Jurisprudence and Its Principles

Jurisprudence and Its Principles75%

Jurisprudence and Its Principles Author:
Translator: Mohammad Salman Tawhidi
Publisher: Tahrike Tarsile Qur'an
Category: Jurisprudence Principles Science
ISBN: 0-940368-28-5

Jurisprudence and Its Principles
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Jurisprudence and Its Principles

Jurisprudence and Its Principles

Author:
Publisher: Tahrike Tarsile Qur'an
ISBN: 0-940368-28-5
English

This book is corrected and edited by Al-Hassanain (p) Institue for Islamic Heritage and Thought

The Principles of Jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh)

Introduction

The subject under consideration here is the 'ilm, or knowledge of the principles of jurisprudence, usul ul fiqh. The two studies of jurisprudence and its principles are interconnected. Theyare interconnected in the same way, as will become clear, as the two studies of logic and philosophy are interconnected. The study of the principles is tantamount to a preparation to the study of jurisprudence, and it is for this reason that ithas been named the principles of jurisprudence, for the word usul means roots or principles.

Firstly, a short definition of these two studiesmust be given .

The Arabic word, fiqh essentially means understanding, profound understanding. Our information about the affairs and proceedings of this world can be of two types. Sometimes it is shallow, surface information, and sometimes it is profound. An example from economic affairs will help us. We are continually experiencing the fact that products which years ago did not exist are now finding their way onto the market place, while at the-same time a chain of products that were previously abundant cannot now be found. Likewise, theprices of certain products regularly increase, while the prices of other goods, let us suppose, is fixed.

This type of information is universally available and is shallow, surface information.The information of some people on these matters is profound, however, and they have journeyed from the mere experiencing of the events to a profound understanding of the causes, meaning that they are aware of the reason for a certain article becoming available and another article becoming unavailable, and of the reasons for a certain product being expensive and a different one being inexpensive. They know what causes prices to regularly increase, and they know to what extent these causes are essential,definite and unavoidable, and to what extent they can be checked.

When the information of a person in economic affairs is such that it passes the level of simple experiencing and arrives at the level of discerning the deep-rooted causes and profound currents, hecan be said to be a person having deep understanding (mutafaqqeh) in economics.

In the Holy Qur’an and in Traditions from the Holy Prophet and the Imams, we have been repeatedly commanded towards profound understanding (tafaqqah) in the religion, and from the collective content of thesesources it is to be discerned that the view of Islam is that Muslims understand Islam, in all its aspects, profoundly and with thorough insight.

Ofcourse profound understanding in religion, consisting of all the Islamic aspects, is a great blessing from God. It is common to what relates to the principles of Islamic beliefs and the Islamic world-view or sense of values, to Islamic morals,ethics and upbringing, to all the aspects of Islamic society, to Islamic worship, to the civil ordinances of Islam, to the particular Islamic customs of the individual and of the society, and more.

However, since the second century of the Hijra, the word jurisprudence has become a term for a special area of understanding amongst Muslims thatcan be said to be jurisprudence in the commands of religion or jurisprudence in the deducing of the commands of religion. In other words “precise and profound deducing of the Islamic regulations of actions from the relevant sources”.

The commands or regulations of Islam have not been explained by the Qur’an or by the Prophet and the Imams in such a way thateach and every particularity has been expressly dealt with. Nor is such a thing possible, for events and situations occur in endlessly different forms. Instead, generalities and preceptshave been laid before us in the form of a chain of principles.

A person who wants to explain the law of a certain matter tohimself or others, must refer to the resources and authentic documents-and later we will clarify the nature of these-and must explain his viewpoint while bearing in mind all the different aspects of those authentic documents.And it is this that is meant by jurisprudence being joined to precise and profound understanding of all aspects.

The masters of jurisprudence (fuqaha) when defining jurisprudence, use the following sentence: Jurisprudence is the study of the secondary commands (i.e. not the principle matters of beliefs and moral perfection, but the commands regulating actions) of the Shari'ah of Islam gained from the detailed resources and proofs.

The Principles of Jurisprudence

For the study of jurisprudence, mastery of many other branches of learningare necessary as a preparation, and these consist of the following:

1. Arabic: syntax, conjugation, vocabulary, semantics, oratory as the Qur’an and Traditions are in Arabic, without knowing at least the usual standard of the Arabic language and literature it is not possible to benefit from the Qur’an and the Traditions.

2. Commentary upon the Holy Qur’an (tafsir). Taking into consideration the fact that the jurisprudents must use the Qur’an as a point of reference, some knowledge in the study of the commentaries upon the Qur’an isabsolutely essential .

3. Logic, called mantiq in Islam. Every branch of learning in which reasoning is used stands in need of logic.

4. The study of the Traditions. The jurisprudent must have a sound knowledge of the Traditions and must be able to distinguish the different types of Traditions and they become acquainted with the language of the Traditionsas a result of their frequent application.

5. The study of the Transmitters (rijal). The study of the Transmitters means knowing the identities and natures of those who have transmitted the Traditions. Later it will be explained how the Traditions existing in the sanctuary of books of Traditions cannot be accepted without examination. The study of the Transmitters is the examining and scrutiny of the men who make up the chains (isnad) of reporters of the Traditions.

6. The study of the Principles of Jurisprudence. The most important branch of learning in preparation for jurisprudence is the principles of jurisprudence, a delightfulsubject and one originated by Muslims.

The Principles of Jurisprudence is, in reality, the “study of the rules to be used in deducing the Islamic laws” and it teaches us the correct and valid way of deducing from the relevant sources in jurisprudence. In this way, Principles, like logic, is a study of instructions, and is more a skill than a branch of knowledge, meaning that in jurisprudence, that which is discussed is a chain of things that must be, rather than a chain of things which are.

Bearing in mind the fact that it is possible to refer in particular ways to the documents or sources of jurisprudence and to be led to erroneous deductions opposed to the real view of the Islamic Shari'ah, it is necessary for there to be a special field of study that enables one to clearly discern the correct and valid method of using the sources of jurisprudence as a reference to deduce and extract from them the laws of Islam by means of the proofs of reasoning and the proofs provided by God through the Prophet and the Imams. The Principles of Jurisprudence is the field of study that fulfils this purpose.

From the early days of Islam, another word that ismore or less synonymous with the word fiqh (jurisprudence) and which has been in common use amongst Muslims is the word ijtihad. In the Muslim world today, especially the Shi'ite world, the words faqih (jurisprudent) and mujtahid are synonymous with each other.

The word ijtihad is from the rootjuhd which means utter striving. For this reason, a faqihis also called a mujtahid, since he must use all his efforts in deducing Islamic laws (ahkam).

The Sources of Jurisprudence

In the previouslesson we learned how the study of the principles of jurisprudence teaches us the correct and valid instructions and methods of deducing the laws of the Shari'ah, the divine law of Islam, from the original sources. Now we must learn what those sources are, and how many they are, and whether all the sects and schools of Islam have the same views about each detail of the sources or whether they hold opposing views.

If there are differences, what are those differences?First we will discuss the views of the Shi'ite jurisprudents on the sources of jurisprudence and, while explaining each of the various sources, we will also discuss the views of the 'ulema of the other Islamic sects. In the view of Shi'ites (with the exception of a small group whoare called akhbariyin, the views of whom will later be discussed), there are four sources for jurisprudence:

1. The Book of God, the Qur’an, which will from hereon be referred to in the concise term of the jurisprudents as “The Book”.

2. “Sunnah”, meaning the words,actions and silent assertions (taqrir) of the Prophet and the Imams.

3. Consensus or ijma'.

4. Reasoning or 'aql.

These four sources in the terms of the jurisprudentsare called the “four proofs” or the adillat ul-arba'ah.Generally they say that the study of jurisprudence is centered around these four proofs. Now, it is necessary for us togive an explanation of each of these four sources and at the same time explain the views of the other Islamic sects and likewise those of the akhbariyyin. We will begin our discussion with the Qur’an.

The Qur’an

There is no doubt that the Holy Qur’an is the first source for the laws and regulations of Islam. Ofcourse the ayah or verses of the Qur’an are not limited to laws and regulations. In the Qur’an, hundreds of different types of issues have been introduced, but a part of the Qur’an, said to consist of about five hundredayah , from a total of six thousand, six hundred and sixty, i.e. roughly a thirteenth of the Qur’an, pertains especially to the laws.

From the early days of Islam, Muslims have always used the Qur’an as the primal point of reference in order to deduce Islamic laws. However, about the same time as the rule of the Safavid dynasty there appeared in Iran a sect manifesting the view that the right of ordinary people to refer to the Qur’anis forbidden , and they claimed that only the Prophet and the Imams have this right.

In the same way, this group also considered the referral to consensus and reason as being un-permissible, holding that consensus had been introduced by the Sunnis, and that the use of reason is open to error and thus unreliable. In thisway they maintained the Sunnah to be the sole source of reference. It was for this reason that theywere called the akhbariyyin for akhbar means tradition.

This group, by denying the right of referral to the Qur’an, consensus and reasoning, were essentially denying ijtihad, for ijtihad, as has been stated, means precise understanding and profound deducing, and it is evident that profound understanding is not possible without making use of reason. This group came to believe that ordinary people, without the medium of a group known as mujtahids, must refer to the traditions for guidance in their daily affairs and actions, just as today they refer to the treatises of the mujtahids.1

The appearance of the akhbariyyin and the large numbers that were attracted to them in some cities in the south of Iran and islands of the Gulf and in some of the holy cities ofIraq, was the cause of severe decline. Fortunately, however, with the noteworthy and laudable resistance of the mujtahids of the period, their penetrationwas firmly checked . Today, apart from a few scattered places, their theories are largely non-existent.

The Sunnah

The Sunnah means the words,actions and assertions of the holy Prophet and the Imams.Clearly it is evident that if by the Holy Prophet a certain law has been verbally explained, or if it is determined how the Prophet performed certain religious obligation, or if it is realized that others used to perform certain religious duties in his presence in a certain way which would earn his blessing and approval, meaning that by his silence he actually gave his endorsement, this is sufficient proof (dalil) for a jurisprudent to consider the action in question to be the actual law of Islam.

About this definition of Sunnah, and it being binding (hujjat) there is no question of argument and no scholar opposes it. The differences that exist on the subject of the Sunnah concern two points. One is the question as to whether only the Sunnah of the Prophet is binding or whether the Sunnah related by the pure Imams is also binding.

Our Sunni-Muslim brothers only consider the Sunnah of the Prophet as binding, but the Shi'ites alsorefer to the words, actions and silent approvals of the holy Imams, in accordance to the traditions of the Prophet which even Sunni Muslims have related and recorded. One of these traditions isthis one wherein the Prophet has undoubtedly told us: “I leave behind me two valuable things to which you are to refer, and God forbid that you not refer to them: the Book of God and the people of my House.”

The second point is that the related Sunnah of the Prophet of God and the pure Imams is sometimes clear and multi-related, i.e. there are different chains of narrators of the same Tradition, and sometimes suspicious, or, to coin a phrase, a Single Report (khabar al-wahid).

Here the different views vary to an extent that is an excessive exaggeration. Some, like Abu Hanifa, a jurisprudent of one of the four Sunni schools, paid scant attention to the related Traditions; it seems that from all the thousands of Traditions narrated from the Holy Prophet, he considered only seventeento be reliable .

Others have found confidence even in “weak”, unreliable Traditions.But the Shi'ite 'ulema are of the opinion that only reliable traditions are to be given credence. That is, if the people who make up the chain of narrators, called the musnad, are Shi'ite and just, or at least truthful and reliable, then the Tradition itselfcan be relied upon .So we must know the narrators of the Traditions and must research into their conditions, and, if it becomes determined that all the narrators of a Tradition were truthful and reliable, we rely upon that Tradition.

Many of the 'ulema of the Sunnis have this same idea, and it is for this reason that the study of the Transmitters exists among them. The akhbari Shi'ites, however, who we have mentioned, considered the division of Traditions into the divisions of valid and weak as being uncalled for, and said that all Traditions are reliable, especially those contained in the reliable books.This extreme2 view is also held by some of the 'ulema of our Sunni brothers .

Consensus

Consensus means the unanimous view of the Muslim 'ulema on a particular issue. In the opinion of the Shi'ite 'ulema, consensus is binding because if all the Muslims have one view, this is proof that the view has been received from the Holy Prophet.

It is impossible for all Muslims to share the same view on a matter if it came fromthemselves , and thus their consensus is proof of the origin of that view being the Sunnah of the Prophet or an Imam.

For example, if it is clear that on one subject all the Muslims of the Prophet'sera, with no exceptions, had a certain view and have performed a certain type of action, this is proof that they were taught it by the Holy Prophet. Likewise, if all the companions of one of the pure Imams who took instructions from none but the Imams all had an identical view about something, this is proof that they acquired that view from the schooling of their Imam. Therefore, in the Shi'ite view, consensus goes back to the Sunnah of the Prophet.

From whathas been stated we learn two things:

First, in the Shi'ite view, only the consensus of the 'ulema of the same period as the Prophet or Imamsis binding.So , if in these times of ours a consensus occurs about something between all the 'ulema with no exception, this is in no way binding for subsequent 'ulema. Second, in the Shi'ite view, consensus is not genuinely binding in its ownright, rather it is binding in as much as it is a means of discovering the Sunnah.

In the view of the 'ulema of our Sunni brothers, however, consensus is a proof in its own right. That is, if the 'ulema of Islam, in their view the management of Islam, are all in agreement upon a certain point of view about a subject in one period (even this period of ours), their view is definitely correct. They claim that it is possible for some of the nation to err, and some not to, but it is not possible for all of them tobe in agreement and err.

In the view of our Sunni brothers, complete agreement of all the Muslims in one period is ruled as divine revelation, and thus all the Muslims, at the moment of consensus, are ruled as Prophets, and that which is revealed to them is the law of God and cannot be wrong.3

Reason

The binding testimony of reason in the Shi'ite view means that if in a set of circumstances reason has a clear rule, then that rule, because it is definite and absolute, is binding.

Here the question arises as to whether the laws of the Shari'ah are in the domain of reason or not, and to this question we will give an answer when we discuss the generalities of the Principles.

As for the akhbariyyin, whom we have discussed and whose ideas we have shown, they in no way count reason as binding.

Amongst the 'ulema of our Sunni brothers, Abu Hanifa considered analogy (qiyas) to be the fourth proof, and thus in the view of the Hanifa sect, the sources of jurisprudence are four: the Book, the Sunnah,consensus and analogy.

The Maliki and Hanbali Sunnis, especially the Hanbalis, pay noheed whatever to analogy. The Shaf'i Muslims, following their leader, Muhammad ibn Idris Shaf'i, pay more attention to Traditions than the Hanafisand also more attention to analogy than the Maliki and Hanbali Muslims.

The view of the Shi'ite 'ulema, however, is that because analogy is pure conjecture and surmissal, and because the total of what has been received from the Holy Prophet and the Imams is sufficient for our responsibility, the referral to analogy is strictly forbidden.

A Brief History

For a student who wishes to study or gather information about a certain branch of learning, it is necessary that heacquaints himself with the origins of that learning, with those who introduced it, with the nature of its development over the centuries, with its notable champions and exponents and with its famous and creditable books.

The study of Principles is one of the studies thatwas originated and brought up in the surroundings of the culture of Islam . Itis generally recognized to have been introduced by Muhammad ibn Idris Shaf'i. Ibn Khaldun in his famous Muqaddamah, in the section in which he discusses the various sciences and skills, tells us, “The first person in the study of the Principles of Jurisprudence to write a book was Shafi'i, who wrote his famous Treatise. In that treatise, he discussed the commands and prohibitions, the Traditions, abrogation and other matters.After him, the Hanifi 'ulema wrote similar books and brought extensive research into practice.”

However, as has been pointed our by the late Sayyid Hasan Sadr, may God raise his station4 , various problems of Principles, such as the commands and prohibitions and “generalities and particularities” had previously been raised by Shi'ite 'ulema who had written a treatise about each one of them. So perhaps itcan be said that Shafi'i was the first person to write one book about all the issues of Principles that, by his time, had been raised.

Likewise, it has been considered by some orientalists that ijtihad began amongst the Shi'ite some two hundred years after it began amongst the Sunnis; a view they base upon the assumption that during the time of the pure Imams there was no need amongst the Shi'ites for ijtihad and that as a result, there was similarly no need for the preparatory studies of ijtihad. This is a view, however, that is in no way correct.

Ijtihad, in the proper meaning of deducing the consequences (i.e. legislation) of faith from the sources - meaning referring the consequences, or legislation to the sources, and applying the sources to the legislation-has existed amongst Shi'ites ever since the time of the pure Imams, and the pure Imams used to command their companions to engage themselves in this practice.

Furthermore, due to the numerous Traditions about different subjects thathave been narrated from the pure Imams, Shi'ite jurisprudence has naturally been considerably enriched, and thus the struggles of ijtihad are somewhat easier. At the same time, however, Shi'ite Islam has never considered itselfto be free of the need of tafaqquh and ijtihad, and as has been said, the instructions to carry on the struggle of ijtihad were especially given by the Imams to their outstanding companions. In reliable books the following sentenceshas been recorded from the Imams: “Upon us is the (general) rules (i.e. the general rules are the responsibility of the Imams) while upon you is the application (i.e. the application of the rules in all the particular circumstances is our responsibility).”

Amongst Shi'ite 'ulema, the first outstanding personality to compile books on Principles and whose views were discussed in Principles for centuries was Sayyid Murtadha 'Alam ul Huda Numerous books on Principles were compiled by Sayyid Murtadha, the most well-known of which is Thariyah (The Medium).

Sayyid Murtadha was the brother of Sayyid Razi who was the compiler of the famous Nahj ul-Balagha, the book of sermons, letters, and sayings of Hazrat Ali( ( rightly called the Way of Eloquence. Sayyid Murtadha lived during the late fourth and early fifth centuries A.H. He died in 436 A.H. He had been the student of the famous mutakallim, or master of theology (kalam), Shaykh ul-Mufid (died 413 A.H.), who in turn had been the pupil of the equally famous Shaykh Saduk (died 381 A.H.).

Following Sayyid Murtadha, a famous and important figure in the study of Principles who wrote a book and whose views were for three or four centuries outstandingly influential was the great Shaykh Tusi (died 460 A.H.) who had been the pupil of Sayyid Murtadha and who, almost a thousand years ago, founded the scholastic centre of Najaf in Iraq, which is still functioning today.

A later personality of the study of Principles was the late Waheed Bahbahani (1118-1208 A.H.), who in various ways was a very important figure.Many of his pupils in jurisprudence and ijtihad were brought by him to a high level of distinction and excellence. Another was his thorough combat against the previously mentioned akhbariyyin who at that time were accumulating an extraordinary influence. The success of the system of ijtihad over the corrupt system of the akhbariyyin owes much to his efforts.

