movement of Pan-Islam, the Western colonial powers, mainly France and England, realized the danger of this newborn doctrine. They tried as a result to defeat this movement before it grew and acquired strength. They began to explore every means of destroying Muslim unity. One of the most effective methods utilized in this regard was to encourage nationalist feelings among Arabs and Turks in order to create barriers between the various peoples of the Muslim world. This strategy was aimed in particular at the Ottoman Empire. Thus, it was no accident that the first nationalist aspirations arose in the dependencies of the latter.98

Three motivations have been recognized as lying behind this policy. First, the British colonial office actually perceived a threat in the wave of Islamic unity and so tried to discourage its emergence. Secondly, the creation of a Jewish state was in the planning stages. Thirdly, the presence of Russia in the Muslim world was endangering the political aims of the office. Steiner remarks:

To the policy makers of the British Colonial Office, Pan-Arabia is occasionally an expression of what is known as 'benevolent imperialism,' and sometimes - oddly enough- a bugbear aimed at intimating the Jewish National Home in Palestine.99

He continues that it was the intention of the British“to build up Pan-Arabia as a bulwark against Russian penetration into the Arab World.” 100 Since Pan-Arabism lacked the necessary elements required to unify the Arabs of different areas, it did not go beyond the status of a myth in the Arab history.“The three prerequisites of any political movement are: ideology, organization, and leadership. In Pan-Arabism all three are lacking.” 101

Alongside the Pan-Arabism movement, two other movements were being formed in other parts of Muslim world. The role of German 0rientalists in planting the idea of Pan-Turanism in the minds of the Turks is discussed by Steiner as well. Again, it was done to inspire“the Pan-Turan leaders of Turkey to side with Germany against Russia and Great Britain.” 102

It is asserted that three Jewish from Europe motivated the thought of Turk Nationalism. This is confirmed by the famous 0rientalist Bernard Lewis in his Islam in History. According to him, Arthur Lumley David (1832-1811) was the first one who encouraged the feeling of nationalism among the Turks. He was a British Jewish who departed to Turkey and distributed a book known as Preliminary Discourses trying to confirm the excellence and superiority of Turk race to Arab and other nations.103

At that time, Iran was not governed by the Ottoman Empire; therefore, the movement of pan-Iranism has its own story. In fact, the pan-Iranism movement, propagated as it was by Western- leaning free-thinkers, was not as advanced as the nationalist movements in other Muslim areas. This was because the British Colonial Office now realized that the wave of Muslim unity influenced Iranians less than Turks and Arabs, due to Iran's independence from the Ottoman Empire.

The colonial powers were not very concerned that Iran might become a part of a united Islamic world. They therefore concentrated on introducing Western institutions into Iran without feeling obliged to strengthen the nationalist sentiment for Pan-Iranism. It was for this reason that the nationalist movement of Pan-Iranism was weaker than Pan- Turanism or Pan-Arabism in other parts of the world of Islam.104 Here again, and in Pan-Turanism as well the above-mentioned three prerequisites were lacking.

In any case, the establishment of nationalist movements in Muslim world was not the result of a real consciousness or awareness among Muslims. Rather it was the fruit of Western colonialism. Kohn claims that the rise of nationalism in countries outside Western Europe during this period was influenced by the West.“Yet this very dependence on the West hurt the pride of the native educated class, as soon as it began to develop its own nationalism.” 105

To be continued.

Bibliography

1- A.K.P., Dar Justejuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; “Melli Gara'i”, no. 11, (Tehran:1982 ).

2- Baron, Modern Nationalism and Religion, (New York:1947 ).

3- Dabashi, Hamid, Theology of Discontent: The Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York:1993 , New York University Press).

4- Frazier, Franklin, The Negro Church in America, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press,1964 .

5- Ha'iri Husayn, Eighty Eight Aphorisms from the Eight Imam, (Mashhad,1992 ).

6- Hayes, Carlton J. H., Nationalism: A Religion, (New York:1960 ).

