History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)0%

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S) Author:
Publisher: ABWA Publishing and Printing Center
Category: Various Books
ISBN: 978-964-529-257-5

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Author: Mahdi Pishva'i
Publisher: ABWA Publishing and Printing Center
Category: ISBN: 978-964-529-257-5
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Download: 3736

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History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

History of Islam up to the Demise of the Prophet (S)

Author:
Publisher: ABWA Publishing and Printing Center
ISBN: 978-964-529-257-5
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Chapter 3: The consequences and reactions of Opposition to the Qur'an

Torturing Muslims

With the daily increase in the number of Muslims,74 Quraysh who had not reached any conclusion with Abu-Talib, who were observing Banu-Hashim’s support for the Holy Prophet and who had earned nothing from threatening his life, started torturing Muslims in the hope of stopping them from following Islam. The problem for Quraysh was that the newly-converted Muslims did not belong to one tribe so that they could have been discouraged somehow; rather, a few of these new Muslims belonged to different tribes. A look at the immigrants to Abyssinia, who due to the tortures by the infidels had to leave Mecca, reveal that these escapees were from the following tribes: Banu-’Abd Shams, Banu-Asad, Banu-’Abd al-Dar, Banu-Zuhrah, Banu-Makhzum, Banu-Jumah, Banu-’Adi, Banu-Hurayth, Banu-Amir and Banu-Umayyah. For this reason, the infidels decided to torture Muslims inside their own tribes so that through the interference of other tribes their prejudice might not be excited and not to show any harsh reaction.

Most of torture was leveled against the young who had converted to Islam. These young people, as we have already mentioned, were mostly slaves or strangers who had no tribal protection of any sort.75 Yasir and his son ‘Ammar, Bilal ibn Rabah, Khabbab ibn al-Aratt, Abu-Fukayhah, Amir ibn Fuhayrah, Suhayb ibn Sinan, and, among women and female slaves, Sumayyah, Umm-’Ubays, Zinnirah, Labibah (or Lubaynah) and finally Nahdiyyah76 were tortured by various means such like keeping them hungry or thirsty, imprisonment, striking and hitting, being forced to lie on the hot sands of the desert of Mecca at noon or to wear iron coats, or being tied up with rope and ridiculed by children.

Emigration to Abyssinia

Having been protected by Abu-Talib and Banu-Hashim, the Holy Prophet was safe from the aggressions of Quraysh. However, since Muslims were unprotected and vulnerable, the Holy Prophet recommended that they might migrate to Abyssinia and told them, “It is a land of truth and there lives a just king.”77 In those days, the only safe place for Muslims was Abyssinia. Neither Iran nor Rome or the dominated areas by these super-powers, such as Damascus or Yemen, would accept the Muslims. Besides, Abyssinia was a well-known land to Muslims because Meccans used to make trade journeys to that land.78 Furthermore, people of Abyssinia were Christians; they had a lot in common with Muslims, such as belief in God. It is said that the Abyssinian people were Ya’qubian Christians who considered God as one entity and not part of a Trinity. For this reason, they were close to the Islamic monotheism.79

On the Prophet's recommendation, a group of fifteen80 defenseless Muslims in the fifth year after the Divine Mission secretly headed for Abyssinia and arrived there through Shu’aybah port or the Red Sea. This group stayed there for two or three months. Upon the spread of the rumor that people of Quraysh embraced Islam and ceased torturing Muslims, they returned to Mecca.81

However, since the torture of Muslims continued, a group of them headed for Abyssinia. This time, there were one hundred and one Muslims (both men and women).82 They were sponsored by Ja’far ibn Abi-Talib. With the passage of time, Muslims' migration brought about worry to the people of Quraysh who, then, dispatched an envoy to the royal court of al-Najashi, asking for the Muslims' deportation. Realizing the conspiracy, Abu-Talib wrote a letter to al-Najashi asking him to protect the Muslims.83

After Quraysh had set forth their claim for the return of the Muslims to Mecca, Ja’far ibn Abu-Talib vehemently defended the Muslims. The king of Abyssinia was greatly moved; he consequently refused to let the Muslims go and decided to protect them.84

Of course, the emigrants included both the tortured ones and others from the strongest tribes whom nobody dared to punish. However, Mecca remained an area of pressure, torture and suppression of beliefs. By sending them to Abyssinia, the Holy Prophet had in mind to build up a center for struggle against idolatry. At the same time, he planned to keep Muslims out of danger. As we know, the Muslims’ stay in Abyssinia was accompanied by Islamic propagation, because al-Najashi accepted Islam and established some relations with the Holy Prophet.85 Quraysh, most probably, were worried of this issue; they therefore dispatched their representatives to that area to stop such relationships.

In accordance with some documents, the Holy Prophet followed the news of the emigrants; he received the news of the apostasy and later death of ‘Ubaydullah ibn Jahsh.86

This time, the Muslim emigrants stayed there even longer. Eleven of them passed away there. Thirty-nine of them returned to Mecca prior to the Holy Prophet's emigration. Twenty-six men and some women returned to Mecca after the Battle of Badr. The last group, supervised by Ja’far Ibn Abi-Talib, returned home on the 7th year of Hegira and met the Holy Prophet after the Conquest Khaybar.87

The Birth of Fatimah

Shi’ite historians unanimously contend that Lady Fatimah was born in Mecca in the fifth year after Hegira.88 The youngest child of the Holy Prophet and Khadijah, Fatimah (s.a.) married Imam ‘Ali (a.s) in Medina after the Holy Prophet's Hegira. During her early age, she witnessed her father's severest struggles against the unbelievers; she could vividly remember all the troubles of that period.

The Night Ascension (Mi’raj)

The Holy Prophet's nocturnal journey from Mecca to Jerusalem (isra' [Qur'an 17:1]) in a supernatural way and his journey from Jerusalem to the Heavens (mi’raj [Qur'an: 70]) through God's power are both significant events of Mecca, because these two events are recorded in the Meccan surahs; however, there are disagreements related to the exact date of their occurrence.

The Holy Prophet's objectives of these two journeys was to closely observe God's Grandeur across the heavens and skies, to meet the angels and the souls of the previous prophets, to watch Paradise and Hell and to observe the differing ranks of the dwellers of Paradise and the residents of Hell. God refers to this journey as follows:

Glory be to Him who made His servant to go on a night from the Sacred Mosque to the Remote Mosque of which We have blessed the precincts, so that We may show to him some of Our Signs; Surely, He is the Hearing, the Seeing. (17:1)

Concerning mi’raj, God remarks:

Certainly, he saw of the greatest signs of his Lord. (53:18)

Imam al-Ridha (a.s.) was asked, “Why did God take the Prophet to the skies when He has no definite place?” Imam al-Ridha (a.s.) replied, “God would not need any place or time. By taking the Holy Prophet to the skies, God intended to glorify the angels and the sky-dwellers. God also wanted Muhammad (S) to observe the extension of the creation so that upon his descent he could inform people of God's Grandeur. God does not need time or place as the skeptics erroneously assume.”89

The Evaluation of the Narrations on mi’raj

Concerning the Holy Prophet's Divine journey, there are several narrations available. However, Tabirsi, a well-known exegete of the Holy Qur'an, has divided these narrations into four headings:

(1) Uninterruptedly reported narrations (mutawatir); they are definite and certain; one of these is the principle of mi’raj.