Over the past hundred years, without doubt the most important figure in the study of Principles is the late Shaykh Murtadha Ansari (1214-1281 A.H.), and those who have come after him have all followed his school of thought. Until now no line of thought has been formed that has transformed that of Shaykh Ansari, although many students of his school have formed views, based on Shaykh Ansari's own teachings, that have occasionally abrogated a view of Shaykh Ansari. His two books, Faraid ul-usul and Mukassib (on the subject of jurisprudence) are today both used as textbooks for the students ofreligion .

Amongst the pupils of the school of ShaykhAnsari the most famous is the late Mulla Khorasani, who has been recorded in the history books as the man who issued the verdict (fatwa), for the constitutional movement in Iran, and who had a major share in the establishment of the constitutional regime.

Amongst the Islamicstudies there is none so changeable and variable as the study of Principles and even today there exist outstanding figures who are counted as having their own (legitimate) views in Principles.

The Principles of Jurisprudence, bearing in mind that its concern is the calculation of knowledge and the mind, and has many minute investigations, is a pleasant and heart-warming study that magnetizes the mind of a seeker of knowledge. As far as being an exercise in thought and in exact practices of the mind, it stands alongside logic and philosophy. The students of the ancient sciences owe their precise way of thinking largely to the study of Principles.

The Subjects of the Principles

So as to acquaint the respected reader with the issues of the Principles of Jurisprudence we will discuss the main outline, not in the order followed by the scholars of the Principles, but in an order which will better suit our purposes.

Previously, we stated that the study of Principles is a study of instructions, meaning that it teaches us the way of correctly and validly deducing the commandments of religion from the original sources. Following upon this, the issues of the Principlesare all related to the four types of sources, which we spoke about in the second lesson. Thus the issues of the Principles are related either to “the Book”, i.e. the Qur’an, or to the Sunnah (or to both, since both are originally verbal sources) or to consensus or to reason.

NowI wish to say that it is possible for us occasionally to meet circumstances in which we cannot deduce the necessary Islamic law from the four sources. In such circumstances the Islamic Shari'ah is not silent and has established for us a system of rules and practices from which we can interpret the apparent law.

Acquiring the apparent duty of application (from the requisite rules) after having failed to deduce the actual duty requires that we learn the correct method and instructions of benefitting from those rules.

Thus the study of the Principles, which is a study of instructions,becomes divided in two parts. One part contains instructions for correct and valid deducing of the actual laws of the Shari'ah from the relevant sources. The other partis related to the correct and valid way of benefitting from a chain of rules for application after having lost hope of deducing. The first part is called the principles for deducing (usul ul-estanbatiyah), and the second part is called the principles for application (usulal-'amaliyah) (of the special rules when there is no hope of deducing).

Furthermore, since the principles of deducing relate to deducing either from the Book, from the Sunnah, from consensus or from reasoning, the issues of the principles of deducingare divided into four parts. We will begin our discussion with the Book.

The Binding Testimony of the Qur’an's Apparent and Accepted Realities (zawahir)

In the Principles ofJurisprudence there are not many discussion particular to the Qur’an. The discussions relative to the Qur’anare basically related both to the Book and to the Sunnah. The only discussion centered solely on the Qur’an concerns the binding testimony of its apparent realities, by which is meant the question of whether the apparent laws of the Qur’an -regardless of whether or not they are qualified, conditioned and explained by existent or authentic traditions-are binding testimonies for the jurisprudents to unconditionally rely on.

It seems to be surprising that the usulin, those learned in the Principles, should have thought up such a debate. Could the legitimacy of a jurisprudent, relying on the apparent laws of the ayahs or verses of the sacred Qur’an be ever subject to doubt?

This is a discussion that was introduced by the Shi'ite 'ulema of the Principles in order to negate the misgivings of the akhbariyyin, who, as has been shown, believed that other than the holy ones (The Prophet, his daughter and the twelve Imams, peace be upon them all) no one has the right to refer to the Qur’an, or to deduce the Shari'ah from it. Or , in other words, the eternal benefitting of Muslims from the Qur’an must be indirect, must be via the Sunnah of the Ahle Bait, the Prophet and the purified members of his House. This claim of the akbariyyinwas based upon the Traditions that have forbidden interpreting the Qur’an by view.

The 'usuliyyin, however, have proved that the deducing of Muslims from the Qur’an is direct, and that the meaning of the prohibition of 'interpreting the Qur’an by view' is not that people have no right to understand the Qur’an by their own thought and reflection, but that the Qur’an must not be interpreted according to desire and inflated ego.

Furthermore, the Holy Prophet and the Imams have authentically reported to have told us that forged Traditions would appear, and in order to distinguish the true from the false, we must compare all Traditions with the Qur’an, and any Traditions that disagree with the Qur’an must be realized to be false and thus be disregarded, meaning that they are not worthy of any respect. This of coursecannot be done without referring to the Qur’an. What is more, the same Traditions make it clear that, in complete contrast to the claims of the akhbariyyin, the Sunnah is not the criteria of theQur’an, rather the Qur’an is the criteria of the Sunnah.

The Apparent and Accepted Realities (zawahir) of the Sunnah

About the binding testimony of the Sunnah, by whichis meant the Traditions and narrations that have reiterated the words, actions and silent assertions of the Prophet and the Imams, two important subjects are discussed in the study of Principles.

One is the question of the binding testimony of the khabar al-wahid, the Single Report, and the other is the question of the Traditions which are opposed to the Qur’an, and which, as we have seen, are tobe rejected . Thus it is in this way that two important branches of the study of Principles is opened, one called the Single Report, (khabar al-wahid) and the other Unification and Preference (t'adul wa tarajih).

The Single Report (khabar al-wahid)

The Single Report is a Tradition that has been reported from the Imam or Prophet but by only one person, or is reported by more than one person but does not reach the level of being consecutively related by so many different people that there is no possibility of the Tradition being in any way wrong (tawatur). Now,can such a Tradition be used as a basis for deducing the Shari'ah or not?

The 'usuliyyin believe that, provided the Transmitters of the Single Report from the first to the last were all just or at least were probably truthful, the Traditions they have narrated can be used to deduce the relevant law. One of the justifications for this claim is the holy ayah of the Qur’an, in which weare told ,

“If there comes to you a wicked man with news; examine.” (49:6),

which means that if a wrong-doer comes and gives us some news, we are to research into his report, and without having definitely established the validity of the report, we are in no way to put it into effect. Similarly, the ayah tacitly indicates that if a just person and reliable person gives us a report, we are to put it into effect. The tacit meaning of this ayah, therefore, is proof of the binding testimony of the Single Report.5

Unification and Preference

Now the issue of opposing Traditions. Often it occurs that various Traditions on the same subject are opposed to each other. For example, about whether we should recite the thikr (rememberance) of the third and fourth units of prayer (rak'ats) - called the tasbihat al-arb'ah - three times in each unit or whether only one time is enough, from some Traditions it is learned that it must be said three times, while in one Tradition we learn that one time is enough.Or about whether it is permissible to sell human manure, there are likewise various Traditions that oppose each other.

Whatmust be done when we have such varying Traditions? Must we consider that when two contrasting reports exist we are to ignore them both, just as if we had no Traditions on that subject at all?Or do we have the option of acting according to whichever of them we like?Or are we to act according to precaution and thus to the Tradition that is nearer to precaution (which, pursuing our previous example of the thikr of the third and fourth units of the prayer, would mean acting according to the Traditions that tell us to recite it three times, and in the example of the issue of selling human manure, to the Traditions that tell us it is forbidden)? Or is there another way of acting?

The 'ulema of the Principles have determined that firstly the unified content of all the varying Traditions must as far as possible be implemented, and, if this is not possible, and neither of the two sides has preference over the other in some way, such as in the reliability of the chain of narrators, in its credibility amongst earlier 'ulema who may have had some other testimony that we have missed, or in its being clearly not due to taqiyah,6 and such like, we have the option to act according to whichever of them we like.7

There are Traditions themselves that contain the instructions of what, in the case of contradicting Traditions, we are to do. The Traditions that lead us to the resolving of the difficulty of contradicting Traditionsare called Corrective Reports (akhbar ul-'elajiyah).

The 'ulema of the Principles, on the basis of these Corrective Reports, have expressed their views on the contradicting Traditions. This is the branch of the study of Principles that has been named “unification and preference” and which discusses the unification of opposing Traditions, and the superiority of some over others.

From whathas been said it is clear that the issue of the binding authority of apparent laws is relevant to the Book and the issues of the Single Report and of the contradicting testimonies concern the Sunnah. Now it is tobe said that there are issues in the Principles that are common both to the Book and to the Sunnah and these we will talk about in the next lesson.

Issues Common to the Book and the Sunnah

In the previouslesson we showed some of the issues of the Principles that were particular either to the Book or to the Sunnah, and at the conclusion of the lesson it was said that some issues of the Principles are related both to the Book and to the Sunnah. In thislesson we will pay attention to these common discussions.

The common discussions consist of the following:

a. The discussion of imperatives (awamir)

b. The discussion of negative imperatives (nawahi)

c. The discussion of generalities and particularities (aamwa khas)

d. The discussion of unconditional (mutlaq) and conditional (muqayyad)

e. The discussion of tacit meanings (mafahim)

f. The discussion of the abstract (mujmal) and the clear (mubayyan)

g. The discussion of the abrogator (nasekh) and the abrogated (mansukh)

Now, within the limits of merely becoming acquainted with these terms, each onewill be separately discussed .

The Discussion of Imperatives (awamir)

The Arabic awamir is the plural of the wordamr which means command. It also means the type of verb form that in English is called imperative, such as the verb form:Listen ! or Stand !

In the Book and the Sunnah, many of the phrases are in the form of the imperative, and it is here that many questionsare raised in jurisprudence that must be answered in the study of Principles. Such questions as to whether or not the imperative is a proof of its being obligatory (wajib) or of being desirable, or of neither. Does the imperative signify that the verb is tobe done once or a number of times?

For example, the Qur’an contains the following instruction,

“Take from their property charity, you cleanse them and purify them thereby, and pray for them; your prayer is a soother for them” (9:103)

“Pray”, in this holy verse, means supplicate, or send a blessing. Here, the first question that is raised concerns the status of the imperative verb form, “pray”. Does it mean that to supplicate for them or send a blessing upon them is obligatory? In other words, is the imperative here an indication of obligation or not?

The second question is as to whether or not the imperative is an indication of immediateobligation? Is it obligatory that right after taking the divine tax (zakat) prayer is tobe offered for them, or is an interval no problem? Thirdly, is one prayer enough or must itbe performed repeatedly?

In the study of Principles, these mattersare all discussed in depth, but here is not the place to discuss them further. Those who choose to study Jurisprudence and the Principles will naturally learn about these details.

The Discussion of Negative Imperatives (naw ahi)

The Arabic word nawahi is the plural of nahy which means to stop or prevent, and is the opposite of amr, the imperative. If in English we say, “Do not drink alcohol,” this is a negative imperative in English and in Arabic a nahy. Both in the Book and in the Sunnah there are manyphrases which are negative imperatives.

Similar questions arise on this subject to those we saw on the subject of the imperative. Is the negative imperative testimony for the object of the verb being forbidden (haram) or for it being undesirable (makruh) but not forbidden (haram)? Likewise, does the negative imperative testify permanency, i.e. that the action of the verb must never be done, or that it is only to be refrained from during a temporary period?

These are questions the answers to whichare provided by the study of Principles.

Discussion of Generalities and Particularities (aamwa khas)

In the civil and penal laws of human society, we notice that a general and common law exists which applies to all, and we then notice that there also exists another law related to a group of individuals from that society; a law that is opposed to the common and general law.

In such instances, what is tobe done ?Must the two laws be received as being self-contradicting?Or , since one of the two laws, compared to the other, is general while the other is particular, is the particular law to be received as an exception to the general law?

For example, we are told in the Qur’an that divorced women must wait after their divorce for three monthly periods, and after thatterm they are free to remarry. In reliable Traditions, however, we are told that if a woman is married by a man, and before marital relations (i.e. sexual intercourse) occurs between them, the woman is divorced, it is not necessary for the woman to observe the term.

What are we to do here? Are we to consider this Tradition to be opposed to the Qur’an and therefore reject it and disregard it just as wehave been instructed ?Or are we to consider that, on the contrary, this Tradition, in reality, expounds the Qur’anic ayah for us, that it has the rank of an exception in certain of the particular circumstances, and that the Qur’an is in no way contradicted by it.

It is the second view that is the correct and valid one of course, for man is used to having a law introduced in the general form and then having the exceptions explained. Man is not used to having the exceptions explained before the law is introduced, and the Qur’an has addressed human beingson the basis of the terms and language of mankind. In anotherplace the Qur’an itself has counted the Traditions of the Prophet as being reliable.

“What the Prophet gives you, take! And what he has prohibited you, avoid!” (59:8).

In these types of circumstances, we receive particularities as having the rank of exceptions to generalities.

Unconditional (mutlaq) and Conditional (muqayyad)

The question of conditional and unconditional is similar to the question of generality and particularity, but generality and particularity are relevant to what the law applies to, while conditional and unconditional are relevant to the different circumstances and qualities of the law itself.

The general and particular are relevant to an order that generally covers all the different forms of that which the law applies to, some of which, due to a particular reason, are exempt from that generality. The question of unconditional and conditional, however, is related to the essence and nature pertaining to theduty which the duty-bound must perform. If that essence and nature pertaining to the duty has no particular condition then it is unconditional, and if it has a particular condition, it isconditional .

For example, in theexample which we previously quoted, the Holy Prophet was commanded that at the time of taking the zakat from the Muslims he was to supplicate for them. This instruction, as regard whether the Prophet was to supplicate for them loudly or quietly, for example, or whether he was to supplicate for them in company or when alone, is unconditional.

NowI wish to say that if we have no other proof or reason provided by the Qur’an or reliable Traditions making one of the two above-mentioned conditions, we act according to the unconditional meaning of the ayah. That is, we are free to perform the command in whatever fashion we like. If, however, we are provided with an authentic proof telling us, for example, that the supplication is to be unconditional to the conditional, which means that we are to consider the unconditional sentence to be given a condition by the conditional sentence, and we then interpret the unconditional as theconditional .

The Discussion of the Tacit (mafahim)

The tacit in the terminology of the study of Principles is the opposite of spoken. Imagine that someone says, “Come with me to my house and I will give you such and such a book.” This sentence, in reality, is a sentence taking the place of the following two sentences: First, “If you come with me to my house I will give you that book”, and second, “If you do not come with me to my house I will not give you that book”.

Sohere there are two connections: the affirmative and the negative. The affirmative connection is between accompanying and giving, and exists in the substance of the sentence and itis uttered . For thisreason it is called the spoken. The negative connection on the other hand is not uttered, but from thesentence it is naturally understood. This is why itis called tacit or, more literally, the understood.

In the discussion on the Single Report we saw how the 'usuliyyin have realized the binding testimony of the Single Report, when the narrators are all just from the holy ayah of the Qur’an which tells us, “If there comes to you a wicked man with news, examine. “

This realization is from the tacit meaning of the ayah.The words of the ayah only tells us that we are not to put into effect the news of the unjust without investigation, while the tacit meaning of the ayah is that we are not to put into effect the news he gives us, but we are to put into effect the news given to us by someone who is just.

The Abstract (mujmal) and the Clear (mubayyan)

The discussion of the abstract and the clear does not have so much importance. It simply means that sometimes a phrase in the language of the Holy Prophet is ambiguousfor us and its meaning unclear, like the word ghena (music), while in another proof from the Qur’an or the Sunnah there exists its explanation. In suchcases the ambiguity of the abstract is cancelled by the clear.

The Abrogator (nasekh) and the Abrogated (mansukh)

Sometimes in the Qur’an and theSunnah we come across an instruction that was temporary, meaning that after a time a different instruction was given, which has, to use a phrase, cancelled the first instruction.

For example, the Holy Qur’an first tells us that if women having husbands commit adultery they are tobe confined to their houses until they die or until God established some other way for them. Then the way that God established for them was the general instruction that if a man having a wife or a woman havinga husband commits adultery, they are to be executed.

Or , for example, at first the instruction was revealed that in the holy month of Ramazan, even at night, men must not have intercourse with their wives. This rulewas then cancelled and permission was given.

It is essential for a jurisprudent to distinguish the abrogator and the abrogated. On the issue of abrogation many questions are raised which are reflected on and discussed in the study of Principles.

Consensus and Reasoning

Consensus

As we saw in the second lesson, one of the primal sources of jurisprudence is consensus. In the study of Principles, the questions of the binding testimony of consensus, the proofs of it being a binding testimony, and the pursuing of the method by which proofsare benefitted from it, are all subjects of debate.

One of the topical points related to consensus is as to the nature of the proofs being binding. The 'ulema of our Sunni brothers claim that the Holy Prophet has told us, “My nation will not (all) consent to a mistake”. Basing their view on this, they say that if the Muslimnation find the same point of view on an issue, that view is clearly the correct one.

According to this Tradition, the members of the Muslim nationare ruled in total as having the same status as a Prophet and being faultlessly free from error. The speech of the whole nation has the same rank as the speech of a Prophet, and all the nation,at the moment of finding the same view, are faultless, i.e. immaculate.

According to this view of the Sunni 'ulema, since the whole nation is infallible, whenever such an agreed view occurs, it is as if divine inspiration has been revealed to the Holy Prophet.

Shi'ites, however, in the first place,do not count such a Tradition as being definitely from the Prophet. Secondly, they agree that it is impossible for all the members of the whole nation to stray and to err, but the reason for this is that the leader of that nation, the Prophet or Imam, is a person who is infallible and immaculate.

That thewhole Muslim nation cannot err is because one particular member of the Muslim nation cannot err, not because from a group of people who are fallible, an infallible is formed. Thirdly, that whichis called consensus in the books of jurisprudence and theology (kalam) is not the consensus of the whole nation. It is simply the consensus of a group, the group of managers or supervisors- i.e. the 'ulema- of the nation. Furthermore, it is not even the consensus of all the 'ulema of the nation, but the consensus of the 'ulema from one sect from amongst the nation.

Here is where the Shi'ites do not maintain the same principle of consensus that the Sunni 'ulema maintain. Shi'itesmaintain the binding testimony of consensus only in as far as it is the means of discovering the Sunnah.

In the thinking of the Shi'ites, whenever there is no proof in the Book and the Sunnah about a certain subject, suppose, but it is known that the general body of the Muslims, or a numerous group of the companions of the Prophet, or those companions of an Imam who did nothing except in accordance to the divine instructions, all used to act in a particular way, then we realize that in those times there existed an instruction of the Sunnah which we are unaware of.