7- Hess Andrew C., The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “MILLET”, editor in chief John L. Esposito, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

8- Ibn Ishaq, Muhammad. The Life of Muhammad, English translation by

9- A. Guillaume, (London, New York & Toronto:1955 ).

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11- Imam Ali. Nahj al-Balaghah, English Translation by Sayyid Mohammad 'Askari Jafery, (Poona, India:1967 ).

12- Imam Khomeini, Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, English translation by M. Qara'i, (Tehran:1989 ).

13- Imam Khomeini. Imam's Final Discourse, English translation by translation unit of the Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, (Tehran:1989 ).

14- Khadduri, Majid. War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (Virginia:1995 , William Byrd Press).

15- Khaji Nuri, A. Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran:1980 ).

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17- Kohn, Hans. Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York:1965 ).

18- Kohn, Hans. Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York:1946 ).

19- Lee, Martha. The Nation of Islam: An American Millenarian Movement, (Queenston:1988 , Edwin Mellen Press).

20- Mawdudi, Sayyid Abul 'Ala. The Political Theory of Islam, (Delhi:1964 ).

21- Mawlawi, Jalal al-Din Muhammad, Mathnawi-ye Ma'nawi-ye, (Tehran:1987 , Jawidan).

22- Muhyiddeen, Bawa, M. A., Islam and World Peace: Explanation of a Sufi, (Pennsylvania:1987 ).

23- Mutahhari, Murtadha, Khaddmat-i Mutaqdbil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran:1981 ).

24- Naqawi, Ali Muhammad. Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyyah, (Tehran:1984 , Munazamah al-I'lam al-Islami).

25- Paret R., First Encyclopaedia of Islam, “UMMA” 1st ed. vol. 8, (Leiden:1987 , E. J. Brill).

26- Sharabi, Hisham B.. Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York & London:1966 ).

27- Soekarno. Nationalism, Islam and Marxism, English translation by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York:1984 ).

28- Steiner, M. J. Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago:1947 ).

29- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an, vol. 14, (Beirut:1974 ).

30- Tabataba'i, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Mizan: An Exegesis of the Qur'an, English translation by Rezvi, vol. 3, (Tehran:1982 ).

31- Tahir-ul-Qadri, Islam in Various Perspectives, (Lahore: Model Town,1986 ).

32- Turgay, A. Uner. The Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, “NATI0N”, editor in chief John L. Esposite, (New York:1995 , 0xford University Press).

33- Van der Veer, Peter. Religious Nationalism, (London:1994 , University of California Press).

34- Vatikiotis, P. J. Islam and State, (London, New York & Sydney:1987 , Croom Helm).

Notes

1. The Qur'an, 49: 10.

2. Hans Kohn, A History of Nationalism in the East, English translation by Margaret

M. Green, (London: 1929), p. 41.

3. Majid Khadduri, War and Peace in the Law of Islam, (U.S.A.: William Byrd Press, 1955), p.8.

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid. p. 7.

7. This passage occurs four times in the Qur'an: 12: 104; 38: 87; 68: 52; 81: 27.

8. Cf. M.R. Bawa Muhaiyaddeen, Islam and World Peace: Explanations of a Sufi, (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: 1987), pp. 37 & 98.

9. Hans Kohn, Nationalism; Its Meaning and History, (New York: 1965), p. 4.

10. Ibid., p. 9.

11. Ernest Renan (1823-1892) the celebrated French historian and philosopher.

12. Soekarno, Nationalism Islam and Marxism, Translated by Karel H. Warouw and Peter D. Weldon, 2nd edition, (New York: 1984), p. 38.

13. Otto Bauer (1881-1938) was a leading theoretician of the Austrian Social Democratic Party, whose book, Die Nationalitdtenfrage und die isterreichische Sozialdemokratie (The Nationalities Question and Austrain Social Democracy), first published in 1906. He was very influential in the European socialist movement of the time. (Ibid., p. 39)

14. Ibid., p. 39.

15. Ibid.

16. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 9.

