Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

The Third Discussion: Spiritual Shi'ism and Political Shi'ism

Here I would like to draw attention to a point whose clarification I consider to be of the utmost importance. Some investigators try to distinguish between two aspects of Shi'ism, the first Spiritual Shi'ism and the second Political Shi`ism. Spiritual Shi ism is believed to be the earlier of the two.1 It is also thought that the religious heads, or imams, of Imamate Shi'ism (descended from Husayn) had retreated from politics after the massacre of Karbala', devoting themselves only to guidance and worship, keeping aloof of worldly affairs.

The reality, though, is that Shi'ism has never at any time since its birth been a purely spiritual tendency. Rather, it was born in the midst of Islam as a thesis for the continuation by Imam 'Ali of intellectual, social and poetical leadership alike after the Prophet, in the manner illustrated above with respect to the conditions that had given rise to Shi'ism. Because of those conditions, it is not possible to isolate the spiritual from the political side in this thesis, certainly no more than it is to isolate it in Islam itself.

Therefore, Shi'ism cannot be subdivided in this way except in the event where it no longer implies defending the future of the Call after the Prophet, a future that is in equal need of intellectual authority as it is of political leadership over the Islamic experiment. And here there existed a wide range of allegiances to Imam `Ali among the Muslims, inasmuch as he was considered to be just the person fit to resume the role of governing arrogated by the three Caliphs.

This is precisely the loyalty that brought him to power after the Caliph `Uthman's murder.2 But it was neither spiritual nor political Shi'ism, since Shiites believe `Ali to be an alternative to the three Caliphs, the Prophet's direct successor (khalifah). The allegiance extended by Muslims to the Imam had a wider range than Shi`ism proper, taken as a whole. But although spiritual and political Shi`ism developed within the broad limits of this loyalty, it cannot be regarded as an instance of a compartmentalized Shi`ism.

Imam `Ali commanded spiritual and intellectual loyalty from the most prominent Companions at the time of Abu Bakr and `Umar - as illustrated by Sahnan, Abu Dharr, 'Ammar and others. But this hardly means that it was a spiritual Shi'ism divorced from the political side. It was an expression of faith by the Companions in Imam `Ali's political as well as intellectual leadership of the Islamic Mission after the Prophet. On the one hand, their faith in the intellectual side of his leadership was reflected in the spiritual fidelity alluded to above; on the other, their faith in the political was reflected in their struggle with the Caliph Abu Bakr, and against the attempt to divert power away from Imam `Ali toward another figure.3

In fact, the compartmental view of spiritual Shi'ism was not unrelated to the emergence of political Shi`ism. Nor did it arise in the mind of Shi'ite man except in resignation to a fait accompli.

As a definite formula for continuing the Islamic leadership in the hope of building the Ummah - a way of implementing the great drive for change begun by the Prophet - the embers of Shi`ism were all but put out inside and transformed into pure belief ensconced in the heart of man for solace and hope.

We now come to what is alleged to be the abandonment of politics and the withdrawal from worldly affairs by the Imams of the Household descended from Husayn. In the light of the foregoing, we might reiterate that Shi`ism made for the continuation of Islamic leadership, and that Islamic leadership simply meant pursuing that project of change which the Prophet had begun, in order to complete the construction of the Ummah on the basis of Islam.

It is not possible, therefore, to imagine the Imams relinquishing the political aspect without renouncing Shi'ism altogether. What contributed to the idea that they had abandoned the political aspect of their leadership was their seeming failure to mount military action to overturn the prevailing situation, the political aspect of leadership being taken strictly in its narrow military sense.

But there are many explicit utterances by the Imams which make it plain that an Imam is always ready to take the military course, provided he found enough assistance and the capacity to realize the Islamic objectives beyond the military campaign itself.4 When we trace the course of the Shi'ite movement, we notice that its leadership, comprised of the Imams of the Household, believed the transference of power alone to be insufficient.

The realization of change in an Islamic sense is impossible so long as this power was not shored up by a popular base conscious of the goals of power, believing in its theory of governance, acting to defend it, explaining its stances to the larger populace and braving the storms.