Acquired Consensus and Narrated Consensus

Consensus, whether that which our Sunni brothers have accepted or that which Shi'ites consider valid, is of two types: acquired and narrated. Acquired consensus means the consensus, the knowledge of which the mujtahid hashimself directly acquired as the result of minute research into history and the views and opinions of the companions of God's Prophet or of the companions of the Imams, or of the people close to the time of the Imams.8

Narrated consensus is the consensus about which the mujtahid has no direct information, but which has been related by others. Acquired consensus, of course, is a binding testimony, but narrated consensus, if certitudeis not obtained from the narrator by which it is narrated, is not relied upon. Therefore, the Single Report of consensus does not constitute a binding testimony, even though, as we have seen, the narrated Single Report of the Sunnah does,provided the chain of narrators meets the conditions.

Reasoning

Reasoning is one of the four sources of jurisprudence. Whatis meant is that sometimes we discover a law of the Shari'ah by the proof of reason. That is by means of the deduction and logic of reason we discover that in a certain instance a certain necessary law or prohibitive law exists, or we discover what type of law it is and what type it is not.

The binding testimony of reason is proved by the law of reason (“the sun is shining, hence the proof of the sun” - meaning that with the existence of reason no other proof is needed),and also by the confirmation of the Shari'ah.Essentially we are sure of the Shari'ah, and of the principle of beliefs of religion, by means of reason. How could it be that in the view of the Shari'ah reason is not to be considered as binding?!

The issues of the Principles related to reason are in two parts. One part relates to the inner meaning or philosophy of the commandments. The other partis related to the requirements of the commands.

Let us begin with the first part. One of the obvious elements of Islam, especially in the view of the Shi'ites, is that the Shari'ah of Islam exists in accordance to what comprises the best interests of human beings and their worst interests. That is, each command (amr) of the Shari'ah is due to the necessity of meeting the best interests of human beings and each prohibition (nahy) of the Shari'ah arises from the necessity of abstaining from their worst interests, i.e. the things that corrupt them.

Almighty God, in order to inform them as to what comprises their best interests, in which lies their happiness and prosperity, has made a chain of commands obligatory (wajib) or desirable (mutahab) for them.And so as to keep human beings away from all that which corrupts them, He prohibits them from those things. If the best interests and forms of corruption did not exist, neither command nor prohibition would exist. If the reasoning of human beings became aware of those best interests and those forms of corruption, they are such that it would devise the same laws thathave been introduced in the Shari'ah.

This is why the practioners of the Principles, and also the mutakalimin, consider that, because the laws of the Shari'ah accord to and are centered on the wisdom of what is best and worst for human beings-and it makes no difference whether those best and worst interests are relevant to the body or the soul, to the individual or the society, to the temporary life or the eternal -wherever laws of reason exist, so the corresponding laws of the Shari'ah also exist, and wherever there exists no law of reason, there exists no law of the Shari'ah.

Thus, if we suppose that in somecase no law of the Shari'ah has been communicated to us, particularly by means of narration, but reasoning absolutely traces with certitude the particular wisdom of the other judgments of the Shari'ah, then it automatically discovers the law of the Shari'ah in this case too. In suchinstance reasoning forms a chain of logic: First, in such and such a case, there exists such and such a best interest which must necessarily be met. Second, wherever there exists a best interest that must necessarily be met, the Legislator of Islam is definitely notindifferent, rather He commands the meeting of that best interest. Third, so, in the quoted instances, the law of the Shari'ah is that the best interestsbe met .

For example, in the time and place of the Holy Prophet there was no opium or addiction to opium, and we, in the narrated testimonies of the Qur’an and the Sunnah and consensus, have no testimonies particular to opium one way or the other, yet due to the obvious proofs of experiencing opium addiction, its corruptionhas been experienced .Thus, with our reasoning and knowledge, and on the basis of “a form of corruption which is essentially to be avoided”, and because we know that a thing which is harmful for human beings and a corruption of them is forbidden in the view of the Shari'ah, we have realized that the law about opium is that addiction to opium is forbidden .

Similarly, if itbecomes established that smoking tobacco definitely causes cancer, a mujtahid, according to the judgment of reasoning will establish the law that smoking is forbidden according to the Divine Law.

The 'usuliyyin and the mutakalimin call reason and the Shari'ah inseparable from each other. They say that whatever lawis established by reason is also established by the Shari'ah.

However, this of course isprovided that reasoning traces in an absolute, certain and doubtless way those best interests which must be attended to and those worst interests or forms of corruption that must be shunned. If not, the name reasoning cannot be given to the use of opinion,guesswork and conjecture. Analogy for this very factor is void for it is more opinion and imagination rather than reasoning and certitude.

On the other hand, when reasoning plays no part in the forming of a law and we only see that such and such a lawhas been introduced in the Shari'ah, we know that our best interests were definitely involved, for otherwise the law would not have been made. Therefore, reason, in the same way as it realizes the law of the Shari'ah by realizing the best interests of human beings, similarly realizes the best interests of human beings by realizing the law of the Shari'ah .

Therefore, in the same way it is said that whatever is a law of reason is a law of theShari'ah, it also said that whatever is a law of the Shari'ah is a law of reason.

Let us now discuss the second part, the requirements of the commands. We know that whatever law made by whatever sanelaw-maker possessing intellect naturally has a chain of essentials that must be judged according to reason to see if, for example, that particular law necessitates a certain other law, or if it necessitates the negation of a certain other law.

For example, if a command is made, such as the hajj and the form of worship to be performed there- and the hajj necessitates a chain of preparations, amongst them acquiring a passport, buying a ticket, vaccinations, and currency changing; does the law of the hajj being obligatory require these preparations to be obligatory as well, or does it not?

The same question can apply to the things thatare forbidden . Does the rule of a thingbeing forbidden demand that its preparations also be forbidden?

Another issue. At onetime a person is not able to do two things that are obligatory for him to do because they must be done separately.Like at the same time it is obligatory to pray one's obligatory ritual prayers, it is also obligatory, assuming it has become unclean by blood, urine, etc., to clean the mosque.So the performing of one of these two duties demands the neglect of the other. Now, does one command necessitate and contain the prohibition of the other? Do both the commands include this prohibition?

If two things are obligatory for us while it is not possible for us to perform both of them at once, so that we have no option but to choose only one of them, then if one of the two is more important, we must definitely perform that one.

Which brings us to another issue. Is our duty in regards to the important altogether lapsed by our duty in regards to the more important or not? For example, two men are in danger of their lives and it is only within our means to save one of them, and one of them is a good Muslim who works for others while the other is a corrupt man who only troubles others, but whose life, all the same, is still sacred.

Naturally, we must save the Muslim who is good and who helps others whose life is more valuable to society than the life of the other. That is, to save him is more important while to save the life of the other is important.

In theabove mentioned examples, it is reasoning with its precise calculations which clarifies our specific duties, and in the study of Principles these issues and issues like these are all discussed and the way of properly determining the answers is learned.

From what has been stated from the fourth lesson tohere it has become clear that the issues of Principle are all divided into two parts, the “Principles of Deducing” and the “Principles of Application”. Likewise, the Principles of Deducing-are in turn divided into two parts; the Narrated and the Reasoned. The Narrated are relevant to all the discussions focused on the Book, the Sunnah, and consensus, while theReasoned part is related to reason.

The 'Principles of Application'

We have learned that thejurisprudents refers to four sources for his deducing of the laws of the Shari'ah. Sometimes in hisreferrals the jurisprudent is successful and sometimes he is not. That is, sometimes (of course predominately) he attains the actual law of the Shari'ah in the form of certitude or a reliable probability, which means a probability that has been divinely endorsed. In such cases, the duty becomes clear and he realizes with certitude or with a strong and permissibleprobability what it is the Shari'ah of Islam demands. Occasionally, however, he is unable to discover the duty and the Divine Law from the four sources, and he remains without a defined duty and in doubt.

In these cases whatmust be done ? Has the Legislator of Islam or reason or both specified a certain duty in the case of the actual duty being out of reach?And if so, what is it?

The answer is that yes, such a duty has been specified. A system of rules and regulationshas been specified for these types of circumstances. Reason too, in certain circumstances, confirms the law of the Shari'ah, for the independent law of (aware) reasoning is the very same as the law of Shari'ah, and in certain other instances it is at least silent, meaning that it has no independent law of its own and accords to the Shari'ah.

In the part of Principles which contains the Principles of Deducing we learn the correct and valid method of deducing the Shari'ah, and, in the part concerning the Principles of Application, we learn the correct way of benefitting from the rules that have been introduced for the kind of situation mentioned above, and of putting them into practice.

The general principles of application thatare used in all the sections of Jurisprudence are four:

1. The Principles of Exemption (bara'at)

2. The Principle of Precaution (ihtiyat)

3. The Principle of Option (takhyyir)

4. The Principle of Mastery (istishab)

Each of these four types of principleshave a special circumstance which it is necessary for us to acquaint ourselves with.Firstly we will define the four principles themselves.

The Principle of Exemption means that weare released from our obligation and we have no duty. The Principle of Precaution is the principle that we must act according to precaution, which means that we must act in such a way that if z duty actually exists as a law, we have performed that duty. The Principle of Option is that we have the option to choose one of two things, whichever we like, and the Principle of Mastery is the principle that that which existed remains in its original state - or masters the doubt that opposes it - while the doubtis ignored .

Now we will see in what circumstances the Principle of Exemption applies and in what circumstances the Principles of Precaution,Option and Mastery apply. Each of these has its particular instance and the study of Principles teaches us these instances.

Sometimes the jurisprudent remains unable to deduce the law of the Shari'ah and is unable to trace a particular necessity and remains in a state of doubt, and it might be that the doubt is linked to some general or broad knowledge like, for example, it is doubted whether, in this era of the physical absence of the Imam, the special congregational prayer is obligatory on Fridays or the normal noon prayer-here the obligation of both the Friday prayer and the noon prayer is in doubt, while we have the general information that one of the two is definitely obligatory - or it might be the doubt is not linked to some general knowledge, like a doubt as to whether, in the era of our Imam's absence, the prayer of id-i-fitr in congregation is obligatory. In this second case our doubt is a “primary doubt” (shak badwi) and not a doubt bordering on something that is known.

So the doubts of the jurisprudents about an obligation are either linked to some general knowledge or are primary doubts. If they are linked to some general knowledge, it is either possible to act in accordance to precaution, meaning that it is possible for both possible duties to be performed, or it is not possible to act in precaution. If precaution is possible, itmust be acted in accordance with, and both of the possible duties must be performed, and such an instance calls for the Principle of Precaution. Sometimes, however, precaution is not possible, because the doubt is between obligatory and forbidden. We doubt, for example, in this period of the Imam's absence, whether the performance of certain duties are particular to the Imam and forbidden for us or whether they are not particular to the Imam and are obligatory for us. Here it is self-evident that in such instances the way of precautionis closed , so here is an instance that calls for the Principle of Option, and we must do which ever of them we choose.

Assuming, however, that our doubt is a primary doubt not linked to any general knowledge, the instance is either that we know the previous condition and the doubt is as to whether the previous law stands or is changed, or the instance is that the previous condition not been established either. If the previous condition is established the situation calls for the Principle of Mastery (mastery of the known previous condition over the doubt), and if the previous condition is not established the situation calls for the Principle of Exemption.

A mujtahid must, as the effect of frequent application, have great power of discernment in the execution of these four types of principles; discernment that sometimes is in need of hair-splitting exactitude, and if not he will encounter mistakes.9

Of these four principles, the Principle of Masteryhas been uniquely established by the Shari'ah, to which reason accords having no independent rule of its own, but the other three principles of Principles of Reason that the Shari'ah has confirmed.

The justification of the Principle of Mastery consists of a number of reliableTraditions which are in this form: “Do not reverse a certitude by a doubt”, i.e. we are not to reverse or reject our certitude for the sake of a doubt. From the content of these Traditions and what precedes and followsthis sentence it becomes clearly discerned that what is meant is exactly that which the jurisprudent calls Mastery.

On the subject of the Principle ofExemption likewise there exist many Traditions of which the most famous is the hadith ur-raf'i.

The hadith ur-raf'i is from the Holy Prophet, who told us: “Nine things have been taken from my nation: what they do not know, what they have not tolerated, what they have been compelled to, what they have found themselves in need of, mistakes, forgetfulness, misfortune, envy (which they have not acted on) and whisperings of doubt in the thoughts of the creation.”

The 'usulin have had numerous discussion about this Tradition and about each of its points, and of course the part that sanctions the Principle of Exemption is the first line wherein we are told that whatever we do not know and has not reached us has been taken from us, and thus the obligation is lifted from us.

These four principles are not particular to mujtahids for understanding the laws of the Shari'ah. They are also relevant to other subjects. People who are not mujtahids and who must therefore imitate (taqlid) a mujtahid can also benefit from them at the time of certain doubts.

For example, imagine that an un-weaned baby boy takes milk from a woman other than his mother, and when that boy grows up, he wants to marry the daughter of that woman, and it is not known whether as a baby he drank so much milk from that woman's breast that he is to be counted as the “wet-nurse son” of that woman and her husband or not.

That is, we doubt whether the boy drank milk from her breast fifteen consecutive times, or for a complete day and night, or so much that his bones grew from her milk (in which cases the boy becomes counted as her son and thus similar to the daughter's brother are forbidden for her). This instance calls for the Principle of Mastery, because before the boy drank the woman's milk he was not her “wet-nurse son”, and now we doubt whether or not he is. By the Principle of Mastery, we conclude that there is no question of a wet-nurse relationship.

Similarly, if we had performed minor ablution obligatory for the ritual prayer or to touch the Qur’an or the holy names and for certain other things, and we doze and then we doubt whether or not we actually fell asleep (in which case the ablution becomes void), by the Principle of Mastery, we conclude the validity of the ablution. In the same way, if our hand was clean and we then doubt as to whether it is still clean or has become najas (unclean), by the Principle of Mastery, we conclude it to be clean. If, however, it was najas and we doubt whether we have cleaned it or not, by the Principle of Mastery, we conclude that it is still unclean.

Likewise, if a liquid is in front of us and we doubtwhether or not it contains alcohol, like some medicines, the situation calls for the Principle of Exemption, and there is no obstacle to the use of that liquid. If, however, we have two glasses of medicine and we know that alcohol exists in one of them, meaning that we have some general knowledge about the existence of alcohol in one of them, here the Principle of Precaution is called for, and we must not drink either.

Imagine that we are at the side of a road in the middle of a desert and to stay there or to travel in one of the two directions of the road definitely involves the risk of our lives, while to travel in the other direction means we will find safety; but we do not know in which direction lies our safety and in which direction lies the risk of our lives. Here weare faced with two laws. The one is the obligation to save our lives and the other is the prohibition against risking it. In which direction must we travel? This situation calls for the Principle of Option, and we must travel inwhich ever direction we like, and, if we choose the wrong direction, we are blameless.

Notes

1. These treatise (risalehah) works are wherein the mujtahid states his verdicts on all or almost all the things that can affect daily life.

2. The weakness of this viewis understood when it is realized that many of the Traditions recorded in the reliable books, i.e. books compiled by reliable men, are opposed to each other, which naturally indicates that the only logical way of discerning the actual holy words from the false is by examining the chain of narrators. It is also to be borne in mind that for a number of reasons, such as lack of time for research or of knowledge of Transmitters etc., it may not have been possible for the reliable compilers themselves to make the necessary distinctions.Translator's Note.

3. Consensusis further discussed in the sixth lesson.

4. His bookis called Ta'sis ash-shi'ah ulum al-islam.

5. This ayah and such “tacit meanings” (mafahim) are further discussed in the next lesson.

6.taqiyah is the legitimate practice of concealing one's faith in times of danger-sometimes by means of adopting the practices of a different faith-which was often necessary during the times of the Imams.

7. In the final lesson, the Principles of Jurisprudence, more lightis thrown on this subject.

8. Of course the Shi'ite view is that the time of the Imam will last as longas mankind itself; what is referred to here is the era of access to the Imams.Translator's Note.

9. Of course if hewas likely to make many mistakes he would not yet be regarded as a mujtahid at all.Translator's Note.

Introduction

Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr, one of whose works on Islamic jurisprudence is translated here, is among the leading modern thinkers in this field. This introduction seeks to locate his work for the intelligent lay reader by offering: a discussion of the nature of Islamic law; a discussion of the nature of Islamic jurisprudence; a discussion of the relation of this system of jurisprudence to Roman and canon law; and a very brief sketch of the life of the author.

The Nature of Islamic Law

It was by no means inevitable that law should have become so central to higher learning among most Muslims in the pre-modern period. For over a thousand years the great majority of Muslim jurists agreed that out of over six thousand verses in the Qur'an there were only five hundred verses with legal content. Most of the “legal” verses concern Hbadat, approximately “acts of devotion,” such as prayer and the pilgrimage. Out of these five hundred verses, there are about one hundred and ninety that deal with non-ritual aspects of the law; only matters of inheritance are laid out in any detail.

As to why legal culture became central to so many Muslims in subsequent centuries, I can give only a partial answer. The Qur'an, according to one very widely accepted reading, by its spirit encourages legal culture since it speaks repeatedly of the hudud, literally “the limits” or “boundaries.” In the Qur'an this word does not mean “the prescribed punishments,” as it came to mean in later Islamic law, but “the limits” which circumscribe good behavior; and in almost all instances hudud in the Qur'an is best translated as “laws.” For example, in a verse on divorce (and most mentions of “the limits” are in passages on divorce and fasting), the Qur'an reads,”... these are the laws [hudud] of God: do not transgress them. Those who transgress them are unjust (or 'oppressive').” (II: 229). Another verse on divorce says, “... these are the laws of God. One who transgresses [literally, “passes beyond them”] has done injustice [or “acts oppressively”] to him or herself...” (LXV: 2). In earlier centuries the study of Islamic law was called “the laws/limits and the knowledge [of them],” al-hudud wa-l-'ilm, or simply the “knowledge” (al-'ilm). And indeed the Qur'an connects laws and knowledge, in a verse which ends, “...and these are the laws [hudud] of God; he makes them clear [yubayyinu-ha] to a people who understand/know [ya'lamuna, from the same root as al-'ilm].” (II: 230).

The Qur'an also offers a number of statements specifying that certain things are “permitted” (haldl) or “forbidden” (haram). Therefore, given that there were some “laws” specifically laid down and some things actually classified as “permitted” or “forbidden,” and given that Muslims were in touch with three powerful legal systems, the Roman, the Jewish, and the Sassanian Persian, is it surprising that legally minded Muslims felt it necessary to go beyond the brief treatment of the law in the Qur'an to develop a fully fledged legal system?