(2) Narrations reporting issues that are logically and rationally accepted and are not in opposition with any known principle; such as those reporting the Holy Prophet's travel in the skies for the purpose of visiting Paradise and Hell.

(3) Narrations that are superficially in conflict with the absolute principles derived from the verses of the Holy Qur'an and Islamic traditions, but are interpretable anyway. Such narrations should be interpreted in such a way that they could be in harmony with correct beliefs. An example is the content of the traditions reporting the Holy Prophet’s meeting with a group of people in Paradise and another group in Hell. These scenes are a kind of allegory for us to visualize Paradise and Hell.

(4) Materials that are superficially unacceptable and not interpretable, such as the report that the Holy Prophet saw God with his own eyes, talked to Him and sat on His Throne next to Him. Such issues are null and void.90

In the opinion of the Twelvers Imamiyyah, the Holy Prophet's heavenly journey was material; i.e. he made this ascension in body and soul.91 According to Islamic narrations, during the mi’raj, the daily and nightly prayers were set at five.92 If, prior to mi’raj, some prayers are observed being performed by either the Holy Prophet or Imam ‘Ali, it has been either a non-compulsory prayer or a kind of prayer based on the specific situations which was not a regular daily prayer with which we are familiar.93

Economic and Social Boycott Imposed on Banu-Hashim

The chiefs of Quraysh failed to contact with Abu-Talib and to force Muslims in Abyssinia to come back to Mecca. Some socially significant personalities were absorbed by Islam. In view of these two facts, they had no alternative but to impose an economic and social boycott on Banu-Hashim in the hope that they would cease their protection of the Holy Prophet and submit him to Quraysh. To this end, they reached an agreement that none would marry a woman from Banu-Hashim or have any transactions with them.94

The life of the people of Mecca was based on trade; economic activities were in the hands of Quraysh; therefore, they were able to deprive anybody or any group of this asset. They had an effective weapon at their disposal and it was expected that Banu-Hashim would be made destitute within a short time. Hence, the chiefs of Quraysh imposed such sanctions on Banu-Hashim so as to make them socially deprived.95

On Abu-Talib's recommendation,96 all the members of Banu-Hashim, both Muslims and non-Muslims,97 except for Abu-Lahab, gathered at Abu-Talib Col and for three years after the boycott, they lived there. Although Quraysh’s sanctions were both social and economic in nature, Abu-Talib asked the Holy Prophet and Banu-Hashim to reside in that col because people of Quraysh had become outrageous; and the only thing which could satisfy them was to kill Muhammad (S). Abu-Talib appointed forty men98 of Banu-Hashim to guard the col and each night he asked the Holy Prophet to change his bed so that he might be secure. Abu-Talib’s son, ‘Ali, then used to replace the Holy Prophet in his bed so as to save him from any anticipated danger.99

During this harsh time, Quraysh stopped any food from entering the col. The residents of this col could only buy their sustenance during the sacred months.100 Even at that time, Quraysh warned the caravans that entered Mecca not to sell anything to Banu-Hashim, lest their wealth would be plundered.101 If Banu-Hashim desired to buy anything, the prices would rise dramatically so that they could not have any buying power.102

At times, Abu’l-’Az ibn Rabi’103 or Hakim ibn Hizam104 secretly took some foodstuff for Banu-Hashim. Among Banu-Hashim, Imam ‘Ali (a.s) used to leave the col to bring some foodstuff.105 During this period, the Holy Prophet, Abu-Talib and Khadijah lost all their wealth.106 Khadijah, in particular, spent all her money for the Holy Prophet in that col.107

Three years later, the Holy Prophet informed108 people of Quraysh, through Abu-Talib, that the treaty was rotted by termites and some of the signing parties had become sorry109 for having signed on such a shameful treaty. Only then, they volunteered to annul this treaty.110 In this way, Banu-Hashim returned home.111 In one of his letters to Mu’awiyah, Imam ‘Ali (a.s) remembers those harsh days:

Our own tribe (i.e. Quraysh) decided to murder our Prophet and destroy us completely; they added to our disasters and worries and they did strange things to us. They made our lives bitter, causing us to live in worry and pain. They forced us to live in difficult conditions. They kindled the fire of war and hatred against us. However, God willed that we would be the supporter of His religion. The believers among us hoped that God would bless them and give them rewards. However, the unbelievers continued protecting the interests of their own households. None of Quraysh who had converted to Islam received any torture that we received, because each one of them had somebody among their relatives to take care of him. So, they were secure.112

The Death of Khadijah and Abu-Talib

Ten years after prophethood of Muhammad (S) and a little time leaving the col, Khadijah passed away. A short time after that, Abu-Talib also passed away.113 The passing away of these two persons was a great blow to the Holy Prophet.114

With the death of these two loyal friends, mishaps and disasters fell over the shoulders of the Holy Prophet one by one and he was put in a terribly difficult situation.115

The Role of Khadijah

Naturally, the loss of these two personalities brought about a great sorrow; although Khadijah could not protect the Holy Prophet in the same way that Abu-Talib did, she was so kind and caring wife; she was a staunch supporter of Islam and its Prophet. She was the source of hope for the Holy Prophet against hardships.116 The Holy Prophet kept Khadijah's memories to the last of his life. He would never forget her pioneering in accepting Islam.117 Once, he told ‘A’ishah,

“God has never given me a better wife than Khadijah. She accepted my faith when everyone else rejected; she praised and confirmed me when everyone else denounced; she spent her wealth for me when everyone else deprived me of everything. Finally, God gave me as gifts children from her.”118

The Role of Abu-Talib

Not only was Abu-Talib the Holy Prophet’s sponsor in his childhood and adolescence, but he was also a staunch supporter during his prophethood. He stood firm against the aggressions of the unbelievers. As long as he was alive, Quraysh rarely dared to harm Muhammad (S). Once, they incited a man to throw a camel's tripe over the Holy Prophet's body at the sacred Mosque. His body became dirty. When Abu-Talib knew of the event, he drew his sword and, along with Hamzah, went to meet the offenders. He ordered Hamzah to put the tripe over the face of each one those offenders.119

With the demise of Abu-Talib, Quraysh became more aggressive and tyrannical toward the Holy Prophet; they even threw dirt on him.120 He once said,

“Quraysh had not dared to hurt me until Abu-Talib passed away.”121

Abu-Talib's Faith

Shi’ite scholars unanimously agree that Abu-Talib was Muslim;122 but he had not declared his faith so that he would protect the Holy Prophet. Because familial prejudices prevailed at that time, he pretended that he was protecting Muhammad (S) out of tribal zeal.123 In this regard, Imam al-Sadiq (a.s.) has said,