Midway through the first century after the Prophet's death, the Shiite leadership, shunned from power, sought constantly to return to rule in the ways it deemed proper. It was convinced of the existence of popular bases of consciousness, or vigilant Muhajirin, Ansar and all those who emulated their best actions.

However, half-a-century later, when little remained of these popular bases, and with indecisive generations5 newly emerging under the influence of deviationism, the accession to power by the Shiite movement would never have achieved the larger goal; the popular bases that reinforced consciousness and sacrifice no longer existed. In the face of this situation, there were only two possible avenues for action:

One, action for the sake of rebuilding the popular and conscious bases that could properly pave the way to a transfer of power.

Two, stirring the Islamic Ummah's conscience and will; safeguarding some degree of life and stalwartness to fortify the Ummah against abdicating unconditionally its identity and honour to deviationist rulers.

The first option was the one chosen by the Imams themselves; whereas the second was taken by the revolutionary partisans of 'Ali as they sought through fearless sacrifice to sustain the Islamic conscience and will. The Imams used to support the more sincere among them. Imam `Ali b. Musa al-Rida once said to Caliph Ma'mun, in reference to Zayd b. `Ali al-Shahid, that he was one of the learned from the House of Muhammad.

He was angered for the sake of God, fought enemies until he was killed in God's way. Abu Mus'a b.Ja` far has related to me that he heard his father Ja'far b. Muhammad say: “May God have merry on my uncle Zayd. He made summons on behalf of al-Rida, of the House of Muhammad. Had he triumphed, he would have fulfilled his promise. Zayd b. `Ali did not call what was not in his right to do so. He was more heedful toward God than that. He simply) said: I summon you to al-Rida, of the House of Muhammad.”6

In one account, those of the House of Muhammad who ventured forth were mentioned before Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq, who then answered, “I and my partisans will always be well so long as there is someone from the House of Muhammad who ventures forth. How I long for him to venture forth! And incumbent upon me is the maintenance of his dependents.”7

In sum, the Imams' abandonment of direct military action against the deviationist rulers did not imply that they had foresaken the political aspect of their leadership and devoted themselves solely to worship. It expressed merely a difference in the form of social action, and was limited by the actual conditions. It also expressed a profound grasp of the nature of reform activity and the method by which to achieve it.

Notes

1. See Dr. Shaybi, al-Silah bayna al-tasawwuf wal-tashayyu I:12 ; Dr. `Abd al-`Aziz al­ Duri, Muqaddamah fi tar'ikh al-Islam, p. 72.

2. Cf. Ta'rikh al-Tabari II:696ff See also the description of the situation in Imam `Ali's Address, where he states, “Nothing was more delightful to me than people swarming around me, as hyenas do, from every side ...and gathered round like a resting herd of sheep (Nahj al-balaghah, ed. Dr. Subhi al-Salih, p. 48 (“al-Shaqshaqivyah”)

3. See what Tabarsi relates in his al-Ihtijaj I:75 .

4. Cf. Usul al-Kafi II:190 (Ch. “Fi qillat `adad al-mu'minin”) (Tehran: al-Matba`ah al­ Islaamiyyah, 1388 AH).

5. Consider what Umayyid policy visited upon the Ummah in pastimes, buffoonery, wine drinking, and brutality and repression against all opponents. On this question, see al-Mas`udi, Muruj al-dhahab III:214ff ; Ibn `Abd Rabbuh, al-Aqd al farid V:200-02; Abu al-Faraj al-Asfahani, al-Aghani First Edition 7:6ff (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1407 AH). Concerning the Umayyids' frivolous use of wealth, see Sayyid Qutb, al-Adalah al­ ijtima'iyah fi al-Islam.

6. A1-Hurr al- Amili, Wasa'il al-Shiah, Fifth Edition, ed. `Abd al-Karim al-Shirazi XII:39 (Tehran: al-Maktabah al-Islamiyah 1401 - Imam. See the edited version, Mu'assasah Al al-Bayt (Qum) XV:54 (“Kitab al jihad”)

7. Cf Ibn Idris, al-Sara'ir III:569 (Qum: Mu'assasah al-Nashr al-Islami), for `Abd Allah al-Sayyari's narration of words by someone from the Companions.