17. Carlton J. H. Hayes, Nationalism: A Religion, (New York: 1960), p. 7.

18. Ibid., p. 1.

19. Ibid., p. 2.

20. Ibid.

21. Ibid., p. 3.

22. 'Ali Muhammad Naqawi, Al-Islam wal-Qawmiyya, (Tehran: Munazzamah al-I'lam al-Islami, 1984), p. 54.

23. Ibid., pp. 54-55.

24. Ibid. pp. 101-102.

25. Ibid., p. 88.

26. See: Muntaziri, Husayn 'Ali, Dirasat fi Wilayat al-Faqih, (Beirut: 1988), v.1, pp. 525-492. As an English reference, see: Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent; the Ideological Foundation of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, (New York; London: New York University Press, 1993), pp. 424-425 & 491-493.

27. Cf. Pity Aphorisms, Selected from Imam Komeini's words, (Tehran: 1994), p. 102.

28. Ibid., p. 103.

29. Hamid Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 419.

30. A. Khaji Nuri, Bazigaran-i 'Asr-i Tala'i: Sayyid Hasan Mudarris, (Tehran: 1980), p. 49.

31. Ibid., p. 50.

32. Imam Khomeini, Imam's Final Discourse, (Tehran: Ministry of Guidance and Islamic Culture, 1989), p. 20.

33. Ibid., p. 21.

34. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

35. Dabashi, Theology of Discontent, p. 472.

36. Ibid.

37. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 56.

38. Imam, Imam's Final Discourse, p. 8.

39. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 5.

40. Pity Aphorisms, p. 109.

41. Ibid.

42. Ibid.

43. Amir Kabir Publication, Dar Justujuy-i Rah-i Imam az Kalam-i Imam; Milli Garayi,

Ayatollah Khomeini's sayings, (Tehran: 1982), no. 11, pp. 9, 27, 29 & 57.

44. Cf. Mutaharri, Khadamat-i Mutaqabil-i Islam va Iran, (Tehran: 1981), p. 44.

45. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 55.

46. Imam Khomeini Ruhullah, Forty Hadith, translated into English by M. Qara'i, (Tehran: 1989), part one, p. 137.

47. Ibid., pp. 137-138.

48. Imam Khomeini, Forty Hadith, p. 138.

49. Ibid.

50. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

51. Ibid., p. 53.

52. Ibid., p. 55, citing Ibn Hisham, Sirat al-Nabi, v. 2, p. 412.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., p. 56.

55. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 44.

56. Ibid.

57. Hans Kohn, Prophets and Peoples; Studies in Nineteenth Century Nationalism, (New York: 1946), p. 2.

58. Ibid.

59. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 23.

60. Kohn, Prophets and Peoples, p. 145.

61. Ibid., p. 148.

62. Ibid.

63. Ibid., p. 149.

64. Hayes, Nationalism, p. 11.

65. Ibid., p. 13.

66. Ibid., pp. 14-15.

67. “The vernacular of a country or region is the language that is most widely spoken there.” Collins Cobuild English Language Dictionary, 1994.

68. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 8.

69. Ibid., pp. 8-9.

70. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34, also see: Abaas Arianpoor Kashani, English-Persian Dictionary, (Tehran: Amir Kabir Publication, 1963), v. 3, p. 3347.

71. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 50.

72. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 34.

73. M. H. Tabataba'i, al-Mizan; An Exegesis of the Quran, English, translation by Rezvi, (Tehran: 1982), v. 3, p. 179.

74. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

75. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 38.

76. Ibid., pp. 52-53.

77. P. J. Vatikiotis, Islam and State, (London, New York, Sydney: Croom Helm, 1987), p. 13.

78. Ibid., pp. 72-83.

79. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism and Revolution in the Arab World, (Toronto, New York, London: 1966), p., 96.

80. M. J. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, (Chicago: 1947), p. 79.

81. Hisham B. Sharabi, Nationalism, p. 96.

82. Ibid.

83. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, p. 79.

84. Ibid.

85. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

86. Mutaharri, Khadamat, pp. 34-35.

87. Soekarno, Nationalism, pp. 44-45.

88. Mutaharri, Khadamat, p. 36.

89. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 7.

90. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 38.

91. Ibid., pp. 38-40.

92. Ibid., p. 40.

93. Steiner, Inside Pan-Arabia, pp. 42-44.

94. Kohn, A History of Nationalism, p. 42.

95. Ibid.

96. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 31.

97. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 83.

98. Naqawi, al-Islam, pp. 31-32.

99. Steiner, Inside pan-Arabia, p. 197.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid. p. 198.

102. Ibid.

103. Naqawi, al-Islam, p. 37, citing Bernard Lewis, Islam in History, (London: 1973), p. 132.

104. Ibid., p. 33.

105. Kohn, Nationalism, p. 30.

Islam and Nationalism: A Theoretical Point of View Part 2

Authors(s): S. Ahmad Rahnamaei

Publisher(s): Ahlul Bayt World Assembly

Journal: Vol.11, No.2, 2010

Nationalism and Islam: Clash or Reconciliation?

The phenomenon of ‘nationalism in religion’ according to S. W. Baron is considered to be an obstacle that prevents religion from fulfilling its role in human life. The necessary balance between organized humanity’s social responsibility and the right of each state would be gained through organized religion.

In Modern Nationalism and Religion, Baron attempts to show a way to achieve this aim. For the sake of this aspiration, he makes the proposal that“religion must try to purge itself of its nationalist biases.” In this regard, he believes that“the impact of religious bodies can make itself felt most strongly and effectively.” 1 He further adds:

The world religions have long represented large-scale approaches to the riddles of existence. While stressing individual beliefs and observations and, at times, overemphasizing parochial duties and attitudes, they also have taught man to think in terms of a universal godhead, the cosmic relevance of even minutiae of ethical behaviour and the essential nature of an all-human brotherhood.2

The religions that Baron is speaking of here are the most dominant surviving religions in the West, i.e., Christianity and Judaism. Referring to the position of the Judeo-Christian heritage, Baron remarks that it“has been endangered by the rise of the neopagan forms of extreme nationalism and the idolization of race and state ....” 3

The negative impact of nationalism on the living religions of modern Western societies seems obvious. It should be emphasized, however, that the nationalist biases within a divine religion have never had their origin in the religion itself; rather, it is the adherents and followers who burden themselves with such prejudices. This will be made clearer when I later consider the Qur’anic teachings in this area and the philosophy of prophethood.

To fulfil the objectives of the present study, I should restrict myself to a description of nationalism in the mirror of Islam only. From a theoretical point of view, I can see that there are not many similarities between Islam as a divine religion which has its own especial doctrine of human life, and nationalism as, let us say, a political movement in terms of its fundamental elements.

A distinction between the attitude of Islam and the practice of its adherents has been suggested by Soekarno. He, criticizing nationalists’ and Marxists’ comment on Islam, remarks that:

Nationalists and Marxists both blame Islam for the down-fall of the Moslem nations, their present backwardness and the fact that most of them are under Western domination.

But they are confused! It is not Islam, but rather its adherents who have been at fault. Seen from a nationalist and socialist perspective, it would be hard to find a civilization comparable in greatness to that of the early Islamic world. The downfall of national greatness, the downfall of Islamic socialism was not brought about by Islam itself, but by the moral downfall of its leaders. Once the“Caliphs became kings,” the true nature of Islam was suppressed.4

Soekarno also says:“I am certainly not saying that Islam accepts Materialism; nor do I forget that Islam transcends national boundaries and is supra-national in character.” 5

Once the Muslim Ummah was established in Madina in 632 A.D., the leader of Islam proclaimed the message of Islam on a universal scale. In his Political Theory of Islam, Abul ‘Ala Mawdoodi remarks:“A state of this sort evidently cannot restrict the scope of its activities. It is a universal and all-inclusive state.