Abu-Talib acted like the Companions of the Cave (Seven Sleepers of Ephesus) who concealed their faith and pretended to be unbelievers; so, they received double rewards from God.124

However, some historians claim that Abu-Talib had not embraced the new faith and passed away an unbeliever. There are pieces of evidence which lead us to believe that he was a believer of Muhammad's faith and ideology. We will present two of them hereinafter:

(1) His Poems and Statements

We have several statements and poems in which Abu-Talib explicitly refers to Muhammad's truthfulness.125 This clearly shows his commitment to Islam. Here are some examples of his poems:

O king of Abyssinia, be aware that Muhammad, like Moses and Jesus, is a prophet. He has brought the same light of guidance that those two brought to man. All prophets are commissioned by God to lead people away from sins.126

You should have known that we have believed that Muhammad, just like Moses, is a Messenger whose name is mentioned in the previous bibles.127

I am certain that Muhammad's faith is the best faith in the world.128

(2) His Protection of the Holy Prophet

Abu-Talib's excessive protections of the Holy Prophet against the aggressions of Quraysh, which continued for seven years, are clear indications of his faith. Those who deny his faith ascribe his protections to tribal affiliations with the Holy Prophet. However, familial bonds could not have been so strong as to force him to sacrifice his life for the Holy Prophet. These kinds of sacrifices definitely have their roots in religious fervor. If Abu-Talib's motives were tribal, why did the other uncles of the Holy Prophet, such as ‘Abbas and Abu-Lahab, not make the same sacrifices?129

In the opinion of some historians, some of those who have tried to prove Abu-Talib's atheism do so out of political motives and tribal jealousies, because the Holy Prophet's followers (who later turned into his political rivals) were mostly idol-worshippers. Only ‘Ali (a.s) lacked such idol-worshipping background since he was nurtured in the Holy Prophet’s school. Those who wish to belittle Imam ‘Ali claim that his father was not a believer. In this way, they claim that he had idolatry in his blood. In fact, the only guilt Abu-Talib had was his fatherhood of ‘Ali (a.s). He would not receive such an accusation if he had not been ‘Ali's father.

The Umayyad and ‘Abbasid rulers were at the center of these cruelties, because their ancestors could never reach the rank of Imam ‘Ali (a.s); they never had such a prestige; therefore, they tried in vain to humiliate him in any way they could.

The charges and accusations which they had leveled at Abu-Talib were more becoming of ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib (the Holy Prophet's uncle and the ancestor of the ‘Abbasid rulers), because ‘Abbas used to be in Mecca up to the siege in the 8th year of Hegira. Moreover, he was taken as a prisoner in the army of the unbelievers and was then freed by paying tribute. When the siege of Mecca was underway, he reached the Islamic army and asked the Holy Prophet to release Abu-Sufyan, the head of the unbelievers. Considering all these, nobody has ever claimed that he was an unbeliever! Is this a just evaluation of these two figures? For this reason, scholars look at the accusation of being an atheist on the part of Abu-Talib as suspect.130

The Prophet's wives

While Khadijah was alive, the Holy Prophet did not marry any lady.131 After her death, he married several women all of whom, except for ‘A’ishah, were widows. The first was Sawdah. Her husband was Sakran ibn ‘Amr; one of the emigrants to Abyssinia who had died there leaving his wife without sponsor.

Orientalists have used the Holy Prophet's marriages as an excuse to level inhuman accusations against him. They have referred to his marriages as indulgence in pleasure and lusts.132 A careful and impartial judgment, however, will reveal the fact that behind these marriages, there lay some political and social motives and some gains and common good for Islam; some of those women lost any sponsor or protector; therefore, the Holy Prophet wanted to guide and protect them under the cover of marriage. Some others belonged to great households and the Holy Prophet wanted to have their protections. At some other time, the purpose was to fight against some wrong customs of the Ignorance Era. Here are some evidences:

(1) The Holy Prophet married Khadijah when he was twenty-five years old and at the zenith of youthful zeal and passion whereas she had lost the passion of youth when she married him. She lived with him for twenty-five years.

(2) The Holy Prophet did not marry any other woman as long as Khadijah was alive, while polygamy was prevalent in Arabia at that time.

(3) The other marriages of the Holy Prophet took place after the age of fifty, before or after Hegira, when he was in the center of political, social and military turmoil. Could a person get into pleasure seeking activities under such circumstances? Could the Holy Prophet, while living in Medina, find a chance to be involved in lust and whims?

(4) Was life easy and smooth with different wives, each of whom had a special set of likes and dislikes and a series of womanly jealousies; wives who had hurt the Holy Prophet on various occasions?133 Is such a life compatible with pleasure-seeking?

(5) Each one of the Holy Prophet's wives belonged to a different tribe; they were not relatives. Was such a marriage accidental and haphazard?

(6) After the Holy Prophet's emigration to Yathrib and the expansion of Islam and an increase in his spiritual influence, his social and political power had greatly risen and the Arab leaders would take pride in having their daughters married to the Holy Prophet. However, most of the women that he married were widows or elderly women lacking any protector, while he encouraged men to marry young girls.

Let us introduce some of the Holy Prophet's wives:

Ummu-Habibah: The daughter of Abu-Sufyan, the bitter enemy of Islam, Ummu-Habibah emigrated with her husband, ‘Ubaydullah ibn Jahsh, the Holy Prophet’s cousin. When ‘Ubaydullah reached that land, he apostatized Islam. Due to excessive wine drinking, he died there.134 When the Holy Prophet knew about this, he sent ‘Amr ibn Umayyah al-®amari135 to al-Najashi asking him to give Ummu-Habibah in marriage to him. That was in the sixth year after the Hegira, and al-Najashi did. She stayed in Abyssinia for one more year and then returned to Medina with the last group.136 She was between thirty and forty years old.137

It is clear that this marriage took place to pacify this Muslim woman not to be carried away through worries and grief. This is because she had cut relations with her unbelieving relatives, including her parents, and had gone to Abyssinia with her husband. Now, in a foreign land, she had lost her husband. What other action could be better than having the privilege of getting married to the Holy Prophet?

Ummu-Salamah: Ummu-Salamah (Hind) was the daughter of Abi-Umayyah Makhzumi; her ex-husband was Abu-Salamah (‘Abdullah) Makhzumi,138 one of the Holy Prophet’s cousins.139 They had four children one of whom was Salamah.140

Abu-Salamah was wounded in the Battle of Uhud and then passed away in Jumada II, in the third year of Hegira.141 Most probably, there was no relative of Ummu-Salamah in Medina, because she is reported to have said, “When Abu-Salamah died, I became very depressed; I said to myself, ‘Now that I am lonely, I will weep so much that I become well-known as a great weeper!’”142 The Holy Prophet married her in the 4th year of Hegira.143 At that time, she had become old.144

It is clear that the purpose of this marriage was to sponsor her orphan children. Was it not a hard job for the Holy Prophet to sponsor four orphan children?