Appendix: The Moral and Intellectual Preparation for 'Ali's Guardianship and Succession

Dr. `Abd al Jabbar Shararah

Introduction

Initiated by the Prophet, the intellectual and moral preparation for 'Ali b. Abi Talib's Guardianship and Succession proceeded along two parallel but complementary lines: the preparation of Ali and of the Ummah, both at the same time. While the Prophet, as Leader, was committed to a special intellectual and doctrinal education for `Ali that conformed to a rigorous daily schedule, he also took charge of the Muslim Ummah's mental adjustment.

He undertook to educate it intellectually and doctrinally in order firmly to establish `Ali's Guardianship. He wanted to ensure that `Ali was qualified to lead the journey, the whole experience, of Islam immediately after he departs. According to numerous sources, as we shall see, direct Revelation was another interposing factor pointing in this direction.

Invariably, the Qur'an comes down sometimes lauding Ali's virtues and other times pointing to his special qualities. It identifies him as being unique, to the point of making the delivery of God's Message conditional upon the announcement of his Guardianship or its proclamation to the Ummah. We shall be seeking to establish this in our appendix to Imam al-Sadr's already deep and original inquiry.

We shall arrange our own study into three discussions. The first discussion will present 'Ali's intellectual and moral preparation for the task of leading after the Prophet. The second will deal with the intellectual and moral preparation of the Muslim Ummah for the sake of this task. The third will demonstrate the pertinence of `Ali's unique and special knowledge of the Qur'an to this task.

In this summary essay, we shall try to shed light on these facts by relying on the accepted rules and principles of scholarly investigation, without exaggeration or artifice. The study will be based on had'ith and exegetical works written by scholars, traditionists, renowned researchers and prominent Sunnis. We pray that God may extend His assistance.

The First Discussion

One may, in all certainty, state that `Ali b. Abi Talib's apostolic preparation, both “moral and intellectual,” began upon the Prophet's first burst of Divine Revelation. The latter took practical steps in order to reach his intended goal of entrusting `Ali with the task of leading, “socially and politically” immediately after his death. It would appear from the course of events - and from what biographical works, histories and the more reliable transmitters have related - that this was achieved in two ways.

First, as Leader, the Prophet was himself committed to taking `Ali under his tutelage from childhood, taking charge of his moral education, attending to him, doing his utmost never to be separated from him except when necessary.

Second, of all the Companions, `Ali was singled out in terms of status, knowledge and position, which pertained to the very existence and future of Islam.

A. With regard to the first point, biographical works and books in traditions all have endeavoured to illustrate many pertinent details. But the matter of the Prophet taking `Ali under his charge since childhood and educating him in his own house was a conspicuous part of his noble life.1 It is enough to recall what Imam 'Ali himself has stated in his sermon known as “al Qasiah”:

You well know my place of close kinship and special standing with God's Messenger. He put me in his lap when I was a child, embraced me close to his heart, offered me shelter at his berth. And there, admitted into physical contact with him, I scented his fragrance. He chewed the food bits to feed me. Never did he find in me a mendacious word,nor a patterer's deed. I used to follow him as the weaned young camel does its mother's trail. And every day he would bring up some new teaching in morals, admonishing me to emulate him.Every year he retired to [the Cave of] Hira' where I alone would see him. No single roof then had joined God's Messenger and Khadijah in Islam but that I was its third member. I witnessed the light of the revelation and message, and inhaled the scent of prophethood ...2

The picture related by Imam 'Ali himself regarding the manner in which the Prophet used to treat him reveals the true dimensions of the purpose.

A special training was intended for `Ali. Extraordinary care and effort were taken to ensure that he remain very close to the light of Divine Revelation and exposed to the “fragrance of prophethood”; that he be one of three persons in the Prophet's house at the time of revelation. Occupying such an eminent place, he imbibed his first lessons and instruction directly from the Prophet. All this was reflected in his intellectual and doctrinal make-up, for “Never shall he bow down to any idol.”3 Never at any moment was his mind confounded by idolatry, as his behaviour shows: “Not a mendacious word, nor a patterer's deed ....”