Its sphere of activity is co-extensive with the whole of human life” 6 Islam, from the very beginning, has been a monotheistic religion of“supra-national and universal human scope.” Islam, rejecting racism and nationalism,“did not stop at the call to the faith. It rose to establish a state which embodied a new nation, which is that of the believers, Islamic Ummah or Ummah Muslima.” 7 P. J. Vatikiotis, in paraphrasing this point, states:

The very basis of this new nation and its nationalism, if you wish, has been the religion of Islam. The state has been and remains its instrument. The state, therefore, has no value in itself; nor is it set up temporally for a particular people, as a nation-state, to the exclusion of others. Rather, it is based on the universal principle of Islam to safeguard the religion and extend its message.8

The Muslim Ummah is built on the basis of the Qur’anic faith and certain self-evident truths such as the equality of all people before God, friendly relationships among fellow believers, and kindness towards people. Here are some words from Imam ‘Ali b. Musa al-Rida (765-818) where he says:

To be friendly with others denotes one half of wisdom.

The believer who is endowed with a good temper will have the strongest faith.

Perfection in intellect is primarily to have faith in God and secondly to behave well towards others.

To bear enmity towards people is the worst provision for the journey to the Hereafter.9

The members of the Muslim Community, recognizing that humankind is endowed by the Compassionate Creator with certain inalienable rights, like the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, are encouraged to do good, to help the persecuted and to fulfil the desires of the needy.10 As Majid Khadduri mentions:

In the Tradition, Muhammad is reported to have conceived of the Muslim community as“a single hand, like a compact wall whose bricks support each other,” and in the Qur’an it is often referred to as a distinct“nation” (ummah) or a“brotherhood,” bound by common obligations to a superior divine authority.11

Thus, one finds neither inspiration nor encouragement towards nationalism within the constitution of the Muslim ummah.

Regarding the attitude of Islam towards nationalism, there has been a very long discussion among the theoreticians of the political and social sciences. Those who express negative feelings towards nationalism are themselves divided.

Some believe that nationalism is in conflict with Islam, but at the same time, they maintain, as a kind of justification, the existence of temporal secularism within the power structure of the Islamic nation. One such theoretician is Vatikiotis, whose attitude is clarified in the following passage.

Nationalism (qawmiyya)12 as an ideology is incompatible with the world of Islam, for it implies a pre-Islamic kind of tribal particularism, or jahiliyya. In fact, nationalism is Islam’s deadliest, for it represents an attempt to separate Islam from polity and isolate it from the resolution of temporal matters.

That is, it postulates the separation between religion and polity, religion and the state, or it denies Islam its central role in the regulation of Muslim earthly political affairs. The nation state in Islam is then an ideological, not a territorial concept. It comprises the community of the faithful or believers wherever they may be.13

Vatikiotis explains that the nation state of Islam implies“the structure of temporal-secular power.” 14 The author justifies this kind of“temporal-secular power” as a means of safeguarding the ummah“against its external, infidel enemies and ensures that the believers can lead the life of observant Muslims.” 15

This is in spite of the fact that the Qur’anic nation state of Islam by itself has nothing to do with secularism, even in its temporal form. Islam is a religion, and between it and secularism there can be found no harmony. From the genuine Islamic point of view, the believers are even taught not to accept an unbeliever ruler who governs not by the revealed Shari‘ah of Islam.16

As Kohn mentions:

From the very first Islam was not only a religion, but a political and social system as well. The Koran, the Sunna, and the systems based upon them, contain not only religious commandments but also the principles of private and public law.17

A glance at the Qur’anic passages

There are two Qur’anic terms that imply more or less the notion of a nation. One of these is milla, which is mentioned seventeen times in fifteen verses. In defining the concept of milla, Raghib Isfahani, in his dictionary of Qur’anic words and expressions, states that milla, imlal and imla’ are all of the same root.