After Khadijah, Ummu-Salamah ranked high in sincerity, virtue and spirituality. She was second to Khadijah in these human traits.145 She had a special bond with the Household of the Holy Prophet. Most of the time, she kept the secrets of the divinely leadership of the Holy Prophet’s Household.146

Zaynab bint Jahsh: A close relative of the Holy Prophet, Zaynab was married to Zayd ibn Harithah, the Holy Prophet's stepchild.147 She married the Holy Prophet after her separation from Zayd.

Zayd had been the slave of Khadijah before he was freed and adopted by the Holy Prophet. From then on, he was called Zayd son of Muhammad.148

After the prophethood, God made the adoption of sons illegal:

Allah has not made for any man two hearts within him; nor has He made your wives whose backs you liken to the backs of your mothers as your mothers, nor has He made those whom you assert to be your sons your real sons; these are the words of your mouths; And Allah speaks the truth and He guides to the way. Assert their relationship to their fathers; this is more equitable with Allah, but if you do not know their fathers, then they are your brethren in faith and your friends; and there is no blame on you concerning that in which you made a mistake, but concerning that which your hearts do purposely blame may rest on you, and Allah is Forgiving, Merciful. (33:4-5)

Upon receiving these revelations, the Holy Prophet said to Zayd, “You are Zayd son of Harithah.” From then on, he was nicknamed freed by the Holy Prophet.149

The Holy Prophet proposed Zaynab for himself. However, since she was one of the granddaughters of ‘Abd al-Muttalib and she belonged to a well-known tribe, she refused to accept such a proposal in the beginning, because Zayd was not from a Quraysh family; rather, he was freed slave. However, the Holy Prophet insisted; and Zaynab agreed. This marriage was the annihilation of racial and class privileges, which were so emphatically approved of. The Prophet's insistence on such a marriage was aimed at removing such unfounded principles.

Due to some ethical maladjustment, the marriage of Zaynab and Zayd became vulnerable; it was on the threshold of being cut. Several times, Zayd decided to divorce her, but the Holy Prophet called them for more perseverance by saying, “Keep your spouse.”150 Finally, Zayd divorced her. After their divorce, the Holy Prophet received direction from God to marry Zaynab so that the marriage of an adopted son's divorcee would not create a problem for Muslims. In this way, a wrong custom was broken, because an adopted son was considered real son. For this reason, marrying the wife of such a person was not allowed. The Holy Qur'an describes the aim of this marriage in the following manner:

And when you said to him to whom Allah had shown favor and to whom you had shown a favor: Keep your wife to yourself and be careful of your duty to Allah; and you concealed in your soul what Allah would bring to light, and you feared men, and Allah had a greater right that you should fear Him. But when Zayd had accomplished his want of her, We gave her to you as a wife, so that there should be no difficulty for the believers in respect of the wives of their adopted sons, when they have accomplished their want of them; and Allah's command shall be performed. (33:37)

The unbelievers found an excuse in this marriage to level some accusations against the Holy Prophet: they accused him of marrying the wife of his son!151 Then God revealed to the Holy Prophet:

Muhammad is not the father of any of your men, but he is the Apostle of Allah and the last of the Holy Prophets; and Allah is Cognizant of all things. (33:40)

Some Christian Orientalists have changed this event into a romance and have added unfounded details to it,152 but this accusation does not comply with the Holy Prophet’s traits. Besides, we have seen that the issue was something else and this is vividly explained in the Holy Qur'an.

The aforementioned accounts of the Holy Prophet’s wives are enough for an explanation of the real motives behind his polygamy. The other wives of the Holy Prophet had more or less similar traits.

The Holy Prophet's Journey to Ta’if

Seventy-two kilometers away from Mecca, Ta’if is a countryside with mild weather. It was known for its vineyards in those days.153 Some of Quraysh’s noblemen had gardens and pastures there. The citizens of Ta’if were wealthy; they were famous usurers. It was the resort of the strong tribe of Thaqif.

After the death of Khadijah and Abu-Talib, the tormenting of the Holy Prophet by Quraysh increased and propagating the religion became difficult. However, the invitation to Islam could not be stopped. Therefore, the Holy Prophet decided to journey to Ta’if in order to invite its people to his religion. He hoped to find some protectors there. On this journey, Zayd ibn Harithah154 and Imam ‘Ali155 accompanied him.

The Holy Prophet met three brothers of the noblemen of Thaqif; the wife of one of these three was from a branch of Quraysh, called Banu-Jumah.156 He invited them to Islam and asked them for help. However, they refused and used strong words in reply. He also asked them to keep his journey secret so that the chiefs of Quraysh might not be annoyed. But they did not pay attention to what he said.

The Holy Prophet visited other leaders of Ta’if as well, but they rejected his invitation and feared that their youth might be inclined towards Islam.157 The leaders of Ta’if provoked the rogues, the destitute, and their slaves to curse, humiliate and throw stones at him. In this conflict, some parts of the Holy Prophet's legs were badly hurt and Zayd's head was wounded.

The Holy Prophet headed for a vineyard which belonged to ‘Utbah and Shaybah, two chiefs of Quraysh, and rested in the shade of a vine, praying to God.

‘Utbah and Shaybah, who had been watching the tormenting of the Holy Prophet, sympathized with him; they sent him some grapes through their Christian servant, ‘Addas, who was from Nineveh. While eating the grapes, the Holy Prophet said, “In the Name of Allah.” This statement roused ‘Addas's curiosity. After some conversation through which the Holy Prophet told ‘Addas about his Divine mission, ‘Addas threw himself at the Holy Prophet's feet, kissed his hands and feet,158 and became Muslim.159 Having stayed in Ta’if160 for ten days and discouraged by the refusal of the Thaqif tribe, he returned to Mecca.

Did the Holy Prophet seek Refuge?

It is said that the Holy Prophet, upon his return to Mecca, asked Mut’im ibn ‘Adi to give him refuge; he then entered Mecca under his protection. However, with regards to a series of evidence, this seems highly improbable:

(1) How could the Holy Prophet, after ten years of hard struggles and severe confrontations with the idolaters, have accepted the humiliation of asking an idol-worshipper for refuge and asylum while this humiliation he never accepted during his whole life?

(2) Despite the death of Abu-Talib at that time, the rest of Banu-Hashim were still on the scene; among them, there were brave individuals like Hamzah whom Quraysh feared very much as is shown in their attempts to unite several tribes to murder the Holy Prophet at the night of his emigration to Yathrib.

(3) According to some historical documents, Zayd and Imam ‘Ali accompanied him. So, they were a group of three persons who could depend on themselves and needed no assistance.

(4) The Holy Prophet was one of the bravest Arabs; weakness has never seen on him. Recalling the Holy Prophet's bravery in battles, Imam ‘Ali (a.s) remarks:

When the fire of war was severely kindled, we used to resort to the Holy Prophet; under those circumstances, there was nobody closer to the enemy than he was.161

(5) The Holy Prophet severely struggled against the system of tribalism which was the source of his calamity. How could he approve of the tradition of taking refuge which was an offshoot of tribalism? How could he confirm it?