Yet as this system developed it became clear that it was something grander than law: it aspired to classify and categorize all human acts. Later jurists summarized this ambition in a maxim that said, “In the presence of God there is a ruling or 'classification' (hukm) for every instance of human behavior.” The jurists saw it as their responsibility (and, to some extent, that of every human being) to derive, from what they believed to be potential sources of the law, the most likely classification or categorization of any human act in the eyes of God. He is “the Lord of the Day of Reckoning,” as the Qur'an repeatedly says, and it was considered essential to know how He would reckon the deeds of one's life, even when they were neither “forbidden” nor “obligatory.” After long dispute the jurists came to agree on five “predicates” appropriate for any legal proposition expressing the ruling (hukm) which evaluates a human act in moral terms. An act is either “forbidden,” “discouraged,” “permissible” (meaning free of any moral weight), “recommended,” or “mandatory.” Normally only the “forbidden” and, in some cases, the “mandatory,” could be matters for consideration in an Islamic court, and only these matters would be called “law” according to a widespread Anglo-American tradition. But it should be understood that the so-called manuals of Islamic law would be considerably slighter if they contained only matters enforceable by courts. Islamic law proper is embedded in a moral hermeneutic, or system of interpretation. It can be argued that even in the Anglo-American system we have laws such as tax laws, the object of which is to encourage or discourage certain types of behavior in areas such as personal savings and home ownership, which are of course legally optional. To give another example, “Good Samaritan” laws encourage help to the distressed in cases of emergency by reducing liability to the rescuer.

The jurists understand the middle category, “permissible” or “morally neutral,” to be central to the nature of the law. “The legal presumption concerning things is their permissibility ('ibaha),” as the famous maxim says. This word can be translated “license,” from which point of view the need for “limits” is clear. It can also be understood as “liberty,” and a person's fundamental liberty to act as she or he wishes in the world has been an important concept to many Muslim reformers. Some moral philosophers in the contemporary West consider such a presumption necessary to any system of ethics.

A kindred concept is “the presupposition of innocence,” which partly overlaps with the Anglo-American presumption of innocence. When born, every person's legal standing {dhimmd) is innocent/free of guilt (bari*). This presupposition is seen as self-evident; for the accused in a law case is innocent until evidence (bayyina) is brought to prove otherwise, and the newborn is not yet responsible for any acts whatsoever.

The Historical Development of Islamic Law

The above account of the way in which Islamic law developed is too stylized to be fully historical; it represents the attempts of later jurists to tidy up the history of a very lively intellectual debate which, like any other such formative episode, was filled with disagreement and took place under the pressure of real concerns. Fortunately, a fair amount of material on these early debates survives. (It is one of the merciful aspects of Islamic law that its extended treatments carry the history of virtually all opinions of previous jurists of any importance into later works, a display of learning that allows the author to show that he has considered discarded opinions, as well as - on rare occasions - to adopt an earlier opinion.)

It would seem both from the Qur'an and its commentaries that many of these early debates had to do with the way in which Islamic law should understand itself over and against other law or laws. Verses 42 through 50 of Surah V (al-Ma'ida) are held by most Muslim biographies of the Prophet to relate to an incident (supposed by Muslim commentators to have occurred in the fifth year of the Prophet's authority in Medina) when some of the Medinese Jews came to the Prophet asking him to arbitrate among them. In verse 44 the Prophet is told, “In truth we have revealed the Torah in which is guidance and light, by which the Prophets who submitted to God judged the Jews; and the rabbis and sages judged by such of God's Book as they were bidden to observe .” Verse 48 goes on to explain that God has revealed laws for each community, “To each of you we have given a law and a way. Had God wished it He would have made you a single [legal] community ('umma) .” (This divinely willed legal plurality was, of course, why Muslims generally tolerated religious communities founded before the coming of Islam. They always had the option of considering these communities as “pagans,” a category of persons that the Qur'an and the Prophet did not tolerate within Arabia. Until very recently religions founded after the coming of Islam were not legally recognized.)1

The expansion of Muslim rule brought legal questions that had to be sorted out immediately, and the Islamic legal tradition would later consider the decisions on these legal questions to be an exercise in ijtihad, the effort to derive rulings from their proper sources. 'Umar, the second caliph (from 13 A.H./634 A.D. to 23 A.H./644 A.D.) had to choose between precedents. The Prophet had made different arrangements with different Jewish and Christian communities in Arabia. In one instance he arranged for an annual poll tax, in another, the Christian community of Najran agreed to send two thousand robes to Medina each year. How by extension from such precedents could a ruling be established for the taxation of other Christian and Jewish communities? There was also the problem of the status of the land in the large empire suddenly acquired by the Muslims during the reign of 'Umar. The jurist 'Abu Yusuf in his book on the land tax tells us that Bilal, the famous Ethiopian companion of the Prophet, told 'Umar, “Divide the lands among those who conquer them, just as the spoils of the army are divided [on the battlefield].” But 'Umar refused, saying, “God has given a share in these lands to those who shall come after you.” As in the question of taxation there were mixed precedents, and for the next century opposition to 'Ulnar's decision to give the tax revenue and tide of the conquered land to the “treasury of the Muslims” remained controversial and a cause for serious revolts.2

While the first four caliphs had an enormous share in making the decisions which would become law, their successors, the dynasty of Umayyad caliphs, continued to promulgate their own rulings as binding legal decisions for matters as various as marriage, the law of sale, and blood-money. The well-known “fiscal rescript” written by 'Umar II (caliph from 99 A.H./717 A.D. to 101 A.H./720 A.D.), usually counted as the most pious of the Umayyads, shows this caliph ruling on the tax status of converts and kindred matters. Even subordinate Umayyad officials could make rulings which might find subsequent authority in the law. When an Arab general invaded the province of Sind in 93/711, he recognized Hindus as protected people like the Christians and Jews, and the majority of later Muslim jurists of the Hanaff school, the Sunni school predominant in South Asia, recognized this ruling.

Gradually the caliphs lost the power to make legal rulings. Yet they retained until the very end the theoretical authority to appoint judges and to hold their own court, the mazalim, or court to judge “contraventions of justice.” The jurisdiction of this court was very wide. Although in theory there is no appeal from the ruling of a qadi, in practice cases were appealed to the mazalim court. Moreover, it functioned as an important court of appeal from decisions in administrative law and against the misbehavior of administrators, matters with which most qadis were unwilling to deal. Yet the mazalim jurisdiction never reached out to the masses who lived under the caliph's rule; it did not, for example, develop “delegated” judges, as the qadis did in order to have sitting judges in remote towns. The mazalim remained an active but idiosyncratic expression of the ruler's desire to be seen personally as the last resort in the search for justice.

The authority of the Umayyad caliphs to make law or even in any way to govern had been challenged from the start, in significant part by the “Partisans” or Shfa, of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib the first cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, and some of these ShiTs felt that 'All had been explicitly appointed by the Prophet as his successor. The Kharijites, in contrast, opposed both 'All and the Umayyads because they had all committed “sins” and the Kharijites would accept no sinful ruler. (The 'Ibadfs, descended from one branch of the Kharijites, and now to be found principally in Uman and North Africa, have their own school of law.) The pious opposition to the Umayyads not only shrank the caliph's authority to promulgate legal rulings, it also created a number of circles in which a more intense discussion of religious matters took place, and their members were the forerunners of the ulema, the specialists in religious learning so prominent in the later Islamic Middle East.

'Abu Hanffa (d. 150/767) was both prominent in and typical of these circles. He is accounted the founder of the Hanaff school of law named after him, although how much 'Abu Hanffa was a Hanaff is far from clear. One story - very possibly a legend - has an Umayyad governor flog him for refusing appointment as a qadi. It seems without question that he supported the political claims of the family of 'All. He died in prison in Baghdad, the capital of the 'Abbasids, the dynasty of caliphs that succeeded the Umayyads. The lifestory of this great early jurist and theologian as constructed from reliable historical accounts and legend shows a suspicion of association with government which would persist among the ulema of the Middle East. It also shows a gap between judges and jurists that would last. Some learned men did become judges, but usually the most learned jurists shunned judgeships. Nevertheless, the practical experience of the judges fed legal thinking in that the decisions of judges were sometimes challenged by the jurists and sometimes ably defended by the judges in circles that met to discuss the law. Ibn Abi Layla, the judge for Kufa in 'Abu Hanffa's time, tried - largely unsuccessfully -to establish the legal basis for his judgments against the opinion of his more able contemporary, Abu Hanffa. But the practical nature of Ibn Abi Layla's opinions is said to have given some of them lasting value as against Abu Hanffa's more theoretical approach, dictated by the latter's search for consistency.3

The distance between the “pious opposition” and government also accounts for the development of the independent fatwa, or opinion, so similar to the responsa which exist in Roman and Jewish law. Conscientious Muslims went to the legally minded among the forerunners of the ulema and got opinions, including opinions on matters not ordinarily dealt with by courts. The Umayyad state, aware of this interest, appointed muftis, givers of responsa, somewhat similar to the jurisconsults in the Roman system. Although later dynasties often appointed muftis, many muftis sought to remain and succeeded in remaining largely independent because people were free to choose their authorities and because a mufti who kept his distance from the government gained prestige among ordinary Muslims. The independence of the mufti was a significant part of the formation and persistence of a semi-independent community of jurists.

In time these communities of legal thinking developed regional differences. Malik ibn 'Anas (d. 179/796), often called simply “the Imam of Medina,” was the most able member in his generation among the circles that discussed Islamic law in Medina. The Medinese tradition considered itself continuous with the tradition of the Prophet, who spent the last ten years of his life there. It was assumed, reasonably enough, that the Prophet would have disapproved of Medinese customs not consonant with Islam, and therefore what survived in “the practice of Medina” had been expressly or tacitly approved. Hence, in Medina in Malik's time, while the quantity and quality of something sold usually had to be known for the sale to be valid, the very practical Medinese custom of exchanging an inexactly known quantity of ripe dates on a tree for dried dates was allowed and became part of the tradition of the Maliki school of law (and subsequendy of other schools). Malik, by the way, was also very concerned with the classification of rulings and Prophetic sayings and not merely in Medinese traditions. In early books on law Malik's school is often called “the school of Medina,” and 'Abu Hanffa's school “the school of Kufa,” which represents the understanding that these were in fact regional schools although in the homes of all these schools there was a variety of opinion.

It was also in Medina that two of the Imams of the Twelver ShiTs, Muhammad al-Baqir (d. sometime between 114/732 and 118/736) and his son Ja'far as-Sadiq (d. 148/765), made a significant contribution to Islamic law in general as well as developing a more specifically ShiT school of law. Muhammad al-Baqir's disciples included prominent Sunnis such as al-'AwzaT and 'Abu Hanffa, both founders of law schools. Muhammad al-Baqir's legal views were written down by his circle and passed into ShiT law. Ja'far as-Sadiq held an even higher position of respect and prominence in legal discussion among Muslims in general and both he and his father are counted as reliable transmitters of hadfth among Sunnis. Ja'far as-Sadiq gave a very large number of legal rulings which served to orient the ShiT tradition.

Another source for regional difference was the pre-Islamic underlay of regional schools. The influence of this underlay is downplayed in many Muslim accounts of the development of Islamic law, but unnecessarily so. The Prophet during his “farewell” pilgrimage in 10/632 carefully went through the rituals of the pilgrimage, understood to have been established by Abraham, and made clear both in action and description what was authentic and what was unacceptable pagan accretion. This method of developing the law is called “confirmation” (taqrir) by the jurists, and it is supported by the first part of one of the verses already cited. Verse 48 of the fifth Surah of the Qur'an begins, “We have revealed to you the Book in truth [or, “with the truth”], confirming [musaddiqan] that Scripture which already exists ....” In a widely respected letter ascribed to 'Ali ibn 'Abi Talib and written as instructions to Malik al-'Ashtar, his appointee as governor of Egypt, we read, “Abolish no proper custom [sunna] which has been enacted by their [the Egyptians'] leaders, through which harmony has been strengthened and because of which the subjects have prospered. Create no new custom which might in any way prejudice the customs of the past, lest reward for them belong to him who originated them, and the burden be upon you to the extent that you have abolished them.”4

Yet the desire to see Islamic law as a separate system over and against earlier systems outweighed the interest in carefully recording when “confirmation” took place after the Prophet's death. Christians, who at first had little reason to think they should develop a legal system, soon created a whole system of bishops' courts, then took and triumphantly reshaped Roman law to their own ends. A fair number of the axioms which were central to Roman law are to be found in Islamic law. Even if these maxims are present not because of borrowing but because of the common conclusions of developed law, isn't their presence a confirmation that other legal systems strove to achieve the same goals as did Islamic law? And yet, unnecessarily, the traditional narrative of Islamic law allowed little place for interest in continuities and parallels.

In any case, it is clear that Islamic law was overwhelmingly jurist-made law; and by the second half of the second/eighth century full-fledged jurists emerged. In the case of Muhammad ibn 'Idrfs ash-Shafi'i (d. 204/820), usually called al-'Imam ash-Shafi'i, we have not only a powerful jurist but also, according to later Muslim tradition, the founder of jurisprudence, the discipline of deriving law from its proper and appropriate “roots” or sources {'usul al-fiqh). It should be noted that Shafi'f, like Malik and Abu Hanffa, was at one time a partisan of the Alid cause.

In his celebrated Epistle he attempted, as an historian of the subject says, “a systematization, a codification, and, up to a point, a rationalization of understanding the Law.”5 It is Shafi'f who clarifies that the subject of the law is the legally capable individual considered as someone who is subject to moral obligation (mukallaf, legal agent), and that for every act there is a ruling (hukm). He discusses the need to rank in order of priority the “roots” or foundations of the law and the need to systematize analogical reasoning (qiyas). In making the Sunna (which means, among other things, the “practice” of the Prophet) a proper source ('asl) alongside the Qur'an, he stipulated that the jurist is to accept only a properly established account {hadtth, khabar) about what the Prophet said, did, or gave tacit assent to, to the exclusion of mere local tradition, which his teacher Malik had accepted. His insistence on a strict study of analogy was a rejection of the freer forms of legal reasons such as commonweal, to which 'Abfi Hanffa had frequent recourse. In short, he sought to rein in the various schools of Islamic law, partly in a traditionalist direction, in that he set scriptural prooftext so far ahead of other sources of law, and partly in an innovative direction, with his demand that legal arguments be justified and (as in the case of analogy) be well developed.

It was too late. The substantive law (that is, the law as written down by specific jurists with the intention that it be generally adopted) was already too developed, and the existing schools too conscious of their tradition, to yield to the challenge of the new rules proposed by Shafi'f. For a century ShafiTs Epistle remained without progeny. But when jurists turned to writing jurisprudence, the sophistication of ShafiTs program was an overwhelming influence and eventually all the law schools wanted to represent themselves as fitting into some form of ShafiTs system. We will return to the development of jurisprudential writing below.

Shafi'f demanded that hadith or khabar, narratives as to what the Prophet did and said and tacitly assented to, be properly accredited. In this demand he was at the forefront of a movement for hadith criticism which resulted in the writing of “canonical” hadith books in the third/ninth century among the Sunnis (and in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries among the Twelver Shffs). Although it took centuries to achieve near-consensus as to which hadith collections were canonical, two achieved instant recognition among Sunnis, those of al-Bukharf (d. 256/870) and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj (d. 261/817). Both aimed to present only such hadith as had a reliable chain of transmitters extending back to the Prophet. (Hadith rather confusingly was used for a single narrative or as a collective plural.) To be reliable, a transmitter had to be known to be of good character and likely to have met both the preceding and succeeding links in the chain. Many early scholars had presented hadith with “imperfect” chains of transmission or even without any chains. Non-Muslim scholars (and recently some Muslim scholars) have suggested that a fair body of hadith acquired its Prophetic pedigree in the century and a half before the “canonical” books appeared. In any case, even the collections of Bukharf and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj have hadiths with incomplete chains of transmitters. By their arrangement of chapters Bukharf and Muslim show the growing concern of the jurists for reliable legal material, as both use sub-headings somewhat similar to those of the law books.

Throughout the centuries there has been a dispute about the standing of accounts that did not come down through wide-scale transmission, but from a small number - even a single - line of reliable transmitters. Some of these hadith are constandy invoked in the law books. For example, the hadith that says: “The believers must fulfill the lawful conditions in [their contracts] (al-mu'minun l inda shurutihim)” is such a “solitary” or “idiosyncratic” hadith, even though it is continually invoked in the chapters on sale in the law books. Some of the “idiosyncratic” hadiths were too important to the law to be shoved overboard. Ibn as-Salah ash-Shahrazurf (d. 643/1245) in his introduction to the hadith sciences, still considered the most authoritative book on this subject, points out that if wide-scale transmission demands transmission from a large number of the Companions of the Prophet as well as multiple transmitters in later generations, then only one hadith of the many hundreds of thousands in existence would qualify.6

Hadith came to rank with the Qur'an as a source of law. The hadith was treated according to the rules developed by the Qur'an commentators for dealing with the seeming contradictions between Qur'an verses. Some verses in the Qur'an, for instance, allow the drinking of wine; but one forbids it. The commentators tried to establish when each verse was revealed. From this chronological framework one could determine that prohibition of wine-drinking came later and “abrogated” the verse permitting wine-drinking. Correspondingly, there were abrogated and abrogating hadith.

The virtually equal status of reliable hadith was a boon to the jurists, who had so little law from the Qur'an alone; but it created intellectual problems. Whereas the text of the Qur'an was fixed (except as to minor and clearly established questions such as different pronunciations of certain words), the scholars of hadith accepted as equally sound reliably transmitted hadiths with the same meaning but different wording. (Strangely, other textual criticism of the hadith was limited; it was not a subject for concern in hadith-criticism that the hadith foretell “heretical” movements such as the Murji'ites and Kharijites of the early period but do not foretell later heresies.) The standing of sound hadiths, which collectively describe the Sunna, or practice of the Prophet, was so high that some jurists held that the Sunna could abrogate the Qur'an.

In the fourth/tenth century the book market, agreement within schools of law, and the needs of students and judges called forth manuals of law, some of which have kept their standing until the present. The pressure of the book market deserves more attention among historians of Islamic law. The great polymath al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956), for example, released his rambling (but entertaining) world histories in three lengths: a very long everything-I-know version, 'Akhbar az-Zaman (lost but referred to in his other works); a work called the Kitab al-'Awsat (“Middle Book”), an abridgement of the long version, also lost; Muruj adh-Dhahab (“The Fields of Gold”), also a middle length version, which survives; and Kitab at-Tanbih wal-Ishraf, an abridgement and summary of the longer works. Books were expensive, and authors often preferred restating their subject at different lengths to revising old works. The same pattern has been followed by some jurists down to our own time.

The need of judges for a quick book to consult, of students for a smallish book to memorize (in what was a highly mnemonic culture) and the achievement of a large degree of agreement within the Malikf school account for the popularity of the short Epistle by Ibn 'Abi Zayd al-Qayrawam (d. 386/996), a book still memorized from the author's native Tunisia to Nigeria.

Qayrawanrs Epistle offers a concrete starting point to consider the way in which law changed. Discussing an important topic, the hubus or ivaqf, the charitable trust or pious endowment, Qayrawam in the Epistle speaks only of the trust set up for the family and descendants of the founder. The word refers to an institution in Tunisia, where the traditions of the Roman latifundia survived the Arab conquest and were threatened by the complicated divisions of inheritance among relatives required in the Qur'an and well elaborated by the jurists. The ivaqf, literally the “stopping” of property from circulation, has no Qur'anic basis except insofar as it fulfills the general exhortations in the Qur'an to charity. The institution of the “pious trust” founded for non-familial interests exists in Qayrawants time even if he thought an elementary book in Maliki law need not discuss it.