The infinitive imla’ meaning ‘to dictate’, contains the notion of something which is dictated from any divine or undivine, mighty or unmighty, holy or non-holy source. The word milla in its religious sense means a way, a path, or a cult which is dictated and presented by a divine18 or perhaps undivine leader or group. Both cases have been exemplified in the Qur’an:

“Say, verily, my Lord has guided me to the straight way, a right and steadfast religion, the milla (religion-trod) of Ibrahim, the true in faith, and Ibrahim certainly joined not gods with Allah.” 19

This verse hints at Ibrahim’s milla as a divine path and religion. On the other hand, we recite in the Qur’an:

“And the unbelievers said to their apostles, ‘Be sure we shall derive you out of our land, or you shall return to our milla (religion).’” 20

Since a divine religion like that of Ibrahim was revealed and dictated by Allah, it is called milla in the sense that it is a dictated path that should be followed by the adherents of that divine religion. Thus, milla in its most elementary concept is employed to mean path, rite or religion itself, as it may be applicable to people who follow that rite or religion.

In either case, milla in its divine sense is also attributed to the prophet or to the leader of a religion.21 According to the Qur’an, people are requested to recognize and practice the divine religion of the prophet Ibrahim:

“Say, Allah speaks the truth, thus, follow the religion of Ibrahim (millata Ibrahim), the sane in faith; he was not of the pagans.” 22

The milla of infidels, by contrast, is a satanic cult which is considered to contradict the divine paths of God’s prophets.

Islam is an Abrahamic religion, and Muslims are to honour the milla of their father Ibrahim23 by following the Prophet Muhammad. Muslims then form an Abrahamic milla with especial qualifications, all of whose elements are based on divinity without taking any racial, territorial, linguistic, or other differences into consideration.

This is because, as we understand from the Qur’anic verses, there is an eternal togetherness between the nation of Islam and Islam itself. Hess Andrew C. mentions that the word millet [milla] though basically employed to mean“religion” , later in Islamic history is extended to include“religious community” , i.e., the community of Islam.24

The word ‘ummah’ is another Qur’anic term, referring to the religious nation of Islam. This word occurs more than forty times in the Qur’an as well as a number of other times in two other conjugations, i.e., ummatukum (your ummah) and umam (different ummahs).

The passages that contain the word ummah are so varied that its meaning cannot be rigidly defined.” But is the term in its Qur’anic concept identified with what R. Paret deems as always referring to“ethical, linguistic or religious bodies of people who are the objects of the divine plan of salvation” ?25

We may take this definition of ummah as applicable in the case of some other ethical religious nations in reality; nevertheless, it seems a problematic concept when we are concerned with the notion of a Muslim community referring to the Qur’anic passages that contain the term ummah.

Accordingly, there is no supposition of elements like language or ethnicity as playing a role in the formation of the Islamic ummah. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

In an Islamic state, Islam cannot be treated as a personal affair of an individual or a belief or faith of a particular group. It negates the idea of duality of religious and secular life as it practically exists in present-day Christianity in the form of incompatibility between church and state.26

Thus, an Islamic state and secular life contradict one another. In a secular state, religion has no obligatory role in providing the authority; rather, it is the people themselves who are the source of its authority. Muhammad Tahir-ul-Qadri says:

“But the authority of an Islamic state derives from the Almighty Allah and Islam is the basis in polity in an Islamic state; it regulates both individual and state affairs.” 27

The usage of “ummah” in the Qur’an and the concept of an Islamic ummah

To some extent, the usage of the term ummah in the Qur’an does not answer our understanding of the concept. On a few occasions, the exegetes of the Qur’an qualify the term as referring exclusively to the Islamic community. Allamah Tabataba’i28 describes the literal concept and other usages of the word ummah in the Qur’an by offering four definitions:

1- It may be literally translated as ‘people’, meaning a group of people, as in the verse:

“Mankind was but one single ummah (people, nation) ...” 29

2- Sometimes the word is meant to describe a single human being, as in the verse:

“Surely Ibrahim was an ummah devoutly obedient to Allah.” 30

3- ‘A long period of time’ is another usage of the word, as is implied in the verse:

“And remembered after an ummah” ,31

meaning after a long time.