(6) As is reported by Buladhari and Ibn Sa’d, the Holy Prophet's journey to Ta’if took place at the end of month Shawwal. If we accept this report as valid, it means that his stay in Ta’if and his return to Mecca could have occurred within the sacred month in which bloodshed and molestation are suspended. Thus, there was no danger against the Holy Prophet's life and consequently he did not need any protection.

With regards to these documents, we may infer that the Holy Prophet, on his return from Ta’if, had entered Wadi Nakhlah before he entered Mecca. On his return, he spent a night there162 when a group of jinn163 heard the verses of the Holy Qur'an.164

Attraction of the Holy Qur'an

Inviting people to his religion, the Holy Prophet rarely spoke of himself; rather, he made use of the best means available to him, i.e. the verses of the Holy Qur'an which had enchanting effects on the Arab's ears. The Holy Qur'an is the Holy Prophet's great miracle - a miracle of eloquence. The lexicon and the lexical items, the structure of the verses, and the melody of the Qur'anic verses are so attractive that nobody could ever be able to produce anything even similar to them. For this reason, the Holy Qur'an invites the unbelievers to produce anything like its chapters. (2:23)

The Arabs of Hijaz who were mostly poets and experts in poetry were absorbed in and enchanted by the grace and eloquence of the sacred verses of the Holy Qur'an. The words of revelation appeared to them most graceful and elegant. At times, they would be mesmerized and motionless for a long time.

One night, some chiefs of Quraysh, such as Abu-Sufyan and Abu-Jahl hid behind the door of the Holy Prophet's house and listened to the verses that he was uttering. On their return in the morning, they saw one another and started blaming each other by saying, “Let us not do this again, because if people see us, they would think otherwise. They might think that we have become Muslims.” However, for the coming nights, they did it again, each time promising not to do it again. (2:23)

Accusation of Magic

The ceremony of Hajj was the best time for the Holy Prophet to carry out his propagation, because the different Arab tribes came to Mecca then. In those days, the Holy Prophet had a chance to let people hear the call for monotheism. For this reason, the chiefs of Quraysh feared the Hajj time the most.

At the time of Hajj ceremony, a group of noblemen of Quraysh went to visit Walid ibn Mughirah, an elderly man and the head of Banu-Makhzum, who said, “It is the Hajj time, people come to your city from everywhere; they have heard Muhammad's story. Let us talk about him in a single fashion and not try to contradict one another.” They replied, “Whatever you say, we will follow you. We will say that he is a Jewish priest.” He said, “No, By God. He is not a Jewish priest; we have seen such priests before. He neither hums like such priests nor does he use rhymed speech.” One of them suggested, “Let us say that he is a lunatic.” Walid answered, “No! He could not be a lunatic. We have seen lunatic people and we know how they behave. Neither do any of his limbs shake, nor is he tempted by some devil.” They said, “Let us say that he is a poet.” Walid answered, “He cannot be a poet either. We know all kinds of poetry. What he says is not poems.” They further suggested, “We shall say that he is a magician.” Walid answered, “This is not accurate either. We have seen the magician's incantations and charms. His work is not sorcery.” They asked, “Then, what shall we say?” He remarked, “By God, his speech is delicious; its roots are vigorous and branches are fruitful. Whatever of these categories you say about him will turn out to be wrong. The best thing for you is to say that he is a magician because through his words he is able to separate children from their parents, brothers from brothers, wives from husbands and tribe members from one another.”165

Having arrived at this decision, the Arab leaders spread. From then on, they would provoke the Hajj pilgrims not to be carried away by the indoctrinations of the Holy Prophet.166

What the higher council of Quraysh called magic and attributed to the Holy Prophet was in fact an attribute for the attractive verses of the Holy Qur'an which hypnotized everyone who listened to them. The sanctions against the listening to the Qur'anic verses reached such a point that the chiefs of Quraysh recommended that a great person such as As’ad ibn Zurarah should insert cotton in his ears in order to be safe against Muhammad's magic!”167

Inviting the Arab Tribes to Islam

The Holy Prophet carried out his invitation to people in Mecca and elsewhere. For instance, he went to the following tribes: Kindah, Kalb, Banu-Hanifah and Banu-Amir ibn Sa’za’ah to invite them to the new religion. However, Abu-Lahab used to follow him and discourage people from accepting his religion.168

In his dialogues with Banu-’Amir, the Holy Prophet was told by one of the elderly chiefs of that tribe, named Bayharah ibn Firas, “If we swear allegiance to you and God makes you victorious over your opponents, will you promise your succession to us?” The Holy Prophet replied, “That is God's affair, not mine. God will nominate anybody He wishes.” Aggressively, the man replied, “You want us to stand against the Arabs for your sake and defend you; and upon your victory, somebody else gets the initiatives? We do not need your religion.”169

It is narrated that the same issue was brought up by the elders of the Kindah tribe to whom the Holy Prophet gave the same reaction.170 This kind of reply and taking position on the part of the Holy Prophet is significant in two ways:

First: He emphasized that the issue of succession is God's affair. This confirms the issue that he has been appointed by God; i.e. his position is a Divine selection and this adoption takes place by God, not through people.

Second: The Holy Prophet, contrary to other statesmen who do everything in order to obtain their objectives, did not make use of unethical instruments. Although the adoption of Islam by the members of a large tribe was of utmost significance and value in those days, the Holy Prophet did not promise anything which he could not keep.

During the Hajj and ‘Umrah ceremonies in which security prevailed due to the sacredness of those months and during which a great number of people could come from different areas to Mecca and Mina or the markets outside Mecca, such as the seasonal markets of ‘Uka¨, al-Majannah and Dhi’l-Majaz,171 the Holy Prophet extended his invitation and visited the elderly chiefs of the tribes. Even if the pilgrims themselves did not accept Islam, they spread the news of the Holy Prophet's prophethood in their cities and towns; and this was a step ahead towards victory and success.

Notes

1. Al-Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:199-204; Ibn al-Athir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:250.

2. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon No 192.

3. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:207.

4. Ibn Kathir, op cit, 1:389.

5. Halabi, op cit, 1:380-381; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:250; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:203-204; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:43; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:84,193; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:17.

6. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:44; al-Majlisi, op cit, 18:194; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 36.

Concerning these records and documents, Shaykh al-Kulayni states the Muhammad was a prophet but he had not yet been Messenger of God. Al-Uzul min al-Kafi 1:176.

7. Mount Hara' is situated northeast of Mecca. Because it was the place where the Divine Revelation came to the Holy Prophet for the first time, it was called jabal al-nur (Mountain of Light). Until several years ago, this mountain was far away from the city of Mecca. However, the city skirts have now reached the foot of this mountain due to modern construction. Because of its situation inside a series of interrelated mountains, Mount Hara' is the most handsome and most distinguished. The Hara' Cave, which is high in the mountain, is not a cave in reality; rather, it is a huge rock over two other huge rocks, creating a space of one and a half meters high. The entrance is wide enough for people to enter. However, the inner half of it is narrower. Sunlight can penetrate only half of the cave.

8. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 193; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:25.

9. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:251; Tabari, op cit, 2:206; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 1:390; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:105.

10. Halabi, op cit, pp. 382.

11. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 249; Tabari, op cit, pp. 209; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp 114-115; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:190; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 198; Halabi, op cit, pp. 363; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 204.

12. Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:514; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:276.

13. Muslim scholars ascribe these verses to the prophethood of Muhammad. There are some pieces of evidence which confirm this issue. See al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:246; Muhammad Hadi Ma’rifat, al-Tamhid fi ‘Ulum al-Qur'an 1:35; al-Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 3:88-89. According to other exegeses, these verses are related to the Night Ascension (Mi’raj).

14. Sahih al-Bukhari 1:59-60; Sahih Muslim 2:197-204.

15. Al-’Asqalani, al-Izabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah 4:359.

16. Bihar al-Anwar 18:246, 254, 257.

17. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:197; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, op cit, 1:43; al-Majlisi, op cit, 18:271.

18. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp 268, 271; Saduq, al-Tawhid, pp. 115.

19. Saduq, Kamal al-Din 1:85; ‘Ilal al-Shara'i’ 7:7.

20. Tabari, op cit, 2:207; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:105; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:276; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:17.

21. Majma’ al-Bayan 10:384.

22. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:262; Muhammad Hadi Ma’rifat, al-Tamhid fi ‘Ulum al-Qur'an 1:49.

23. As far as we know, the first person who realized the lack of authenticity of this narration was Sayyid ‘Abd al-Husayn Sharaf al-Din al-Musawi (1390-1377 AH), one of the distinguished Shi’ite scholars of Jabal ‘Amil, who discussed and criticized it in his epistle to the Arab Scientific Congress in Damascus, and in his book al-Nazz wa’l-Ijtihad, pp 319-322. Then other scholars, such as ‘Ali Dawani, criticized this narration in the following sources: The Rays of revelation over Mount Hara', pp 70-108; the history of Islam from the start up to the prophet's Migration, pp 98-110; the role of the Imams In the revival of the religion 4:6-44; al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 1:216-232, Treason in the historical accounts 2:3-23; al-Tamhid 1:52-56; Some Analytical Lessons From The History Of Islam 2:196-236.

24. Murtadha ‘Amili, The role of the Imams In the revival of the religion 4:12.

25. Islamic Encyclopedia 3:398. Montgomery Watt, the head of the Arabic department of Edinburgh University, is one of those who insinuates against Islam. He writes, “It is amazing for a man who used to live in a far-away city, like Mecca in the seventh century AD, to have been appointed as a prophet by God. Therefore, we are not amazed when we hear that Muhammad was frightened and worried when he became aware of this issue. Regarding this, there are some hints and documents in the Qur'an and in other narrations related to his life. It is not clear at what time he realized that God had not forgotten him. His other fear was the fear of mental breakdown; this is because in those days Arabs assumed that persons like him were under the domination of jinn or spirits. Some Meccan Arabs interpreted Muhammad's revelations in this way and he himself at times doubted whether people were right or wrong in their assumptions.” See Muhammad, the prophet and the politician, pp 26-27.

26. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:280; Tabari, op cit, 2:216; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:275-276; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:116; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:19; Halabi, op cit, 1:456; Tusi, al-Ghaybah, pp. 202.

27. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:19; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:199; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:115.

28. Halabi, op cit, 1:456-457.

29. Ibn Husham mentions the names of the first eight Muslims as follows: ‘Ali, Zayd ibn Harith, Abu-Bakr, ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, al-Zubayr ibn al-’Awwam, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf, Sa’d ibn Abi-Waqqaz, and Talhah ibn ‘Ubaydullah. See al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:262-364.

30. Imam ‘Ali was monotheist even at his early age; he never served idols. Thus, his becoming a Muslim does not imply that he stopped worshipping idols like the other companions of the Holy Prophet. Imam ‘Ali accepted Islam that is based on the Divine principle of monotheism. Concerning this, Dahlan wrote, “‘Ali never practiced idolatry. He followed the Holy Prophet closely. It is narrated that three persons were never involved in idolatry; the Faithful of Al-Yasin, ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib, and Asiyah, Pharaoh’s wife.” See al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:92. Concerning Imam ‘Ali, Ibn Sa’d narrates that he never worshipped any idol because he was too young! See Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 3:21. Ibn Hajar (974 AH), quoting Ibn Sa’d’s previous statement, states, “For this reason, ‘Ali is mentioned with the statement of ‘karrama allahu wajhahu (May Allah honor his face)’. See al-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqah, pp. 120.

Regarding ‘Ali's age when he accepted Islam, see Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, 13:234-235.

31. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 3:28; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 13:229; al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 2:81, Halabi, op cit, 1:432. In some narrations, we read, “The first to join the Divine Pond (on the Resurrection Day) will be the first to accept Islam; namely, ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib.” See Halabi, op cit, pp. 432.

32. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, op cit, pp. 32; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:57. Al-Hakim al-Naysaburi (al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 3:112) has recorded this narration in two ways, “Allah’s Messenger received prophethood…” and “Allah’s Messenger received the Divine Revelation on Monday.” In some narrations, we will read, “The Prophet received prophethood on Monday, and ‘Ali accepted Islam on Tuesday.” See, Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 229; al-Juwayni, Fara'id al-Simtayn. Emphasizing the same issue, Imam ‘Ali used to remark, “Allah’s Messenger received the Divine Message on Monday, and I accepted Islam on Tuesday.” See al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 166; Muhammad al-Sabban, Is’af al-Raghibin, pp. 148; Ibn Hajar, al-Sawa’iq al-Muhriqah.

33. Nahj al-Balaghah, Sermon 192.

34. Ibid, Sermon 131.

35. Tabari, op cit, 2:212; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh.

The same issue is brought up in al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 3:112; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:200, 228; Ibn Mardawayh, Manaqib ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib, pp 47-48.

36. Tabari, op cit, 2:212; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 13:226. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid has reported the same from ‘Abdullah ibn Mas’ud. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 3:165; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 137-138; al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 1:262. For further information concerning Ali's pioneering in the acceptance of Islam, see al-Ghadir 2:214, 3:220-224.

37. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:199.

38. al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:299; Bihar al-Anwar 18:185.

39. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 212.

40. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:358; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 44; Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Tadhkirat al-Khawazz, pp. 186.

41. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 128.

42. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 56.

43. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 3:139.

44. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:446.

45. Halabi, op cit, 1:434.

46. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 3:102.

47. op cit, pp. 124.

48. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 3:222.

49. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 3:244. ‘Abd al-Muta’al al-Sa’idi al-Mizri has written a book entitled Youth of Quraysh in the Beginning of Islam (pp. 33-34) in which he has introduced forty young men from Quraysh who had pioneered in accepting Islam. In his list, Imam ‘Ali is the first.

50. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:156, pp. 181, see Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 3:248.