If we turn to a Hanafi handbook of the Ottoman period, ad-Durr al-Mukhtdr (“The Chosen Pearls”) by al-Haskafi (d. 1088 A.H./1677 A.D.), we find a discussion that has gained sophistication over the centuries. The author tells us that a waqf resembles a partnership in that the owner's property is inserted into someone else's property, i.e., God's. The author is aware that 'Abu Hanifa, the eponym of the Hanafi school, thought that any charitable trust was revocable, whereas later Hanafis disagreed. Many aspects of the making and preserving of such trusts are discussed. For example, the objects legally appropriate to be made into charitable trusts are painstakingly defined. Here the author says (contrary to the opinion of most pre-Ottoman jurists) that cash can be the object of a dedication to a charitable trust, the cash-waqf that lent money at interest being a widespread institution in the Ottoman empire. Haskafi also raises the interesting point that by the rules of analogy, it would be wrong to dedicate a Qur'an (since it cannot be the object of a financial transaction, and one cannot dedicate as a waqf an object of no market value). But, Haskafi says, the hadith tells us, “What the Muslims see as right, is right in the eyes of God.” This legal maxim was the justification for istihsdn, “favorable construction,” that is to say, a looser method of legal construction which sets aside the results of strict construction in favor of the common good. In many cases, the presence of l urf or “custom” is an occasion for the jurist to suspect that this common usage exists for the common good.

Some constant traits of the substantive law can be seen in these law books. By the fourth/tenth centuries it became customary to divide the law into “roots,” which I have called jurisprudence, and substantive law, which was called the “branches” or furu'. The phrase “substantive law” may give the mistaken impression that these law books were “codes.” They were not, except for those rare cases in which the government promulgated some area of Islamic law in an official version. Many of these last books stand between an ideal world and a real world over which the jurist has limited influence but nevertheless the jurist wishes the believer to know that there is a practical, yet divinely ordained, path to follow. These books offered legal opinions as to what the law was. They were written within the tradition of a law school and that tradition rests heavily on the writer.

By the fifth/eleventh century it was clear that a certain amount of legal pluralism was here to stay. Some law schools, such as that of 'Awza'i in Syria and Spain, would dwindle. But at least from the perspective of al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), an extremely influential jurist in Baghdad, there were four legitimate law schools. This view would not find general acceptance until the seventh/thirteenth century when the Mamluk rulers of Egypt made the system of four schools truly and finally canonical. Ideas spread among the four Sunni schools as well as between them and the Twelver Shi'fs, and the revolution started by Shafi'i was complete in the sense that Sunni and Shi'f jurists shared a lot of the scaffolding language of jurisprudence, although this language was comparatively rare in the books on substantive law.

Books on the “differences” among great jurists, among the four law schools and between Sunnis and Twelver Shi'fs are among the first legal texts preserved for us and this genre has continued to be cultivated right up to the present day. However, after a while this genre became rather stereotyped and seldom acted as a fulcrum by the use of which to raise new discussions in the law. Each law school developed relatively stable sub-headings under which things were discussed, most often adhering to the nodes around which legal discussion in that school had developed in the first place. For example, “contract” does not appear in the handbooks as a separate subject in any of the four Sunni schools or in the Twelver Shi'f traditions, even though it is mentioned in the Qur'an. The fullest discussion of it comes in the chapters on sales.

The founding of the madrasas or colleges gave a great push to the stabilization of the law. In early times teaching took place in the mosques and by the fourth/tenth century lectureships in mosques were endowed. But in the fifth/eleventh century the institution of the endowed school was brought from the northeastern area of Iran to Baghdad and beyond at the behest of the great vizier Nizam al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) who served the Saljuqs, a dynasty whose empire encompassed almost all of Western Asia. Eventually the institution would spread to Morocco and China. Nizam al-Mulk gave rich endowments for his madrasas, enough to house and feed their students. He also dictated their curriculum: their principal task was to teach Shafi'i law. (Nizam al-Mulk himself accepted only one other school, the Hanafi, as legitimate, and considered it a very distant second.) The madrasas made sure that law was at the center of Islamic learning. Teaching other subjects such as rhetoric and mathematics, and even, in the case of the Shi'fs, philosophy, was allowed in the madrasas, but these subjects were there under the half-true excuse that they aided legal study. In fact, they were kept in a subordinate place. Law's dominance of endowed higher education was a loss for many areas of learning. But the law curricula were similar enough to give a common language to the ulema, in general allowing them to recognize across law schools who were members of their club.

It must be remembered that the ulema were not in any way consecrated and had no sacerdotal function. To maintain their prestige and authority they had to have mastery of something not easily accessible to the average literate person. While accessible elementary legal texts continued to be taught, a whole new class of textbook, including texts on jurisprudence, were written. They aimed at so much concision that they became virtually unintelligible. The student would memorize the passage assigned for the day and possibly read a commentary. In class the teacher would explain the text with examples, and might end the lesson by saying, “And therefore we say: ...” at which time he and the students would recite the dehydrated original, which had by now sprung into its full form in the minds of the students. Later in the student's education these memorized passages were like pegs on which to hang the keys of things learned in further study of the subject. This method accounts in part for the long stability of the order in which chapters were presented in law books and other genres of madrasa books.

The Nature of Islamic Jurisprudence

The history of jurisprudence is narrower and less studied than substantive law and is often more difficult to discover. In a sense the tradition of jurisprudence began in the age of the Prophet when, according to hadith, he was asked questions and sometimes explained his answers, or when, as in hadith given by Haskafi, he gave general principles of interpretation. This discussion on these topics continued to flourish after the Prophet and took a great leap forward with the work of Shan't. But would he have counted his book as jurisprudence, as later scholars did? The Epistle of al-Qayrawani begins with a little theology and jurisprudence, but is mosdy a book on substantive law. It was only in the course of fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries that jurisprudence emerged as a genre and its independent position was clarified.

Fiqh (literally “discernment”) is a human attempt at knowing the Shari'a, the divinely ordained “path” which only God knows perfectly. The word Shari'a shines more brightly and is seen more reverentially than fiqh. Nevertheless, it is essential for the fiqh to be known on the human plane as accurately as possible. A method of explaining texts gains authority as it gains internal consistency and agrees with theological ideas. Do commonweal arguments, so favored by Abu Hanffa, have as much strength as arguments from scripture or by analogy? What are the presuppositions of the law? How can the linguistic disciplines tell us when commands in the Qur'an are metaphorical? What were the qualifications for carrying out ijtihad, the independent effort at legal reasoning?

To this last question there developed a partial answer: one must be trained in jurisprudence as well as in substantive law. Just as the discipline of jurisprudence was coming into its own, the madrasas were founded and jurisprudence was adopted into the madrasa curriculum. If one wanted to be a truly first-rate jurist, he should have some training in jurisprudence. The books on substantive law reveled in discussing difficult questions and seeming contradictions in the law; jurisprudence provided a means to answer them in an ever subtler way.

Jurisprudence was the threshold between law and theology, which was often called 'usul ad-din, the “roots of religion” just as jurisprudence was “the roots of law.” It was assumed that before coming to the law a Muslim had found reasons to believe in God, the Qur'an, and the exemplary life of the Prophet. Theology, which deals with these issues, also dealt with questions such as free will and predestination, which inevitably occur in a monotheistic system. But Islamic theology also deals with some topics more prominent among Muslim than Christian thinkers. If God speaks to man direcdy in the second person in the Qur'an, what is the nature of that speech? On this issue there were many schools of thought, only two of which are discussed here. The speech included “commands,” often in the imperative, and “prohibitions.” For one school the speech of God was literally true; that is, when the Qur'an says, “The All-Merciful sat firmly upon the throne,” it meant that God literally sat on His throne. Some softened this formula by saying that one should believe without asking “how” (that is, in what sense this language is to be understood). Similarly the commands and prohibitions in both the Qur'an and sound hadith were to be literally obeyed. This approach to the text of the Qur'an existed (with some variation) among Muslims from an early period and still exists; its partisans are sometimes called 'Abl al-Hadith. Such literalist views resemble Christian fundamentalism and many (but not all) groups labeled fundamentalist in the Muslim world at present are literalist in this original sense.

An opposing stance was taken by the Mu'tazilite school. This school had almost as many branches as it had members. The branch associated with the Basran 'Abu 1-Hudhayl (d. c.22 7/840) is discussed here. He vehemently opposed anthropomorphism and saw the literal acceptance of statements such as “The All-Merciful sat firmly on His throne” as contrary to the absolute transcendence of God above His creatures. God is one; He has no form or limit. God is all-knowing and all-seeing, etc., but His knowledge is identical with Himself. A human is responsible for his/her actions. God's speech, including the Qur'an, is created by God.

The justice of God meant that certain of His laws could be found by reason alone, although the most correct form of these laws and of the way to fulfill them (such as how to worship Him), could be found only through revelation. They therefore adopted the categories “good/beautiful” (hasan) and “bad/ugly” {qabih) as determinable by the “intellect/reason” ('aql) whereas the “mandatory” (wajib) can be determined by revelation alone. This system resembles Hellenistic theories of natural law with which the Mu'tazilites were acquainted. The intellectual rigor that Mu'tazilites introduced into theological discussion commanded respect even among their opponents and influenced all the major schools of theology among Muslims. Its influence on the Karaite “heresy” in Judaism is also well-known.

The major school rejecting Mu'tazilism was founded by al-Ash'ari (d. 324/935), who was a former Mu'tazilite, and who, for all his great achievement and undoubted originality, uses many of the techniques of argumentation used by the Mu'tazilites. 'Ash'arism formed a more coherent school than Mu'tazilism but its followers were by no means in complete agreement. Of course 'Ash'ari accepted that God is just, but God's omnipotence can not be contained; if He is just, it is because He chooses to be just; and we have no business asking whether His commands are just. Ash'arism offered a “strong” theory in that it did not appear to compromise the omnipotence of God in any way. (At times Ash'arism seems close to certain versions of Protestant theology.) It makes Islamic law “positive” law in the sense that God alone, freed of all constraints, posits it. But to strip goodness and continuity of all rational justification had some problems of which the 'Ash'arites were aware. The perception of the “customary” behavior of things - the 'Ash'arite formula used to replace natural law in both the physical and moral world - required reason, both inductive and deductive. To carry out analogies - a practice fully accepted by 'Ash'aris - required reasoning. Moreover, there had been a broad consensus since the third/ninth century that the “right” was “good,” a view that the 'Ash'aris generally accepted. It was explained by them in ingenious - but to this author not wholly successful - ways.

Eventually Sunnis rejected the theories of the Mu'tazilites, while the Twelver and Zaydi Shi'is accepted a large part of them, often in the version developed by 'Abu al-Hudhayl. Accompanying this parting of ways was a parting of ways in the role given to reason/intellect. For Sunnis there are rational presuppositions such as the use of reason in interpretation of the sources of the law. There is also analogy, one of the four major sources of Sunni law, since analogy requires reasoning in its application (although many Sunnis believe the validity of analogy comes only from its validation by the words of Prophetic hadith).

Shi'is, on the contrary, embrace reason/intellect as one of their four major sources. They reject analogy, however, on the grounds that it sometimes yields too many possibilities. Is smoking prohibited by analogy with the prohibition of wine? It depends on a guess as to what is the explanatory principle for the prohibition of wine: its ability to make someone drunk, or because of some other psychotropic effect. Hence a disagreement on the permissibility of smoking. (One long dead Sunni school said that only what was explicitly forbidden was forbidden; God had forbidden wine, not beer, and we have no business guessing His motives.)

The Shi'i acceptance of Mu'tazilism was signaled by their adoption of a Mu'tazilite slogan, “Everything that reason ordains, divine law ordains” (and, it is understood to be implied, vice-versa).

As Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr said in another work, this program was never actually carried out by a Shi'i jurist.7 But the theoretical and, in some cases, the actual importance of intellect and natural law is everywhere present in Shi'i jurisprudence. Shi'is, for example, enthusiastically adopted Aristotelian logic and used the syllogism instead of analogy (although later Sunni jurists came to approve some figures of the syllogism). Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr in the book translated here, without distorting Shi'i law, tries to emphasize its (genuine) scriptural basis, pardy to counter the Sunni critique of Shi'ism as too inclined to appeal to reason. It is striking that the theory of obligation which logically should stand at the opening of the book actually stands two-thirds of the way through it in the discussion of procedural principles.

Shi'ism went through a conservative phase, in which a group of Shi'i jurists called 'Akhbaris insisted on the primacy of the accounts {'akhbdr) of infallible persons. They held that everyone with a good knowledge of Arabic, the Qur'an, and these accounts, the points of consensus among the Shi'is, and the proper use of the rational argument (dalil 'aqli ) could find the ruling appropriate to any case. Note that Shi'i law even in this conservative phase did not completely reject intellect.

In the thirteenth/nineteenth century the 'Usuli school in Shi'i law roundly won the high ground for the claims of intellect (and also for the special position of the jurists). 'Akhbaris survive only in a few remote outposts. The decisive blows in this battle were dealt by the saintly Murtada al-'Ansari (d. 1281/1864), who vastly extended the use of the procedural principles discussed by Sadr toward the end of the book. The placement of consideration of these principles at the end of his text is no measure of their use in the past century and a half, in which they have dominated many legal discussions. All of these procedural principles are based on intellect and Shi'i jurisprudence reflects this change, although Sadr leaves most of his discussion of them for the second volume, not translated here. One of Sadr's most original works is entitled “The logical bases of induction” and is an attempt (deemed important but not wholly successful) to give a larger role to inductive reasoning in Islamic higher learning.

Jurisprudence was a threshold which led not only from theology to law but from law to theology. Modern Shi'i law with its interest in principles with a rational basis has encouraged the traffic between the two areas.

One aspect of Shi'i jurisprudence has been badly misrepresented in some Western books, which say that Shi'ism rejects the principle of consensus. It is true that Sunni consensus includes all Muslims or all Sunni jurists whereas Shi'i consensus is achieved between either all Muslims or all Shi'i jurists. But both traditions are concerned with fidelity to the actual general practice of Muslims, presumed, as in the Prophet's confirmation of the pilgrimage, to be preserved in its correct form because of the continuing concern of generation after generation of Muslims. Ritual law in particular is a great river of shared experience that runs down the history of the Muslims. Moreover, within the law schools there was concern to preserve the integrity of the school tradition. In this sense, although Islamic law did not formally accept the idea of precedent, the law books in practice heavily favored precedent.

How well did jurisprudence account for the substantive law? Jurisprudence made a brave attempt, but when jurisprudence came along, too much substantive law already existed for any theory to account for all of it. In fact, there was a very minor genre of works in which the specialist in jurisprudence attempted to prove the harmony between the “roots” and “branches,” but such attempts were curiosities, not fully successful.

Nevertheless, once it was established, jurisprudence disciplined the jurists, and therefore exercised a centripetal influence. I have described the way in which Shafi'i wanted to bring both the Kufan and Medinese school under a common standard, and this impulse remained an important part of jurisprudence. It also, as discussed above, corresponded with the formation of the ulema as a self-conscious group, who would have destroyed their own authority if centrifugal forces had been allowed to operate.

It is a curiosity that jurisprudence did not take on two related topics, the “moral ends” of the law {maqasid) and the “norms” (qawd'id) of the law. Hanafi jurisprudence sometimes discussed a category literally called “cause” (sabab) which, if developed, might have constituted a deeper level of rational explanation than did the search for the connecting link of an analogy. A small genre on the moral ends of the law existed but was seldom integrated into jurisprudence. Although the “norms,” often given in the forms of maxims, seem very central to the way jurists think, and are occasionally cited in the books on jurisprudence, before the nineteenth century, they were never, it would seem, central to the construction of any jurisprudential theory. They too were treated in a separate genre. There seem to have been two streams of ethical thinking, one tradition not primarily focused on the law, and another tradition that is a pietistic exposition of the law, often much simplified. Only in a few works such as the 'Ibya' of al-Ghazzali (d. 505/1111) do the traditions of law and ethics meet.

In Sadr's book the argument for man's obligation to God is that a servant has an obligation to a master. This argument is traditional in Shi'i jurisprudence and represents the thinking of a hierarchical society. In fact, pre-modern Islamic law represents the pre-modern society of Muslims in the Middle East in that it recognizes three different absolute distinctions of status: between male and female, between Muslim and non-Muslim, and between slave and free. This last distinction was discarded as no longer meaningful by Muslim jurists; and the other two distinctions are no longer acceptable. Perhaps Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr would have written these out of contemporary Islamic law, had he not been savagely killed in his native Iraq on April 8th, 1980 on the order of Saddam Hussein, who subsequently killed scores of Shi'i jurists to keep his Shi'i subjects cowed.

Reason and Convention

Earlier in this introduction, I referred to Sadr's interest in reason as a source and method in jurisprudence, but in fact we see a mixture of adherence to inherited conventions with a more rationalist approach. In fact, some such mixture is probably present in most legal systems. The adherence to conventionalism is, however, formally much stronger in a system which wishes to refer to scripture on every possible occasion. When Sadr tells us that we are looking for “shared or common elements” as the basis for legal reasoning, he is essentially appealing to the authority of the conventions of Islamic jurisprudence, which does not of course exclude the possibility that these conventions might be justified by reason. Sometimes, as in his acceptance of the single-source account, he in fact gives only a scriptural justification, since he believes that this source of law is too uncertain to be trusted on a rational basis alone. Since Sadr considers the guidance given by reason to be more authoritative than that of a weakly attested hadith, the reader may well ask what the methods of reasoning used are. After all, as we have mentioned above, Sadr wrote a book trying to establish the importance - some would say, the primacy - of induction in Shi'i and, more generally, Islamic legal reasoning. Nevertheless, the relations between all modes of reasoning in determining a rational conclusion have never, to my knowledge, been fully elaborated in Shi'i jurisprudence.

It can be said in defense of conventionalism that the law reflects the long experience of the society in which it exists. This argument applies more fully to areas such as commercial law than to criminal law, which has been very indifferently enforced in Muslim societies. Moreover, the appeal to the conventions established by great jurists in the past has the virtue of allowing only a limited pluralism when the lack of a formal clerical structure would seem to encourage Islamic law to fly in a thousand directions. In the immediate case of modern Twelver Shi'is, the obligation for each believer to follow a living authority, a mujtahid, has created a formal structure of religious authority perhaps unparalled in other Muslim communities. The proliferation of Internet fatwas by unqualified jurists stands in strong contrast to this Shi'i system.

There is another type of conventionalism emphasized by later Shi'i law which is close to the concept of ius gentium in Roman law. Sadr, like many of these jurists, speaks of common usage ('urfi and the conduct of reasonable people (sira 'uqala'iyya). These two phrases frequently appear together in Shi'i works on jurisprudence and substantive law. Common usage and the conduct of reasonable people are subject to change. They are therefore not natural law, which exists for the Shi'is because of their belief in God's justice. They are nevertheless some indication as to what natural law might be, and a guide to the way in which laws should be implemented in practice.