4- ‘Religion’ is considered to be a fourth usage of the term, such as in the verse:

“And surely this is your single ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, fear Me,” 32

or in the verse:

“Surely this your ummah is one ummah and I am your Lord, therefore, worship Me.” 33

Allamah maintains that“In both these verses, according to some commentators, the word ummah has been used for ‘religion’.” 34

Allamahh regards the first usage of the above-mentioned ones as the original meaning and remarks that the other kinds of usage are based on this fundamental one.35 In the case of the fourth concept, he prefers to explain the word ummah in the sense of a ‘people.’ Accordingly, it represents the notion of one single Muslim nation that believes in Allah, worships Him and is faithful to Him.

Once again in dealing with the notion of the Prophet’s ummah, Allamah interprets the word ummah in the two latter verses to mean nothing more or less than a group of people. He furthermore states that the reference to Muhammad’s ummah, in the sense that it includes all those who have believed in his call, gained currency after the revelation of the Qur’an and the expansion of Islam.36

In his commentary on the verse:

“Verily this is your ummah, the unique ummah, and I am your Lord, then worship Me,” 37

Allamah mentions that the word ummah hints at a group which gathers around the same objective. Such a translation is understood from the first root of the word ummah, which is amma, i.e.“had an aim.”

Therefore, ummah is a company of people“which has a single aim, a single goal and a single ambition, and that unity of aim unites all the members, and makes them one people. That is why it is correct to use it for one human being as well as for many ...” 38 On another occasion, Allamah maintains that the unification of the ummah springs from its unique shari‘a, that is, the Shari‘a of Oneness (Din al-Tawhid).39

The constitution of the first Islamic community

The formation of the Islamic community dates from the time of the Prophet in Madina. He created a new community there shortly after arriving in this first city-state of Islam.40 Ibn Ishaq in his Sirat Rasul Allah relates the following passage41 which is translated by A. Guillaume:

The apostle wrote a document concerning the emigrants and the helpers in which he made a friendly agreement with the Jews and established them in their religion and their property, and stated the reciprocal obligations, as follows: This is a document from Muhammad the prophet [governing the relations] between the believers and Muslims of Quraysh and Yathrib, and those who followed them and joined them and laboured with them. They are one community (ummah) to the exclusion of all men.42

The broad outlines of an Islamic state were established within this first constitution of the city-state of Madina. Through this constitution, the Prophet declared Madina to be a political unit. As depicted in article 2 of the constitution, Muslims established a“unique communication” (ummah wahida) as“distinct from all the people of the world.” 43

The Prophet“went beyond the circle of Muslims proper and included those citizens of Madina who had not yet heeded his religious appeal in one political combination.” 44 Within the framework of the constitution it is expressly stated that all citizens, including the Jews and other non-Muslim minorities, lived under the protection of the Islamic state.

At any rate, this single ummah constituted by the Prophet was a Muslim ummah under whose political aegis many non-Muslim minorities had been given protection.45 In short, as Khadduri states:“The conception of the ummah or brotherhood constituted the basis of the Islamic community in whose membership alone the believer obtains prosperity in this world and salvation in the next.” 46

The Qur’an, appreciating the wise act of the Prophet, says:

“It is the milla (cult, nation) of your father Ibrahim. It is He (God) Who has named you Muslims, both before and in this revelation.” 47

Furthermore, the Prophet, in order to reinforce the position of the newly born ummah,“instituted brotherhood between his fellow emigrants and the helpers, and he said, ‘Let each of you take a brother in God.’”

One of the aspects of the Prophet’s conduct (sirah) that discourages nationalism and focuses on faith as the key-element of Muslim unity is this brotherhood between people of several nations and tribes. One may go further and say that even the wars that occurred between the Qurayshi Prophet and the infidel tribesmen of the Quraysh were intended to discourage tribalism as well as nationalism.

The Prophet and Muslims, as depicted in the Qur’an,48 were allowed to defend themselves and fight against the Quraysh since he and his followers had been unjustly treated by the Quraysh simply because of their faith in Allah.49

In this case, the nationalist and tribalist interests were disregarded for the sake of the monotheistic faith of Muslims in contrast to the idol-worship of the Quraysh. This means that the faith of the ummah at that time overshadowed all other elements and aspects of life.