51. Op cit.

52. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:164; Halabi, op cit, 1:499.

53. Muslim scholars name this issue as bid' al-da’wah (The Beginning of the Promulgation), yawm al-dar (The Day of the House), and yawm al-indhar (The Day of Warning). It is reported in the following reference books with some difference: Tarikh al-Tabari 2:217; Ibn Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:63; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:211; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 1:278; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 7:206; Shaykh Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 29; Tawus, al-Tara’if 1:20; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:461; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:78, 181, 191, 214; ‘Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 2:278-279; Murtadha ‘Askari, the role of the Imams in the revival of the Religion 2:86, 6:17-18; Musnad Ahmad 1:159. It is worthy noting that among historians, Tabari has distorted the Holy Prophet's statement drastically in his interpretation: he has changed representative and successor into so and so. Ibn Kathir, too, has distorted the truth in his three books in his three books (Tafsir 3:351, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:40, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:459). Considering the attitude of these two, it is not difficult to recognize their motive for this dramatic distortion.

54. Hadith al-Manzilah reads: “O ‘Ali, your position to me is the same as Prophet Aaron’s position to Prophet Moses except that there shall be no prophet after me.”

55. Surah al-Shu’ara' was revealed to the Holy Prophet after Surah al-Waqi’ah. The following are the Surahs that were revealed after that: al-Naml, al-Qazaz, al-Isra', Yunus, Hud, Yusuf and then al-Hijr in which the order for the public invitation was given. See Muhammad Hadi Ma’rifat, al-Tamhid fi ‘Ulum al-Qur'an 1:105.

56. Abtuh is a valley near Mina. See Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan. 1:74. This event probably took place at the time of Hajj when pilgrims had gathered at Mina.

57. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 1:19. There are other reports on the Holy Prophet’s first open declaration of his faith. Most probably, he invited the idolaters within short time intervals through the same statements. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, pp. 19; Tabari, op cit, 2:21; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:121; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:279; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 39; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:185; Halabi, op cit, 1:461.

58. Tabari, op cit, 2:218; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:282; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:199; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:63.

59. Tabari, op cit, 2:218-220; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 282-287, 313, 316; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 1:282; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:202-203; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:231-232; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:63-65; Halabi, op cit, 1:462-463; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah. 1:479; al-Majlisi, op cit, 18:185.

60. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 287; Tabari, op cit, pp. 220; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 1:59; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 65; Ibn Kathir, op cit, pp. 477, Halabi, op cit, pp. 463.

61. Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 9:46.

62. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:387; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 1:50.

63. The Holy Qur'an’s chapters (i.e. Surahs) are divided according to their revelation into Meccan and Medinan.

64. This holy Surah is the fourth in revelation. See al-Tamhid fi ‘Ulum al-Qur'an 1:104.

65. This Surah is the sixth.

66. This Surah is the ninth.

67. These people, most probably, had invested their money in a Mecca economic center.

68. Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:221.

Those who look at man from a material prospect only concentrate all their attentions to the economic motive and base all other motives to it. The analysis of Petroshfsky, a famous Russian analyst of Islam and Iran and a professor of Oriental Studies Department at the University of Leningrad writes, “Meccan chiefs were among the traders and usurers. They opposed Muhammad openly. We could not say that the cause of this opposition was religious dogmatism; rather, the Prophet's propagation against their idolatry was the real motive of their opposition because their trade and political supremacy was greatly jeopardized. They assumed that his religious propagation would cause the fall of the Kaaba and the worship of their idols. This might result in fewer pilgrims to visit the Kaaba and a financial loss for them. In this way, the Kaaba might lose its political supremacy. For this reason, the Meccan chiefs interpreted Muhammad's religious propaganda as a direct threat to their own interests. They hated him for these reasons. See Islam in Iran, pp. 26. In view of our previous discussions, we do not have to say how baseless the statement of this professor is.

69. Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 7:260; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:51.

70. Manaqib 1:59.

71. Qizaz al-’Arab 2:258; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:144.

72. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:337; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:50; Ibn Kathir, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:506-507.

73. Ibn Kathir, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:130.

74. Tarikh al-Tabari 2:221.

75. al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:197; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:66.

76. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 156-196; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 2:66-70.

77. Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:222; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:76.

78. Tabari, op cit, pp. 221.

79. ‘Umar Farrukh, Tarikh Sadr al-Islam wa’l-Dawlah al-Umawiyyah, pp. 54; ‘Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 169.

80. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 204; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 344; Tabari, op cit, pp. 221-222.

81. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 227.

82. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 207. The number of emigrants is recorded even less. But the number of their names, recorded in books of history, is the same as the above. See Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 346-353; Dr. Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, The History of The Prophet of Islam, pp. 122-132.

83. Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:357; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:418.

Tabarsi has recorded that Abu-Talib wrote the following poetic verses in his letter:

King of Abyssinia, be it known to you that Muhammad, just like Moses and Jesus son of Mary, is a Prophet.

He came with the true guidance with which they had come; and all of them guide to God’s commission and seek His protection.

Verily, you are uttering his name in your Book through authentic, not fabricated, report.

So, do not associate others with God and follow Islam, for the path of the Right can never be darkened.

84. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 43-44, Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 356-360; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 2:79-81.

85. It is reported that Ja’far ibn Abi-Talib was escorted by seventy Abyssinians on his way back to Mecca. All of these, converted to Islam after they had had a conversation with the Holy Prophet. See Majma’’ al-Bayan 3:234.

86. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 208.

87. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 8:97; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 238; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:143; Ayati, op cit, pp. 132.

88. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 43:7.

The majority of Sunni scholars believe that Lady Fatimah was born five years after prophethood. See Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi, Life of Fatimah.

89. Tafsir al-Burhan 2:400.

90. Majma’ al-Bayan 6:395.

91. al-Majlisi, op cit,; 18, pp. 290; Tafsir Nemuneh 12:17. A physics-based explanation of the Night Ascension can be seen in Tafsir Nemuneh 12:17-20 and Furugh Abadiyyat 2:393.

92. Shaykh al-Kulayni, al-Furu’ min al-Kafi 3:482-487; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:213; Sahih al-Bukhari; al-Hurr al-’Amili, Wasa'il al-Shi’ah 3:76; al-Majlisi, op cit, 18:238; Tafsir al-Burhan 2:933.

93. Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 3:242.

94. Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:375; Tabari, op cit, 2:225; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:234.

95. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:234; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:209; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 4:58.

96. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 230; Is op cit, 1:63; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 159; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:18.

97. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 14:64; al-Fattal al-Naysaburi, Rawdhat al-Wa’i¨in, pp. 63.

98. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:63; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 49.

99. Al-Fattal al-Naysaburi, Rawdhat al-Wa’i¨in, pp. 64; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 64; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 50; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:64; see Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 160.

100. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 65; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 209; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 234; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 159.

101. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 50.

102. al-Majlisi, op cit, 19; Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 159.

103. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 65; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 51.

104. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 161; Ibn Husham, op cit, 1:379; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 235; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 19.

105. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:254.

106. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:25; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 50.

107. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 50; Is op cit, 1:65.

108. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 161; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:234, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:210; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:65.

109. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 162, 165, 166; al-Buladhari, op cit, p236; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:59; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:88; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:19.

110. That took place on the tenth year of Hegira. See Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:210; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:236.

111. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 51-52.

112. Nahj al-Balaghah, letter 9.

113. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:236; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 2:90.

114. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:29; the Holy Prophet called that year “Year of Sadness”. See Bihar al-Anwar 19:25.

115. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 243; Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:57; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 53.

116. Ibn Ishaq, op cit, pp. 243; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 57.

117. Amir Muhanna al-Khayyami, pp. 62-63; Al-Dulabi, al-Dhurriyyah al-Tahirah, pp. 63-64.

118. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:287; Dulabi, op cit, pp. 51.

119. Al-Kulayni, al-Uzul min al-Kafi 1:449; ‘Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 7:393; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 18:187; al-Ghadir 7:259, 388, 393; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:20.

120. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:211; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk (Tarikh al-Tabari) 2:229; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 2:80; Ibn al-Athir, op cit 2:91.

121. Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wal-Maghazi, pp. 239; Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:58; Tabari, op cit, pp. 229; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:67; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 91; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 80; Sibt Ibn al-Jawzi, Tadhkirat al-Khawazz, pp. 9.

122. Shaykh Mufid, Awa’il al-Maqalat, pp. 13; al-Fattal al-Naysaburi, op cit, pp. 155; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 14:65; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 3:287; Ibn Tawus; al-Tara’if, pp. 298.

123. Tabarsi, op cit, 7:260.

124. Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, 1:448; Saduq, al-Amali, pp. 366; al-Fattal al-Naysaburi, op cit, pp. 156; Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 7:390; Mufid, al-Ikhtizaz, pp. 241.

125. The poems of Abu-Talib has been collected by Abu-Na’im ‘Ali ibn Hamzah al-Bazri al-Tamimi, the linguist (375 AD). Shaykh Agha Buzurg Tehrani saw a copy of this book in the Library of Sayyid ‘«sa al-’Attar in Baghdad. This book comprised more than five thousand poetic verses and was published in al-Najaf in AH 1356.

Imam ‘Ali liked to see his father’s poems being collected. He used to remark, “Learn these poems and teach them to your children. Abu-Talib was a follower of God's religion and his poems contain a lot of knowledge.” al-Ghadir 7:393.

126. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 45; Majma’ al-Bayan 4:288; Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 7:331.

127. Shaykh al-Kulayni, op cit, pp. 449. Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 4:4, 287; Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:277; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:72; al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 1:181; Amini, al-Ghadir 7:332.

128. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 55; Amini, op cit, p334; ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah 4, pp. 116. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:42.

129. Many books have been written on Abu-Talib's Faith. Some are referred to in Agha Buzurg’s al-Dhari’ah 2:510-514. Allamah Amini in, al-Ghadir 7:330-403, deals with this issue in some details. He refers to nineteen books written by great Muslim scholars on Abu-Talib’s belief in Islam. He cites forty narrations proving this fact. At the beginning of the eighth volume, he answers the questions of the opponents regarding Abu-Talib's belief in Islam.

130. ‘Abbas Ziryab, Sirat Rasulillah, pp. 178-179.

131. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:282; Sahih Muslim 15:201.

132. Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 315-316, 325.

133. For further information, see commentaries on Surah al-Tahrim, verses 1-5.

134. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 7:97, Shaykh ‘Abbas al-Qummi, Safinat al-Bihar 1:204.

135. Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:458; Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:289; Hamdullah Muztafawi, Tarikh Gozideh, pp. 161.

136. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 4:144; Hamdullah Muztafawi, Tarikh Gozideh, pp. 161.

137. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 99; ‘Abbas al-Qummi, op cit, pp. 204.

138. ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah 4:458; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 5:588.

139. Ibn al-Athir, op cit, pp. 218.

140. op cit, pp. 588; Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 4:294, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 8:87.

141. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 4:82.

142. Al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 199.

143. Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 458; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 8:87.

144. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 90-91; Muhammad Ibn Habib, al-Muhabbar, pp. 84.

145. Mamuqani, Tanqih al-Maqal 3:72.

146. Mamuqani, op cit, Al-Tustari, Qamus al-Rijal 10:396.

147. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 8:101; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 2:226; Ibn Hajar, al-Izabah 4:564.

148. Ibn Sa’d, op cit; Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 2:224; Ibn Hajar, op cit, pp. 563.

149. al-Alusi, Tafsir Ruh al-Ma’ani 21:147.

150. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 8:103.

151. Ibn al-Athir, op cit, 7:494; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 8:337; Qastalani, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 2:87.

152. Islamic Encyclopedia; Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 316, 323.

According to Orientalists, Muhammad passed by Zayd's house and accidentally saw his wife, Zaynab. He fell in love with her!! When Zayd noticed this, he divorced Zaynab who was one of the Prophet's relatives and was not unknown to the Prophet since, in those days, women’s veil was not yet common!!

To refute this fable, members of a family must know who is beautiful and who is not among them. We should add here that these Orientalists have got this fable from some baseless narrations recorded in some reference books, such as Tarikh Tabari 3:42; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 8:101. Some other writers, too, have unknowingly adopted these sources. However, the Holy Qur’an has vividly revealed the truth. Of course, some Muslim scholars have proved the forgery of this story. One of these is Sayyid Murtadha ‘Alam al-Huda, a well-known Shi’ite scholar (436 AH). He has described such reports as dirty and ugly. See Tanzih al-Anbiya', pp. 114. Al-Alusi considers the issue as a myth uttered by story-tellers. He says, “We should acquit the Prophet from such accusations.” See Tafsir Ruh al-Ma’ani 22:24-25.

153. Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 4:9.

154. Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:230; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:237.

155. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 14:97 and 4:127-128.

156. Tabari, op cit, pp. 230; Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:60.

157. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 212.

158. Tabari, op cit, 2:230; Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:62.

159. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:30.

160. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:212; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:91; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:22. It is also reported that the Holy Prophet stayed at Aa’if more than this period.

161. Nahj al-Balaghah, pp. 530.

162. This incident took place at a place between Ta’if and Mecca. See al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:63.

163. Tabari, op cit, pp. 231; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 63.

164. Al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 2:167-168.

165. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 288-289.

166. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 288-289.

167. Tabari, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 56.

168. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:65-66; Tabari, Tarikh 2:232-233; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:237-238; Ibn Ishaq, al-Siyar wa’l-Maghazi, pp. 232.

He invited the following tribes to Islam one by one: Banu-Fazarah, Ghassan, Banu-Murrah, Banu-Sulaym, Banu-’Abs, Banu-Harith, Banu-’Udhrah, al-Hadharimah, Banu-Nazr, and Banu-Buka'. However, none of them accepted his religion. See Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:216-217.

169. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:66; Zayni Dahlan, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:145; Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 2:157-176.

170. Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:140.

171. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:216.