A humane aspect of almost all Islamic law is that it takes into consideration the subjective state of the legal agent when assessing accountability. This consideration includes questions of both capacity and intention. Shi'i law of the last two centuries has been especially careful in its discussions of assurance in the mind of the legal agent, inspired by, among other things, Avicenna's distinction between conceptualization and assent. The increased interest in the subjective state of the legal agent is apparent from many passages in this book, and results from two and a half centuries of such discussion in 'Usuli legal circles.

Medieval Western Law and Islamic Law

Earlier I referred to the bishops' courts that existed even before the conversion of the Roman emperors to Christianity. In the fifth Christian century, the Roman emperor Theodosius II sought to define a closed body of authoritative jurists, just as Islamic law did retrospectively with its “authoritative” books of hadith. Similarly, the code prepared under Justinian a century later was subsequently regarded as having a privileged standing as the fullest authoritative statement of Roman law.

The New Testament, notwithstanding the harsh words of Jesus against lawyers and the antinomian tone of some passages in the letters of St. Paul, sometimes praises the law, as when Jesus says, “I tell you the truth, until heaven and earth disappear, not the smallest letter nor the least stroke of the pen will by any means disappear from the Law, until everything is accomplished.” (Matthew 5: 18, NIV) It is overwhelmingly likely that Matthew understood Jesus to be speaking of the Jewish law; but as Christianity spread, a more general interpretation became possible. The church grew in an atmosphere pervaded by Roman law, which became more deeply associated with Christianity after the Roman emperor converted in the early fourth century. Yet the west [as contrasted with Byzantium] had to wait until the revival of Roman law in the twelfth century for the church to see the full possibilities that mastery of this sophisticated body of knowledge offered. The greatest figure of this revival, Gratian, who wrote in the first half of the twelfth century, said that the church is both a spiritual and an earthly society. The twelfth century witnessed Western Europe's greatest experiment in religious law. By the thirteenth century, church courts were accepting a great variety of non-ecclesiastical cases. Theologians and canonists were trying to find a firm intellectual connection between the expanding jurisdiction of church-administered Roman law and basic Christian principles.

At some point in the thirteenth century, however, the canonists and the theologians began to part ways. Professor Charles Donahue of the Harvard Law School suggests some contributing reasons for their divergence. First, keeping up with developments in canon law as well as mastering Roman law was a full time occupation, as was the study of theology. Second, as the Church's legal system had to share jurisdiction with secular law, its lawyers had to be able to talk to secular lawyers. The inevitable result was some secularization of canon law. Third, the greatest canonist of the thirteenth century, Henricus de Segusio, and the greatest canonist of the early fourteenth century, the layman Johannes Andreae, seem to have taken no interest in the new scholastic theology and, like other canonists of the period, adhered to the theology of the twelfth century.8

Islamic law may have provided for the theoretical possibility of an adoption of pre-Islamic revealed law that would have paralleled the reception of Roman law in Latin Christendom, but in practice Muslim jurists rarely appealed to any previous system. Moreover, the canon lawyers never denied the existence of a secular realm, although they advocated increased Papal oversight of that realm. The de facto separation of the authority of sultans from that of the caliph was accepted only as a lesser evil than confrontation and disorder within the Islamic world. Only very rarely was this distinction in the real world defended as an ideal.

Among the Shi'is the situation was different. They were seldom in power, and since they had to wait for their messianic leader, they could accept sultans with less theoretical difficulty, demanding primarily that they do justice. Furthermore, their belief in divine justice required them to consider the relation between theology and law a permanendy open question. At some periods, their discussion of this relationship was repetitive and unoriginal, at others, innovative. One such innovation is the modern interest in the theoretical basis for extended reliance on common usage and the conduct of reasonable people. And like Aquinas, the 'Usulis could not think of law without scholastic philosophy, whereas many Sunni jurists became great specialists in Islamic law without taking any interest in theology or philosophy or even jurisprudence.

The pre-modern tradition of Islamic learning created a monumental body of scholarship as impressive as that of Europe and India and China. It was successful in creating a sophisticated legal system, which in certain areas, such as commercial law, can be and have been, with some adaptation, successfully applied in the contemporary world. Islamic jurisprudence shared the subtlety of the law it described and remains an intellectual achievement which can be studied with benefit.

The Life of Sadr

The Life of Sadr9

In 193 5 Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr was born into a family long distinguished in ShiT learning and closely associated with Kazimayn or Kazimiyya, a suburb of Baghdad dominated by the very large and ornate shrine in which two imams of the Twelver ShiTs, Musa al-Kazim (d. 183/799) and his grandson Muhammad al-Jawad (d. 220/835), are buried. Some report that Sadr was allowed to leave home to study at the famous ShiT seminary in Najaf as early as his fourteenth year because he was such an unmistakable prodigy. His sister, Amfna Sadr (usually called Bint al-Huda) shared some of her brother's talents and was successful both as a novelist and a public speaker. By 1963 Baqir as-Sadr had begun to teach in Najaf. The leading ShiT religious authority at that time in Iraq - and, indeed, in all of the Arab-speaking world - Muhsin al-Hakfm, was antagonistic to the ShiT tradition of philosophy. Nevertheless, given Sadr's brilliance and reliability, Hakim authorized him to study philosophy with a certain Shaikh Sadra, which would stand him in good stead in his jurisprudence as well as his more purely philosophical work.

It is sometimes forgotten that Iraq was the one Arab country where the local Communist Party once had a real chance of coming to power. Sadr and the leading ShiT clerics of the time were not only opposed to Communism because of its atheism but also because it had found a fair number of ShiT followers. Then as later, the politics of Iraq were dominated by an elite drawn from the Arab Sunni minority and therefore ShiTs, including relatives of the most important mullahs, were attracted to the egalitarian promise that Communism seemed to offer. Already in the nineteen-fifties one of the leading thinkers among the Iranian clergy, Muhammad Hisayn Tabataba'i, had written an attack on materialistic philosophies, in particular, Communism, and the very able and prolific Iranian Ayatollah Mortaza Motahharf had both popularized and extended this attack. Sadr drew on these sources as well as his extensive reading of pro- and anti-Communist literature in Arabic, and on his growing knowledge of Western philosophy as available in Arabic translation, in order to write a series of books that would have enormous readership in the Arab world: Our Economy, Our Philosophy, The Interest-Free Bank, and The Logical Bases of Induction, as well as a host of shorter works. All of these books showed his interest in conducting a rigorous discussion in the scholastic style of classical Islamic philosophy as well as in writing a clear and accessible Arabic unlike so many of his predecessors among the Shi^f clergy. He was limited by the materials available to him and lamented to friends that certain key works had not been translated into Arabic. Whatever future generations may think of them, these works remain a significant part of the history of Arab and Islamic thought in the twentieth century.

Even as Sadr labored to combat Communism and to shape a more modern ShiT philosophy, he and some like-minded mullahs sought to reform ShiT education, both within seminaries and beyond them, much as Motahharf had sought to do earlier in Iran. In the sixties, a committee was established to publish textbooks at all levels and there was an attempt to give the seminary at Najaf more structure. Although a new madrasa was founded, attempts to change education in Najaf by and large failed. It has always been a highly individualistic center of learning and less under the control of its leading jurist than Qom, its rival in Iran. A separate attempt to establish a comprehensive university with a ShiT orientation at Kufa was quashed by the government. Some of the publications of the period, however, such as Sadr's al-Mdalim al-Jadidah (completed 1965), his first attempt to write an accessible introduction for beginning students of jurisprudence in Najaf, continue to be relevant. Incidentally, the senior clerical figure within the establishment who served as an inspiration for Sadr and many lesser jurists was Shaykh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, whose advanced two-volume work on jurisprudence is still considered standard.

In the background of the political life of Iraqi Shi*is from the time of the Iraqi revolution of 1958 was the clandestine political party called the Da'wa. Sadr certainly knew about the party from the beginning and some claim he was the founder and its moving spirit. The secularist governments in Baghdad were also aware of the party's existence and, while denying it any legality, used its members in the balancing act with which the regime would alternately set the Communists, the Baathists, the religious ShiTs and other factions against each other. The Da'wa wished to create an “Islamic” Iraq although the concrete content of “Islamicness” was differendy understood by different members of the party. It had some Sunni members. But the ShiT Arabs, some sixty percent of the population, although divided into several parties, saw the Da'wa as the most direct claimant for the right of religious ShiTs to organize politically. Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim, the most authoritative clergyman in Najaf, was very much against political activism and rumor has it that in 1961 he ordered Sadr to sever his ties with the Da'wa. For most of the sixties the ShiT clergy and the government dealt with each other at arm's length. There was an understanding that except in extraordinary circumstances no clergyman protected by al-Hakim would be arrested.

When Ayatollah Hakim died in 1970 the great majority of Iraqi Shi*!” clerics recognized the distinguished jurist Abu 1-Qasim al-KhuY, as his successor. Sadr was in the forefront of those recognizing Khu^i who had been his teacher, and whose views on jurisprudence continued to influence him. Nevertheless, at about the same time Sadr issued a manual of guidance for the lay ShiT believer that more or less put forward the claim that Sadr had the standing to succeed Khu'f. This claim was widely accepted. KhiTi wished to avoid confrontation and in general Sadr followed his lead, although after the return of the Baathists to power in July 1968 the government began to arrest clergymen and Sadr sometimes spoke out on their behalf.

In 1977 the relations between the ShiT clergy and the government broke down. The Baathists, determined to show who was in control, banned the annual procession from Najaf to Karbala that commemorates the martyrdom of Husayn, which is for ShiTs the most deeply tragic event in their history. Nevertheless, some tens of thousands of Shifts followed the procession. When the marchers arrived in Karbala, the Iraqi security forces imprisoned several hundred of them. The Baathist regime, still split after many years, could not agree how to manage the incident. The faction dominated by Saddam Hussein gained control and decided that any kind of ShiT challenge must have been masterminded by Sadr. He was arrested, but the Baathist government was not yet willing to deal with the level of anger that this arrest caused among the ShiTs and he was released.

The Iranian revolution in 1978 sharply increased the tension created in the preceding year. The details of Sadr's relations with the Da'wa party still remain something of a mystery, but there is no question that the party was vasdy emboldened by events in Iran and looked to Sadr for leadership. Everything seemed possible when the Shah, America's “policeman of the Gulf and the “heir of two and a half millennia of kingship,” simply packed and left. Some say that Sadr tried to restrain the Da'wa, assuring them that eventually their time would come. Nevertheless, Sadr had become more politically active himself. Some claim that he told his classes that a good ShiT could not belong to the Baath party. Demonstrations held openly in the name of the Da'wa party occurred in ShiT towns. The government arrested Sadr along with hundreds of others. Riots broke out and Sadr was released, only to be put under house arrest. His interrogator in August 1979 allegedly offered to release him if he made any one of several proposed major public concessions to the government. Sadr at this point seems to have chosen martyrdom and refused any cooperation with the government. Attacks on the government by the Da'wa increased. On April 5, 1980 the government arrested him and his sister, who had given impassioned sermons in protest at his earlier arrest. They were executed on April 8th. In the following September Iraq began its eight year war against Iran, as Saddam Hussein had decided that political ShiTsm was his greatest enemy and had by now killed many clergymen and hundreds of followers of the Da'wa party. The million casualties incurred in the Iran-Iraq war were, given the size of the two countries involved, comparable to casualties in Europe in the First and Second World Wars. Iranians continue to believe that Iraq was given a green light to start the war (as well as being bolstered during the war) by the United States, which then shared the Baathist view that Sadr was Iraq's Khomeini.

Sadr's intellectual activities in the seventies are still disputed. Later historians have tried to make Sadr and Khomeini part of the same story, but in fact they had somewhat different orientations. Muhsin al-Hakim was the leader of Iraqi Shf'fs when Khomeini settled in Najaf. KhuTs circle regarded Khomeini as too political and too reckless in the expression of his political views. Sadr certainly shared Khomeini's desire for “Islamic government”, but it is overwhelmingly likely that Sadr followed his teacher Khu'f in disapproving of Khomeini's theory of the “guardianship of the jurist.” Clergymen in Najaf remember Sadr and Khomeini as having cordial, but not particularly close, relations. All changed with the approach of the Iranian revolution. Sadr wrote in favor of the “guardianship of the jurist” and told his followers that they should “melt” into Khomeini's movement.

Yet during the seventies, in the midst of this turmoil and change, he wrote his Lessons in Islamic Jurisprudence, which shows him to be -in his field of greatest competence - not a follower but very much his own man. The first volume, translated here, is meant for students of approximately eighteen years of age; it has become part of the curriculum of several madrasas, and itself the subject of commentaries. It is followed by two more volumes, and I very much regret that I have not found the time to translate the second volume of the series, which clarifies many issues left hanging in the first.

Had Sadr lived, he would have continued to revise his views as he did throughout his life. I do not believe he would have sought political union with Iran, despite the religious sympathies the two nations shared. Sadr was thoroughly Iraqi and Arab. He understood Persian well but never tried to speak it. Sadr so admired the zeal and style of the Egyptian Sunni writer Sayyid Qutb that he had Muhsin al-Hakim sen( j a telegram to President Nasser on the occasion of Qutb's death. Sadr's cousin used to demand that no classes be taught in Persian in Najaf even though so many of the students came from Iran. When, with American encouragement, the Iraqi ShiTs rose against the government in 1991, it was portraits of Sadr that were displayed everywhere. At the present the fate of Iraq is uncertain, but there is no way it can be resolved without accepting the strong self-consciousness of the Iraqi Shff community that Sadr did so much to shape.

Notes

1. See pp. 4-5 of Wael B. Hallaq, A History of Islamic Legal Theories, Cambridge: CUP, 1999, one of the most serious and helpful introductions to Sunni jurisprudence. My introduction leans heavily on the scholarship of others. I do not attempt to cite sources for information well known among specialists in Islamic jurisprudence.

2. N.J. Coulson and R. Le Tourneau, “Bayt al-Mal,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960,1: 114b.

3. J. Schacht, “Ibn 'Abi Layla,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971, III: 687.

4. See Roy P. Mottahedeh, “Towards an Islamic Theology of Toleration,” Islamic Law Reform and Human Rights, eds T. Lindholm and K. Vogt, Oslo, 1992, pp. 25-36.

5. Eric Chaumont, “Shan'i,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995, IX: 181-4.

6. Ibn as-Salah, Muqaddimah Ibn as-Salah, Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif, 1411/1990, pp. 453-5. I am grateful to Dr. Aron Zysow for this reference.

7. Hossein Modarressi-Tabataba'i, An Introduction to ShiH Law: A Bibliographical Study, London: Ithaca Press, 1984, p. 4 and note 2, in which Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr is quoted as saying that reason is a potential rather than actual source of law.

8. Charles Donahue, “A Crisis of Law? Reflections on the Church and the Law over the Centuries,” forthcoming.

9. This introduction does not include a biography or more general treatment of the intellectual contribution of Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr. On these subjects see the outstanding book by Chibli Mallat, The Renewal ofIslamic Law: Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr, Najaf and the ShiH International, Cambridge: CUP, 1993.

Introduction

Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr, one of whose works on Islamic jurisprudence is translated here, is among the leading modern thinkers in this field. This introduction seeks to locate his work for the intelligent lay reader by offering: a discussion of the nature of Islamic law; a discussion of the nature of Islamic jurisprudence; a discussion of the relation of this system of jurisprudence to Roman and canon law; and a very brief sketch of the life of the author.

The Nature of Islamic Law

It was by no means inevitable that law should have become so central to higher learning among most Muslims in the pre-modern period. For over a thousand years the great majority of Muslim jurists agreed that out of over six thousand verses in the Qur'an there were only five hundred verses with legal content. Most of the “legal” verses concern Hbadat, approximately “acts of devotion,” such as prayer and the pilgrimage. Out of these five hundred verses, there are about one hundred and ninety that deal with non-ritual aspects of the law; only matters of inheritance are laid out in any detail.

As to why legal culture became central to so many Muslims in subsequent centuries, I can give only a partial answer. The Qur'an, according to one very widely accepted reading, by its spirit encourages legal culture since it speaks repeatedly of the hudud, literally “the limits” or “boundaries.” In the Qur'an this word does not mean “the prescribed punishments,” as it came to mean in later Islamic law, but “the limits” which circumscribe good behavior; and in almost all instances hudud in the Qur'an is best translated as “laws.” For example, in a verse on divorce (and most mentions of “the limits” are in passages on divorce and fasting), the Qur'an reads,”... these are the laws [hudud] of God: do not transgress them. Those who transgress them are unjust (or 'oppressive').” (II: 229). Another verse on divorce says, “... these are the laws of God. One who transgresses [literally, “passes beyond them”] has done injustice [or “acts oppressively”] to him or herself...” (LXV: 2). In earlier centuries the study of Islamic law was called “the laws/limits and the knowledge [of them],” al-hudud wa-l-'ilm, or simply the “knowledge” (al-'ilm). And indeed the Qur'an connects laws and knowledge, in a verse which ends, “...and these are the laws [hudud] of God; he makes them clear [yubayyinu-ha] to a people who understand/know [ya'lamuna, from the same root as al-'ilm].” (II: 230).

The Qur'an also offers a number of statements specifying that certain things are “permitted” (haldl) or “forbidden” (haram). Therefore, given that there were some “laws” specifically laid down and some things actually classified as “permitted” or “forbidden,” and given that Muslims were in touch with three powerful legal systems, the Roman, the Jewish, and the Sassanian Persian, is it surprising that legally minded Muslims felt it necessary to go beyond the brief treatment of the law in the Qur'an to develop a fully fledged legal system?

Yet as this system developed it became clear that it was something grander than law: it aspired to classify and categorize all human acts. Later jurists summarized this ambition in a maxim that said, “In the presence of God there is a ruling or 'classification' (hukm) for every instance of human behavior.” The jurists saw it as their responsibility (and, to some extent, that of every human being) to derive, from what they believed to be potential sources of the law, the most likely classification or categorization of any human act in the eyes of God. He is “the Lord of the Day of Reckoning,” as the Qur'an repeatedly says, and it was considered essential to know how He would reckon the deeds of one's life, even when they were neither “forbidden” nor “obligatory.” After long dispute the jurists came to agree on five “predicates” appropriate for any legal proposition expressing the ruling (hukm) which evaluates a human act in moral terms. An act is either “forbidden,” “discouraged,” “permissible” (meaning free of any moral weight), “recommended,” or “mandatory.” Normally only the “forbidden” and, in some cases, the “mandatory,” could be matters for consideration in an Islamic court, and only these matters would be called “law” according to a widespread Anglo-American tradition. But it should be understood that the so-called manuals of Islamic law would be considerably slighter if they contained only matters enforceable by courts. Islamic law proper is embedded in a moral hermeneutic, or system of interpretation. It can be argued that even in the Anglo-American system we have laws such as tax laws, the object of which is to encourage or discourage certain types of behavior in areas such as personal savings and home ownership, which are of course legally optional. To give another example, “Good Samaritan” laws encourage help to the distressed in cases of emergency by reducing liability to the rescuer.