All this reveals, without the shadow of a doubt, a special moral preparation. What is noteworthy in this respect is that the Prophet's commitment to put `Ali in his special care was not limited to the period of childhood or boyhood. And it did not stop at any specific phase -the Prophet had made sure that `Ali was always at his side, day and night; as when `Ali says, “My visitations to the Prophet were of two kinds: one by nigh and another by day...”4 Indeed, one never finds the Messenger of God ever separated from or leaving behind `Ali, except in the instance where it was necessary to protect the Prophet's life, or to safeguard the Islamic Call against danger. To corroborate, let us mention one example for each occasion.

i) The first context is linked to the protection of the Prophet's life. On the night of his blessed flight to Medina, the Prophet had left `Ali behind to lie in his bed5 as a subterfuge against the Meccans lying in wait for him; it allowed him to evade their plot to kill him.6 With this, God revealed the following: “And there is he who barters himself to earn the satisfaction of God...” (Qur'an II:207 , “al-Baqarah”) -as recalled by Fakhr al-Din al-Razi.7

ii) The second context is linked to the protection of the Islamic Mission. The Prophet had wished to go on one of his military expeditions called Tabuk. So he left 'Ali behind in Medina as his vicegerent (khalifah).8 Ibn Ubayy b. Salul, who headed the group of “Hypocrites,” had remained in the city, and the situation demanded that the Prophet leave `Ali behind in the hope of forestalling any unexpected development that might threaten the Prophet's reign in Medina. Said al-Tabari:

With the Messenger of God departed [i.e. to Tabuk], among the “Hypocrites” and the irresolute who stayed behind figured `Abd Allah b. Ubayy, who was brother to the Banu `Awf b. al-Khazraj. Abd Allah b. Nabtal was brother to Banu `Amr b. `Awf, and Rifa`ah b. Zayd b. al ­Tabun to Banu Qaynuqa`. And all - that is all those mentioned - were among the most infamous of the “Hypocrites”; they counted among those who used to conspire against Islam and its people.

He also added: “Ibn Hamid has told us that Salamah related from Ibn Ishaq - who related it from `Umar b. Ubayd, who related it from Hasan al-Basri - that God has brought down [these words: `Indeed they had plotted sedition before, and upset matters for thee...”' (Qur'an 9:48, “al-Tawbah”).

But here, the “Hypocrites” understood that, with `Ali remaining in Medina, the opportunity was lost. “The Hypocrites,” continues al-Tabari, thus started to calumniate about `Ali b. Abi Talib. They claimed that he was [chosen to be] left behind only because he was a burden to [the Prophet, who wanted only release from him.

When they made these claims, `Ali took his sword and went off to find God's Messenger at Jurf, situated at some distance from Medina, and there told [him]: “Prophet of God! The Hypocrites allege that you have kept me behind; that you find me a burden and that you seek release from me.”

[The Prophet] replied, “They lie. I left you behind for what [lay in wait behind me. Do you not consent, O 'Ali, to having the same position with respect to me that Aaron did with Moses, save that no Prophet shall ever come after me?” With this, `Ali returned to Medina, and God's Messenger resumed his journey.9

Al-Bukhari10 and Muslim11 have recorded the tradition relating to (`Ali's) “position”( or “station”) according to Sa`d b. Abi Waqqis, who said that

The Messenger of God has [chosen] to leave `Ali behind in Medina during one of his expeditions. So `Ali said to him: “O Messenger of God! You have left me behind with the women and the children.” I heard God's Messenger reply, “But you consent to be related to me in the same station that Aaron was to Moses, save that there shalt be no prophethood after me.”12

One striking fact is that the Prophet used to express anxiety and apprehension at `Ali's absence from him; he eagerly awaited him and sought reassurance. Ibn Kathir13 related Umm `Atiyyah's statement that “The Prophet sent off fighters, and among them was `Ali. I heard the Prophet say: `O God, do not take my life before you let me see 'Ali again’.14

Occasionally, it happened that when offered a meal, the Prophet could not bear eating it alone; nor was he satisfied with praying to God that `Ali may join him, but that thisbe made an opportunity for demonstrating the station and rank of `Ali. It is recorded about Anas b. Malik that he related, “The Prophet had a fowl (in one account a `roasted fowl'15 ) and uttered: `O God, bring me thisyour most beloved person, so he may eat this fowl.'