The jurists understand the middle category, “permissible” or “morally neutral,” to be central to the nature of the law. “The legal presumption concerning things is their permissibility ('ibaha),” as the famous maxim says. This word can be translated “license,” from which point of view the need for “limits” is clear. It can also be understood as “liberty,” and a person's fundamental liberty to act as she or he wishes in the world has been an important concept to many Muslim reformers. Some moral philosophers in the contemporary West consider such a presumption necessary to any system of ethics.

A kindred concept is “the presupposition of innocence,” which partly overlaps with the Anglo-American presumption of innocence. When born, every person's legal standing {dhimmd) is innocent/free of guilt (bari*). This presupposition is seen as self-evident; for the accused in a law case is innocent until evidence (bayyina) is brought to prove otherwise, and the newborn is not yet responsible for any acts whatsoever.

The Historical Development of Islamic Law

The above account of the way in which Islamic law developed is too stylized to be fully historical; it represents the attempts of later jurists to tidy up the history of a very lively intellectual debate which, like any other such formative episode, was filled with disagreement and took place under the pressure of real concerns. Fortunately, a fair amount of material on these early debates survives. (It is one of the merciful aspects of Islamic law that its extended treatments carry the history of virtually all opinions of previous jurists of any importance into later works, a display of learning that allows the author to show that he has considered discarded opinions, as well as - on rare occasions - to adopt an earlier opinion.)

It would seem both from the Qur'an and its commentaries that many of these early debates had to do with the way in which Islamic law should understand itself over and against other law or laws. Verses 42 through 50 of Surah V (al-Ma'ida) are held by most Muslim biographies of the Prophet to relate to an incident (supposed by Muslim commentators to have occurred in the fifth year of the Prophet's authority in Medina) when some of the Medinese Jews came to the Prophet asking him to arbitrate among them. In verse 44 the Prophet is told, “In truth we have revealed the Torah in which is guidance and light, by which the Prophets who submitted to God judged the Jews; and the rabbis and sages judged by such of God's Book as they were bidden to observe .” Verse 48 goes on to explain that God has revealed laws for each community, “To each of you we have given a law and a way. Had God wished it He would have made you a single [legal] community ('umma) .” (This divinely willed legal plurality was, of course, why Muslims generally tolerated religious communities founded before the coming of Islam. They always had the option of considering these communities as “pagans,” a category of persons that the Qur'an and the Prophet did not tolerate within Arabia. Until very recently religions founded after the coming of Islam were not legally recognized.)1

The expansion of Muslim rule brought legal questions that had to be sorted out immediately, and the Islamic legal tradition would later consider the decisions on these legal questions to be an exercise in ijtihad, the effort to derive rulings from their proper sources. 'Umar, the second caliph (from 13 A.H./634 A.D. to 23 A.H./644 A.D.) had to choose between precedents. The Prophet had made different arrangements with different Jewish and Christian communities in Arabia. In one instance he arranged for an annual poll tax, in another, the Christian community of Najran agreed to send two thousand robes to Medina each year. How by extension from such precedents could a ruling be established for the taxation of other Christian and Jewish communities? There was also the problem of the status of the land in the large empire suddenly acquired by the Muslims during the reign of 'Umar. The jurist 'Abu Yusuf in his book on the land tax tells us that Bilal, the famous Ethiopian companion of the Prophet, told 'Umar, “Divide the lands among those who conquer them, just as the spoils of the army are divided [on the battlefield].” But 'Umar refused, saying, “God has given a share in these lands to those who shall come after you.” As in the question of taxation there were mixed precedents, and for the next century opposition to 'Ulnar's decision to give the tax revenue and tide of the conquered land to the “treasury of the Muslims” remained controversial and a cause for serious revolts.2

While the first four caliphs had an enormous share in making the decisions which would become law, their successors, the dynasty of Umayyad caliphs, continued to promulgate their own rulings as binding legal decisions for matters as various as marriage, the law of sale, and blood-money. The well-known “fiscal rescript” written by 'Umar II (caliph from 99 A.H./717 A.D. to 101 A.H./720 A.D.), usually counted as the most pious of the Umayyads, shows this caliph ruling on the tax status of converts and kindred matters. Even subordinate Umayyad officials could make rulings which might find subsequent authority in the law. When an Arab general invaded the province of Sind in 93/711, he recognized Hindus as protected people like the Christians and Jews, and the majority of later Muslim jurists of the Hanaff school, the Sunni school predominant in South Asia, recognized this ruling.

Gradually the caliphs lost the power to make legal rulings. Yet they retained until the very end the theoretical authority to appoint judges and to hold their own court, the mazalim, or court to judge “contraventions of justice.” The jurisdiction of this court was very wide. Although in theory there is no appeal from the ruling of a qadi, in practice cases were appealed to the mazalim court. Moreover, it functioned as an important court of appeal from decisions in administrative law and against the misbehavior of administrators, matters with which most qadis were unwilling to deal. Yet the mazalim jurisdiction never reached out to the masses who lived under the caliph's rule; it did not, for example, develop “delegated” judges, as the qadis did in order to have sitting judges in remote towns. The mazalim remained an active but idiosyncratic expression of the ruler's desire to be seen personally as the last resort in the search for justice.

The authority of the Umayyad caliphs to make law or even in any way to govern had been challenged from the start, in significant part by the “Partisans” or Shfa, of 'Ali ibn Abi Talib the first cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, and some of these ShiTs felt that 'All had been explicitly appointed by the Prophet as his successor. The Kharijites, in contrast, opposed both 'All and the Umayyads because they had all committed “sins” and the Kharijites would accept no sinful ruler. (The 'Ibadfs, descended from one branch of the Kharijites, and now to be found principally in Uman and North Africa, have their own school of law.) The pious opposition to the Umayyads not only shrank the caliph's authority to promulgate legal rulings, it also created a number of circles in which a more intense discussion of religious matters took place, and their members were the forerunners of the ulema, the specialists in religious learning so prominent in the later Islamic Middle East.

'Abu Hanffa (d. 150/767) was both prominent in and typical of these circles. He is accounted the founder of the Hanaff school of law named after him, although how much 'Abu Hanffa was a Hanaff is far from clear. One story - very possibly a legend - has an Umayyad governor flog him for refusing appointment as a qadi. It seems without question that he supported the political claims of the family of 'All. He died in prison in Baghdad, the capital of the 'Abbasids, the dynasty of caliphs that succeeded the Umayyads. The lifestory of this great early jurist and theologian as constructed from reliable historical accounts and legend shows a suspicion of association with government which would persist among the ulema of the Middle East. It also shows a gap between judges and jurists that would last. Some learned men did become judges, but usually the most learned jurists shunned judgeships. Nevertheless, the practical experience of the judges fed legal thinking in that the decisions of judges were sometimes challenged by the jurists and sometimes ably defended by the judges in circles that met to discuss the law. Ibn Abi Layla, the judge for Kufa in 'Abu Hanffa's time, tried - largely unsuccessfully -to establish the legal basis for his judgments against the opinion of his more able contemporary, Abu Hanffa. But the practical nature of Ibn Abi Layla's opinions is said to have given some of them lasting value as against Abu Hanffa's more theoretical approach, dictated by the latter's search for consistency.3

The distance between the “pious opposition” and government also accounts for the development of the independent fatwa, or opinion, so similar to the responsa which exist in Roman and Jewish law. Conscientious Muslims went to the legally minded among the forerunners of the ulema and got opinions, including opinions on matters not ordinarily dealt with by courts. The Umayyad state, aware of this interest, appointed muftis, givers of responsa, somewhat similar to the jurisconsults in the Roman system. Although later dynasties often appointed muftis, many muftis sought to remain and succeeded in remaining largely independent because people were free to choose their authorities and because a mufti who kept his distance from the government gained prestige among ordinary Muslims. The independence of the mufti was a significant part of the formation and persistence of a semi-independent community of jurists.

In time these communities of legal thinking developed regional differences. Malik ibn 'Anas (d. 179/796), often called simply “the Imam of Medina,” was the most able member in his generation among the circles that discussed Islamic law in Medina. The Medinese tradition considered itself continuous with the tradition of the Prophet, who spent the last ten years of his life there. It was assumed, reasonably enough, that the Prophet would have disapproved of Medinese customs not consonant with Islam, and therefore what survived in “the practice of Medina” had been expressly or tacitly approved. Hence, in Medina in Malik's time, while the quantity and quality of something sold usually had to be known for the sale to be valid, the very practical Medinese custom of exchanging an inexactly known quantity of ripe dates on a tree for dried dates was allowed and became part of the tradition of the Maliki school of law (and subsequendy of other schools). Malik, by the way, was also very concerned with the classification of rulings and Prophetic sayings and not merely in Medinese traditions. In early books on law Malik's school is often called “the school of Medina,” and 'Abu Hanffa's school “the school of Kufa,” which represents the understanding that these were in fact regional schools although in the homes of all these schools there was a variety of opinion.

It was also in Medina that two of the Imams of the Twelver ShiTs, Muhammad al-Baqir (d. sometime between 114/732 and 118/736) and his son Ja'far as-Sadiq (d. 148/765), made a significant contribution to Islamic law in general as well as developing a more specifically ShiT school of law. Muhammad al-Baqir's disciples included prominent Sunnis such as al-'AwzaT and 'Abu Hanffa, both founders of law schools. Muhammad al-Baqir's legal views were written down by his circle and passed into ShiT law. Ja'far as-Sadiq held an even higher position of respect and prominence in legal discussion among Muslims in general and both he and his father are counted as reliable transmitters of hadfth among Sunnis. Ja'far as-Sadiq gave a very large number of legal rulings which served to orient the ShiT tradition.

Another source for regional difference was the pre-Islamic underlay of regional schools. The influence of this underlay is downplayed in many Muslim accounts of the development of Islamic law, but unnecessarily so. The Prophet during his “farewell” pilgrimage in 10/632 carefully went through the rituals of the pilgrimage, understood to have been established by Abraham, and made clear both in action and description what was authentic and what was unacceptable pagan accretion. This method of developing the law is called “confirmation” (taqrir) by the jurists, and it is supported by the first part of one of the verses already cited. Verse 48 of the fifth Surah of the Qur'an begins, “We have revealed to you the Book in truth [or, “with the truth”], confirming [musaddiqan] that Scripture which already exists ....” In a widely respected letter ascribed to 'Ali ibn 'Abi Talib and written as instructions to Malik al-'Ashtar, his appointee as governor of Egypt, we read, “Abolish no proper custom [sunna] which has been enacted by their [the Egyptians'] leaders, through which harmony has been strengthened and because of which the subjects have prospered. Create no new custom which might in any way prejudice the customs of the past, lest reward for them belong to him who originated them, and the burden be upon you to the extent that you have abolished them.”4

Yet the desire to see Islamic law as a separate system over and against earlier systems outweighed the interest in carefully recording when “confirmation” took place after the Prophet's death. Christians, who at first had little reason to think they should develop a legal system, soon created a whole system of bishops' courts, then took and triumphantly reshaped Roman law to their own ends. A fair number of the axioms which were central to Roman law are to be found in Islamic law. Even if these maxims are present not because of borrowing but because of the common conclusions of developed law, isn't their presence a confirmation that other legal systems strove to achieve the same goals as did Islamic law? And yet, unnecessarily, the traditional narrative of Islamic law allowed little place for interest in continuities and parallels.

In any case, it is clear that Islamic law was overwhelmingly jurist-made law; and by the second half of the second/eighth century full-fledged jurists emerged. In the case of Muhammad ibn 'Idrfs ash-Shafi'i (d. 204/820), usually called al-'Imam ash-Shafi'i, we have not only a powerful jurist but also, according to later Muslim tradition, the founder of jurisprudence, the discipline of deriving law from its proper and appropriate “roots” or sources {'usul al-fiqh). It should be noted that Shafi'f, like Malik and Abu Hanffa, was at one time a partisan of the Alid cause.

In his celebrated Epistle he attempted, as an historian of the subject says, “a systematization, a codification, and, up to a point, a rationalization of understanding the Law.”5 It is Shafi'f who clarifies that the subject of the law is the legally capable individual considered as someone who is subject to moral obligation (mukallaf, legal agent), and that for every act there is a ruling (hukm). He discusses the need to rank in order of priority the “roots” or foundations of the law and the need to systematize analogical reasoning (qiyas). In making the Sunna (which means, among other things, the “practice” of the Prophet) a proper source ('asl) alongside the Qur'an, he stipulated that the jurist is to accept only a properly established account {hadtth, khabar) about what the Prophet said, did, or gave tacit assent to, to the exclusion of mere local tradition, which his teacher Malik had accepted. His insistence on a strict study of analogy was a rejection of the freer forms of legal reasons such as commonweal, to which 'Abfi Hanffa had frequent recourse. In short, he sought to rein in the various schools of Islamic law, partly in a traditionalist direction, in that he set scriptural prooftext so far ahead of other sources of law, and partly in an innovative direction, with his demand that legal arguments be justified and (as in the case of analogy) be well developed.

It was too late. The substantive law (that is, the law as written down by specific jurists with the intention that it be generally adopted) was already too developed, and the existing schools too conscious of their tradition, to yield to the challenge of the new rules proposed by Shafi'f. For a century ShafiTs Epistle remained without progeny. But when jurists turned to writing jurisprudence, the sophistication of ShafiTs program was an overwhelming influence and eventually all the law schools wanted to represent themselves as fitting into some form of ShafiTs system. We will return to the development of jurisprudential writing below.

Shafi'f demanded that hadith or khabar, narratives as to what the Prophet did and said and tacitly assented to, be properly accredited. In this demand he was at the forefront of a movement for hadith criticism which resulted in the writing of “canonical” hadith books in the third/ninth century among the Sunnis (and in the fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries among the Twelver Shffs). Although it took centuries to achieve near-consensus as to which hadith collections were canonical, two achieved instant recognition among Sunnis, those of al-Bukharf (d. 256/870) and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj (d. 261/817). Both aimed to present only such hadith as had a reliable chain of transmitters extending back to the Prophet. (Hadith rather confusingly was used for a single narrative or as a collective plural.) To be reliable, a transmitter had to be known to be of good character and likely to have met both the preceding and succeeding links in the chain. Many early scholars had presented hadith with “imperfect” chains of transmission or even without any chains. Non-Muslim scholars (and recently some Muslim scholars) have suggested that a fair body of hadith acquired its Prophetic pedigree in the century and a half before the “canonical” books appeared. In any case, even the collections of Bukharf and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj have hadiths with incomplete chains of transmitters. By their arrangement of chapters Bukharf and Muslim show the growing concern of the jurists for reliable legal material, as both use sub-headings somewhat similar to those of the law books.

Throughout the centuries there has been a dispute about the standing of accounts that did not come down through wide-scale transmission, but from a small number - even a single - line of reliable transmitters. Some of these hadith are constandy invoked in the law books. For example, the hadith that says: “The believers must fulfill the lawful conditions in [their contracts] (al-mu'minun l inda shurutihim)” is such a “solitary” or “idiosyncratic” hadith, even though it is continually invoked in the chapters on sale in the law books. Some of the “idiosyncratic” hadiths were too important to the law to be shoved overboard. Ibn as-Salah ash-Shahrazurf (d. 643/1245) in his introduction to the hadith sciences, still considered the most authoritative book on this subject, points out that if wide-scale transmission demands transmission from a large number of the Companions of the Prophet as well as multiple transmitters in later generations, then only one hadith of the many hundreds of thousands in existence would qualify.6

Hadith came to rank with the Qur'an as a source of law. The hadith was treated according to the rules developed by the Qur'an commentators for dealing with the seeming contradictions between Qur'an verses. Some verses in the Qur'an, for instance, allow the drinking of wine; but one forbids it. The commentators tried to establish when each verse was revealed. From this chronological framework one could determine that prohibition of wine-drinking came later and “abrogated” the verse permitting wine-drinking. Correspondingly, there were abrogated and abrogating hadith.

The virtually equal status of reliable hadith was a boon to the jurists, who had so little law from the Qur'an alone; but it created intellectual problems. Whereas the text of the Qur'an was fixed (except as to minor and clearly established questions such as different pronunciations of certain words), the scholars of hadith accepted as equally sound reliably transmitted hadiths with the same meaning but different wording. (Strangely, other textual criticism of the hadith was limited; it was not a subject for concern in hadith-criticism that the hadith foretell “heretical” movements such as the Murji'ites and Kharijites of the early period but do not foretell later heresies.) The standing of sound hadiths, which collectively describe the Sunna, or practice of the Prophet, was so high that some jurists held that the Sunna could abrogate the Qur'an.

In the fourth/tenth century the book market, agreement within schools of law, and the needs of students and judges called forth manuals of law, some of which have kept their standing until the present. The pressure of the book market deserves more attention among historians of Islamic law. The great polymath al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956), for example, released his rambling (but entertaining) world histories in three lengths: a very long everything-I-know version, 'Akhbar az-Zaman (lost but referred to in his other works); a work called the Kitab al-'Awsat (“Middle Book”), an abridgement of the long version, also lost; Muruj adh-Dhahab (“The Fields of Gold”), also a middle length version, which survives; and Kitab at-Tanbih wal-Ishraf, an abridgement and summary of the longer works. Books were expensive, and authors often preferred restating their subject at different lengths to revising old works. The same pattern has been followed by some jurists down to our own time.

The need of judges for a quick book to consult, of students for a smallish book to memorize (in what was a highly mnemonic culture) and the achievement of a large degree of agreement within the Malikf school account for the popularity of the short Epistle by Ibn 'Abi Zayd al-Qayrawam (d. 386/996), a book still memorized from the author's native Tunisia to Nigeria.

Qayrawanrs Epistle offers a concrete starting point to consider the way in which law changed. Discussing an important topic, the hubus or ivaqf, the charitable trust or pious endowment, Qayrawam in the Epistle speaks only of the trust set up for the family and descendants of the founder. The word refers to an institution in Tunisia, where the traditions of the Roman latifundia survived the Arab conquest and were threatened by the complicated divisions of inheritance among relatives required in the Qur'an and well elaborated by the jurists. The ivaqf, literally the “stopping” of property from circulation, has no Qur'anic basis except insofar as it fulfills the general exhortations in the Qur'an to charity. The institution of the “pious trust” founded for non-familial interests exists in Qayrawants time even if he thought an elementary book in Maliki law need not discuss it.