And God brought him”, who then ate it with him...”16 It is noteworthy that some accounts speak of anattempt , after that appeal, to turn `Ali away upon his arrival at the Prophet's house; but it was thwarted by the Prophet's own intervention, according to what Ibn Kathir has related.17 However, the apparent sense of the account is that the Prophet meant also to affirm and to establish that `Ali was best loved by God.18

All this leaves little doubt that our Prophet's special education of `Ali was aimed at preparing and training him for the responsibility of leading the Mission of Islam, and not merely to become part of its political staff or personnel. The Prophet was committed to educating and to training the Companions collectively, but not to the same degree or with the same method and attention as he was with `Ali. This shows that the responsibility 'Ali had been charged with was much weightier than that of the other Companions.

B. The second wayalluded to above concerns the fact that 'Ali had been singled out; it concerns his competence in knowledge -particularly Qur'anic - and the positions which were historically decisive to the Prophet and to the Mission. It concerns his firm training in the provisions of the law. There is abundant evidence for this. Anyone who persuses the books on traditions, biography and history would profit immensely in this regard.19

Let us now cite some examples that support our idea, together with the evidence for them.

The Prophet hadundertaken, both on his own and by Divine Command, the task of inculcating `Ali, as he did no one else, in the learned and intellectual knowledge of the Qur'an. He hoped to do it with respect to the root principles and sources of learning, reflective wisdom and its rules, and by instructing him in the provisions of the law, its allowances and prohibitions.

Tradition has it that 'Ali uttered, “The Messenger of God has taught me countless pathways to knowledge, opening for me a thousand others for each one...”20 `Ali himself sometimes used to hasten to the Prophet in quest of knowledge, learning and judgements. At other times, the Prophet himself initiated the instruction: “Whenever I questioned the Prophet, he obliged; when I remained silent, he anticipated me...”21 At one time, he declared, “God has given me an inquisitive tongue and a sensible heart..” 22 In this connection, Imam 'Ali stated in a lengthy hadith,

Every verse that has come down to the Messenger of God he recited or dictated to me, and I wrote it down in my own hand. He taught me its interpretation and explanation, its abrogating and abrogated parts, clear and allegorical verses, particular and general injunctions. He invoked God that He may give me understanding of it and that I may commit it to memory.

So I did not forget a single verse of God's Book, not any knowledge that he transmitted to me. I wrote it down, from the moment of his invocation. The Messenger of God spared no knowledge taught to him by God concerning what is allowed and what prohibited, no command or proscription - now and for ever - but that he taught it to me and that committed to memory. And I have not forgotten one letter of it ...23

Al-Suyuti asserts that Mu`ammar - as related by Wahb and, after him, Abu al-Tufayl - said the following: “I heard 'Ali giving an address and saying: `Ask me. By God, nothing will ye ask that I shall not discuss. So ask me about the Book of God and, by God, there is not a verse that I shall not know - whether it was revealed at night or in the day, on a mountain or on shore...”'24 Al-Suyuti also affirms, “Verily, none of the Companions dared to say, `Ask me,' except `Ali...”25

Everything that 'Ali had talked about, of which history has left reliable record, was attested to by the prominent Companions. The scholars and the most prominent among them own to it. In his al­ Hilyah, Abu Na'im records that Ibn Mascud had said, “The Qur'an has come down in seven recitals, none of which is without its explicit [zahir] and implicit [batin] meanings. And `Ali b. Abi Talib [understood] both the explicit and the implicit meanings.”26

It is related that Ibn `Abbas had uttered: `By God, 'Ali b. Abi Talib was given nine-tenth of the knowledge.”27 Also quoted from him are the words: “We used to discourse over how the Prophet had assigned `Ali sundry [lit., seventy] responsibilities which he assigned to no one else.”28

In practice, `Ali was the authority for the Companions in respect of every learned or administrative question that occurred to them, every juridical dilemma. It is affirmed of `Umar b. al-Khattab, the Second Caliph, that he said, “Without `Ali, `Umar would have perished,”29 also uttering, “God forbid that there be a problem and no Abu Hasan to [solve] it..” 30 He is further said to have declared: “The most decisive [aqda] of us is Ali31 where “decisiveness” implied knowledge of all the legal provisions.where “decisiveness” implied knowledge of all the legal provisions.where “decisiveness” implied knowledge of all the legal provisions.where “decisiveness” implied knowledge of all the legal provisions.where “decisiveness” implied knowledge of all the legal provisions.

Notes

1. Ibn Hashim, al-Sirah al-nabawiyyah, ed. Mustaa al-Saqqa et al I:246 .

2. Nahj al-balaghah, ed. Dr. Subhi al-Salih, Sermon No. 192, pp. 300-01.

3. Manaqib Amir al-Mu'min'in II:540 , Hadith No. 1045, narrated by Abu Said; cf. al-Sa'id cf. al-Sahili, al-Rawd al-ani III:16, n. 1: “The first person to perform the prayer ritual was `Ali.” He also stated that the same was said by Salman, Khabbab, Jabir,Abu Sa'id. This is repeated in Tabarani's work.

4. Al-Nassa'i, al-Sunan al-kubra, “al-Khasa'is” V:141 , Hadith No. 8502.

5. Ibn Hisham, Sirah II:95 (Cairo: Matba`ah al-Hijazi, 1937).

6. Ibid.

7. Al-Tafsir al-kabir, Third Edition V:204 (Tehran: Dar Nashr al-Kutub al­`Ilmiyyah).

8. Sahih al-Tirmidhi, ed. Kamat al-Hut V:596 (Matba`at Dar al-Fikr).

9. Ta'rikh al-Tabari II:182 -83. Cf. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wal-nihayah VII:240ff .

10. Al-Shaykh al-Nasif, al-Tajj al jami lil-usul II:332 . It was related by al-Bukhari, Muslim and al-Tirmidhi.

11. Sahih Muskm IV: 1873.

12. Sahih al-Tirmidhi V:596 .

13. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wal-nihayah VII:357 .

14. Al-Shaykh Mansur `Ali Nasif, al-Tajj al jami lil usul ahadith al-rasul III:334 , Third Bamuq edition (Istanbul: Dar Ihya'' al-Kutub al-`Arabiyyah, 1961).

15. al-Tajj al jami VII:351 .

16. al-Tajj al jami III:336 .

17. al-Tajj aljami , pp. 351-52.

18. Ghayat al-ma'mul, Sharh al jami lil usul, III:336 , n. 6, where it is said, “And with this: `Ali was best loved by God.”

19. Cf Ibn Manzur, MukhtasarTa'rikh Ibn Asakir XVII:356ff and XVIII up to p. 51.

20. Al-Shaykh al-Mufid, al-Irshad, p. 22, as narrated by `Abd Allhh b. Mas'ud.

21. al-Tajj al jami lil usul VIII:335; al-Suyuti, Tar'ikh al-khulafa ; p. 170; Ibn Hajar, al­ Sawaiq al-muhriqah, pp. 126-27.

22. Al-Suyuti, al-Ittiqan IV:234 .

23. Nahj al balaghah, ed. Dr. Subhi al-Salih, Sermon No. 210, p. 325. See also al­Majlisi, Bihar al-anwar 92:99 (Tehran).

24. al-Ittiqan IV:233 ; cf. Tabaqat Ibn Sad II:338; Ibn Hajar, al-Sawa'iq al'-muhriqah, p. 127.

25. Ta'rikh al-khulafa p.166.

26. Recorded in Suyuti's al-Ittiqan IV:233 .

27. Al-Qanduzi, Yanail al-mawaddah I:68 -9.

28. Hilyat al-awliya I:68 , Fifth Edition (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al Arabiyyah).

29. Ibn Kathir, at-Bidayah wal-nihayah VII:359 ; cf, al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa p. 171

30. Ibid VII:373 ; Ibn Hajar, al-Sawa`iq al-muhriqah, p. 127.

31. Ibn Sa`d, al-Tabaqat al-kubra III:339 , Second Edition (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al­`Ilmiyyah, 1408 AH).f