If we turn to a Hanafi handbook of the Ottoman period, ad-Durr al-Mukhtdr (“The Chosen Pearls”) by al-Haskafi (d. 1088 A.H./1677 A.D.), we find a discussion that has gained sophistication over the centuries. The author tells us that a waqf resembles a partnership in that the owner's property is inserted into someone else's property, i.e., God's. The author is aware that 'Abu Hanifa, the eponym of the Hanafi school, thought that any charitable trust was revocable, whereas later Hanafis disagreed. Many aspects of the making and preserving of such trusts are discussed. For example, the objects legally appropriate to be made into charitable trusts are painstakingly defined. Here the author says (contrary to the opinion of most pre-Ottoman jurists) that cash can be the object of a dedication to a charitable trust, the cash-waqf that lent money at interest being a widespread institution in the Ottoman empire. Haskafi also raises the interesting point that by the rules of analogy, it would be wrong to dedicate a Qur'an (since it cannot be the object of a financial transaction, and one cannot dedicate as a waqf an object of no market value). But, Haskafi says, the hadith tells us, “What the Muslims see as right, is right in the eyes of God.” This legal maxim was the justification for istihsdn, “favorable construction,” that is to say, a looser method of legal construction which sets aside the results of strict construction in favor of the common good. In many cases, the presence of l urf or “custom” is an occasion for the jurist to suspect that this common usage exists for the common good.

Some constant traits of the substantive law can be seen in these law books. By the fourth/tenth centuries it became customary to divide the law into “roots,” which I have called jurisprudence, and substantive law, which was called the “branches” or furu'. The phrase “substantive law” may give the mistaken impression that these law books were “codes.” They were not, except for those rare cases in which the government promulgated some area of Islamic law in an official version. Many of these last books stand between an ideal world and a real world over which the jurist has limited influence but nevertheless the jurist wishes the believer to know that there is a practical, yet divinely ordained, path to follow. These books offered legal opinions as to what the law was. They were written within the tradition of a law school and that tradition rests heavily on the writer.

By the fifth/eleventh century it was clear that a certain amount of legal pluralism was here to stay. Some law schools, such as that of 'Awza'i in Syria and Spain, would dwindle. But at least from the perspective of al-Mawardi (d. 450/1058), an extremely influential jurist in Baghdad, there were four legitimate law schools. This view would not find general acceptance until the seventh/thirteenth century when the Mamluk rulers of Egypt made the system of four schools truly and finally canonical. Ideas spread among the four Sunni schools as well as between them and the Twelver Shi'fs, and the revolution started by Shafi'i was complete in the sense that Sunni and Shi'f jurists shared a lot of the scaffolding language of jurisprudence, although this language was comparatively rare in the books on substantive law.

Books on the “differences” among great jurists, among the four law schools and between Sunnis and Twelver Shi'fs are among the first legal texts preserved for us and this genre has continued to be cultivated right up to the present day. However, after a while this genre became rather stereotyped and seldom acted as a fulcrum by the use of which to raise new discussions in the law. Each law school developed relatively stable sub-headings under which things were discussed, most often adhering to the nodes around which legal discussion in that school had developed in the first place. For example, “contract” does not appear in the handbooks as a separate subject in any of the four Sunni schools or in the Twelver Shi'f traditions, even though it is mentioned in the Qur'an. The fullest discussion of it comes in the chapters on sales.

The founding of the madrasas or colleges gave a great push to the stabilization of the law. In early times teaching took place in the mosques and by the fourth/tenth century lectureships in mosques were endowed. But in the fifth/eleventh century the institution of the endowed school was brought from the northeastern area of Iran to Baghdad and beyond at the behest of the great vizier Nizam al-Mulk (d. 485/1092) who served the Saljuqs, a dynasty whose empire encompassed almost all of Western Asia. Eventually the institution would spread to Morocco and China. Nizam al-Mulk gave rich endowments for his madrasas, enough to house and feed their students. He also dictated their curriculum: their principal task was to teach Shafi'i law. (Nizam al-Mulk himself accepted only one other school, the Hanafi, as legitimate, and considered it a very distant second.) The madrasas made sure that law was at the center of Islamic learning. Teaching other subjects such as rhetoric and mathematics, and even, in the case of the Shi'fs, philosophy, was allowed in the madrasas, but these subjects were there under the half-true excuse that they aided legal study. In fact, they were kept in a subordinate place. Law's dominance of endowed higher education was a loss for many areas of learning. But the law curricula were similar enough to give a common language to the ulema, in general allowing them to recognize across law schools who were members of their club.

It must be remembered that the ulema were not in any way consecrated and had no sacerdotal function. To maintain their prestige and authority they had to have mastery of something not easily accessible to the average literate person. While accessible elementary legal texts continued to be taught, a whole new class of textbook, including texts on jurisprudence, were written. They aimed at so much concision that they became virtually unintelligible. The student would memorize the passage assigned for the day and possibly read a commentary. In class the teacher would explain the text with examples, and might end the lesson by saying, “And therefore we say: ...” at which time he and the students would recite the dehydrated original, which had by now sprung into its full form in the minds of the students. Later in the student's education these memorized passages were like pegs on which to hang the keys of things learned in further study of the subject. This method accounts in part for the long stability of the order in which chapters were presented in law books and other genres of madrasa books.

The Nature of Islamic Jurisprudence

The history of jurisprudence is narrower and less studied than substantive law and is often more difficult to discover. In a sense the tradition of jurisprudence began in the age of the Prophet when, according to hadith, he was asked questions and sometimes explained his answers, or when, as in hadith given by Haskafi, he gave general principles of interpretation. This discussion on these topics continued to flourish after the Prophet and took a great leap forward with the work of Shan't. But would he have counted his book as jurisprudence, as later scholars did? The Epistle of al-Qayrawani begins with a little theology and jurisprudence, but is mosdy a book on substantive law. It was only in the course of fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries that jurisprudence emerged as a genre and its independent position was clarified.

Fiqh (literally “discernment”) is a human attempt at knowing the Shari'a, the divinely ordained “path” which only God knows perfectly. The word Shari'a shines more brightly and is seen more reverentially than fiqh. Nevertheless, it is essential for the fiqh to be known on the human plane as accurately as possible. A method of explaining texts gains authority as it gains internal consistency and agrees with theological ideas. Do commonweal arguments, so favored by Abu Hanffa, have as much strength as arguments from scripture or by analogy? What are the presuppositions of the law? How can the linguistic disciplines tell us when commands in the Qur'an are metaphorical? What were the qualifications for carrying out ijtihad, the independent effort at legal reasoning?

To this last question there developed a partial answer: one must be trained in jurisprudence as well as in substantive law. Just as the discipline of jurisprudence was coming into its own, the madrasas were founded and jurisprudence was adopted into the madrasa curriculum. If one wanted to be a truly first-rate jurist, he should have some training in jurisprudence. The books on substantive law reveled in discussing difficult questions and seeming contradictions in the law; jurisprudence provided a means to answer them in an ever subtler way.

Jurisprudence was the threshold between law and theology, which was often called 'usul ad-din, the “roots of religion” just as jurisprudence was “the roots of law.” It was assumed that before coming to the law a Muslim had found reasons to believe in God, the Qur'an, and the exemplary life of the Prophet. Theology, which deals with these issues, also dealt with questions such as free will and predestination, which inevitably occur in a monotheistic system. But Islamic theology also deals with some topics more prominent among Muslim than Christian thinkers. If God speaks to man direcdy in the second person in the Qur'an, what is the nature of that speech? On this issue there were many schools of thought, only two of which are discussed here. The speech included “commands,” often in the imperative, and “prohibitions.” For one school the speech of God was literally true; that is, when the Qur'an says, “The All-Merciful sat firmly upon the throne,” it meant that God literally sat on His throne. Some softened this formula by saying that one should believe without asking “how” (that is, in what sense this language is to be understood). Similarly the commands and prohibitions in both the Qur'an and sound hadith were to be literally obeyed. This approach to the text of the Qur'an existed (with some variation) among Muslims from an early period and still exists; its partisans are sometimes called 'Abl al-Hadith. Such literalist views resemble Christian fundamentalism and many (but not all) groups labeled fundamentalist in the Muslim world at present are literalist in this original sense.

An opposing stance was taken by the Mu'tazilite school. This school had almost as many branches as it had members. The branch associated with the Basran 'Abu 1-Hudhayl (d. c.22 7/840) is discussed here. He vehemently opposed anthropomorphism and saw the literal acceptance of statements such as “The All-Merciful sat firmly on His throne” as contrary to the absolute transcendence of God above His creatures. God is one; He has no form or limit. God is all-knowing and all-seeing, etc., but His knowledge is identical with Himself. A human is responsible for his/her actions. God's speech, including the Qur'an, is created by God.

The justice of God meant that certain of His laws could be found by reason alone, although the most correct form of these laws and of the way to fulfill them (such as how to worship Him), could be found only through revelation. They therefore adopted the categories “good/beautiful” (hasan) and “bad/ugly” {qabih) as determinable by the “intellect/reason” ('aql) whereas the “mandatory” (wajib) can be determined by revelation alone. This system resembles Hellenistic theories of natural law with which the Mu'tazilites were acquainted. The intellectual rigor that Mu'tazilites introduced into theological discussion commanded respect even among their opponents and influenced all the major schools of theology among Muslims. Its influence on the Karaite “heresy” in Judaism is also well-known.

The major school rejecting Mu'tazilism was founded by al-Ash'ari (d. 324/935), who was a former Mu'tazilite, and who, for all his great achievement and undoubted originality, uses many of the techniques of argumentation used by the Mu'tazilites. 'Ash'arism formed a more coherent school than Mu'tazilism but its followers were by no means in complete agreement. Of course 'Ash'ari accepted that God is just, but God's omnipotence can not be contained; if He is just, it is because He chooses to be just; and we have no business asking whether His commands are just. Ash'arism offered a “strong” theory in that it did not appear to compromise the omnipotence of God in any way. (At times Ash'arism seems close to certain versions of Protestant theology.) It makes Islamic law “positive” law in the sense that God alone, freed of all constraints, posits it. But to strip goodness and continuity of all rational justification had some problems of which the 'Ash'arites were aware. The perception of the “customary” behavior of things - the 'Ash'arite formula used to replace natural law in both the physical and moral world - required reason, both inductive and deductive. To carry out analogies - a practice fully accepted by 'Ash'aris - required reasoning. Moreover, there had been a broad consensus since the third/ninth century that the “right” was “good,” a view that the 'Ash'aris generally accepted. It was explained by them in ingenious - but to this author not wholly successful - ways.

Eventually Sunnis rejected the theories of the Mu'tazilites, while the Twelver and Zaydi Shi'is accepted a large part of them, often in the version developed by 'Abu al-Hudhayl. Accompanying this parting of ways was a parting of ways in the role given to reason/intellect. For Sunnis there are rational presuppositions such as the use of reason in interpretation of the sources of the law. There is also analogy, one of the four major sources of Sunni law, since analogy requires reasoning in its application (although many Sunnis believe the validity of analogy comes only from its validation by the words of Prophetic hadith).

Shi'is, on the contrary, embrace reason/intellect as one of their four major sources. They reject analogy, however, on the grounds that it sometimes yields too many possibilities. Is smoking prohibited by analogy with the prohibition of wine? It depends on a guess as to what is the explanatory principle for the prohibition of wine: its ability to make someone drunk, or because of some other psychotropic effect. Hence a disagreement on the permissibility of smoking. (One long dead Sunni school said that only what was explicitly forbidden was forbidden; God had forbidden wine, not beer, and we have no business guessing His motives.)

The Shi'i acceptance of Mu'tazilism was signaled by their adoption of a Mu'tazilite slogan, “Everything that reason ordains, divine law ordains” (and, it is understood to be implied, vice-versa).

As Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr said in another work, this program was never actually carried out by a Shi'i jurist.7 But the theoretical and, in some cases, the actual importance of intellect and natural law is everywhere present in Shi'i jurisprudence. Shi'is, for example, enthusiastically adopted Aristotelian logic and used the syllogism instead of analogy (although later Sunni jurists came to approve some figures of the syllogism). Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr in the book translated here, without distorting Shi'i law, tries to emphasize its (genuine) scriptural basis, pardy to counter the Sunni critique of Shi'ism as too inclined to appeal to reason. It is striking that the theory of obligation which logically should stand at the opening of the book actually stands two-thirds of the way through it in the discussion of procedural principles.

Shi'ism went through a conservative phase, in which a group of Shi'i jurists called 'Akhbaris insisted on the primacy of the accounts {'akhbdr) of infallible persons. They held that everyone with a good knowledge of Arabic, the Qur'an, and these accounts, the points of consensus among the Shi'is, and the proper use of the rational argument (dalil 'aqli ) could find the ruling appropriate to any case. Note that Shi'i law even in this conservative phase did not completely reject intellect.

In the thirteenth/nineteenth century the 'Usuli school in Shi'i law roundly won the high ground for the claims of intellect (and also for the special position of the jurists). 'Akhbaris survive only in a few remote outposts. The decisive blows in this battle were dealt by the saintly Murtada al-'Ansari (d. 1281/1864), who vastly extended the use of the procedural principles discussed by Sadr toward the end of the book. The placement of consideration of these principles at the end of his text is no measure of their use in the past century and a half, in which they have dominated many legal discussions. All of these procedural principles are based on intellect and Shi'i jurisprudence reflects this change, although Sadr leaves most of his discussion of them for the second volume, not translated here. One of Sadr's most original works is entitled “The logical bases of induction” and is an attempt (deemed important but not wholly successful) to give a larger role to inductive reasoning in Islamic higher learning.

Jurisprudence was a threshold which led not only from theology to law but from law to theology. Modern Shi'i law with its interest in principles with a rational basis has encouraged the traffic between the two areas.

One aspect of Shi'i jurisprudence has been badly misrepresented in some Western books, which say that Shi'ism rejects the principle of consensus. It is true that Sunni consensus includes all Muslims or all Sunni jurists whereas Shi'i consensus is achieved between either all Muslims or all Shi'i jurists. But both traditions are concerned with fidelity to the actual general practice of Muslims, presumed, as in the Prophet's confirmation of the pilgrimage, to be preserved in its correct form because of the continuing concern of generation after generation of Muslims. Ritual law in particular is a great river of shared experience that runs down the history of the Muslims. Moreover, within the law schools there was concern to preserve the integrity of the school tradition. In this sense, although Islamic law did not formally accept the idea of precedent, the law books in practice heavily favored precedent.

How well did jurisprudence account for the substantive law? Jurisprudence made a brave attempt, but when jurisprudence came along, too much substantive law already existed for any theory to account for all of it. In fact, there was a very minor genre of works in which the specialist in jurisprudence attempted to prove the harmony between the “roots” and “branches,” but such attempts were curiosities, not fully successful.

Nevertheless, once it was established, jurisprudence disciplined the jurists, and therefore exercised a centripetal influence. I have described the way in which Shafi'i wanted to bring both the Kufan and Medinese school under a common standard, and this impulse remained an important part of jurisprudence. It also, as discussed above, corresponded with the formation of the ulema as a self-conscious group, who would have destroyed their own authority if centrifugal forces had been allowed to operate.

It is a curiosity that jurisprudence did not take on two related topics, the “moral ends” of the law {maqasid) and the “norms” (qawd'id) of the law. Hanafi jurisprudence sometimes discussed a category literally called “cause” (sabab) which, if developed, might have constituted a deeper level of rational explanation than did the search for the connecting link of an analogy. A small genre on the moral ends of the law existed but was seldom integrated into jurisprudence. Although the “norms,” often given in the forms of maxims, seem very central to the way jurists think, and are occasionally cited in the books on jurisprudence, before the nineteenth century, they were never, it would seem, central to the construction of any jurisprudential theory. They too were treated in a separate genre. There seem to have been two streams of ethical thinking, one tradition not primarily focused on the law, and another tradition that is a pietistic exposition of the law, often much simplified. Only in a few works such as the 'Ibya' of al-Ghazzali (d. 505/1111) do the traditions of law and ethics meet.

In Sadr's book the argument for man's obligation to God is that a servant has an obligation to a master. This argument is traditional in Shi'i jurisprudence and represents the thinking of a hierarchical society. In fact, pre-modern Islamic law represents the pre-modern society of Muslims in the Middle East in that it recognizes three different absolute distinctions of status: between male and female, between Muslim and non-Muslim, and between slave and free. This last distinction was discarded as no longer meaningful by Muslim jurists; and the other two distinctions are no longer acceptable. Perhaps Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr would have written these out of contemporary Islamic law, had he not been savagely killed in his native Iraq on April 8th, 1980 on the order of Saddam Hussein, who subsequently killed scores of Shi'i jurists to keep his Shi'i subjects cowed.

Reason and Convention

Earlier in this introduction, I referred to Sadr's interest in reason as a source and method in jurisprudence, but in fact we see a mixture of adherence to inherited conventions with a more rationalist approach. In fact, some such mixture is probably present in most legal systems. The adherence to conventionalism is, however, formally much stronger in a system which wishes to refer to scripture on every possible occasion. When Sadr tells us that we are looking for “shared or common elements” as the basis for legal reasoning, he is essentially appealing to the authority of the conventions of Islamic jurisprudence, which does not of course exclude the possibility that these conventions might be justified by reason. Sometimes, as in his acceptance of the single-source account, he in fact gives only a scriptural justification, since he believes that this source of law is too uncertain to be trusted on a rational basis alone. Since Sadr considers the guidance given by reason to be more authoritative than that of a weakly attested hadith, the reader may well ask what the methods of reasoning used are. After all, as we have mentioned above, Sadr wrote a book trying to establish the importance - some would say, the primacy - of induction in Shi'i and, more generally, Islamic legal reasoning. Nevertheless, the relations between all modes of reasoning in determining a rational conclusion have never, to my knowledge, been fully elaborated in Shi'i jurisprudence.

It can be said in defense of conventionalism that the law reflects the long experience of the society in which it exists. This argument applies more fully to areas such as commercial law than to criminal law, which has been very indifferently enforced in Muslim societies. Moreover, the appeal to the conventions established by great jurists in the past has the virtue of allowing only a limited pluralism when the lack of a formal clerical structure would seem to encourage Islamic law to fly in a thousand directions. In the immediate case of modern Twelver Shi'is, the obligation for each believer to follow a living authority, a mujtahid, has created a formal structure of religious authority perhaps unparalled in other Muslim communities. The proliferation of Internet fatwas by unqualified jurists stands in strong contrast to this Shi'i system.

There is another type of conventionalism emphasized by later Shi'i law which is close to the concept of ius gentium in Roman law. Sadr, like many of these jurists, speaks of common usage ('urfi and the conduct of reasonable people (sira 'uqala'iyya). These two phrases frequently appear together in Shi'i works on jurisprudence and substantive law. Common usage and the conduct of reasonable people are subject to change. They are therefore not natural law, which exists for the Shi'is because of their belief in God's justice. They are nevertheless some indication as to what natural law might be, and a guide to the way in which laws should be implemented in practice.

A humane aspect of almost all Islamic law is that it takes into consideration the subjective state of the legal agent when assessing accountability. This consideration includes questions of both capacity and intention. Shi'i law of the last two centuries has been especially careful in its discussions of assurance in the mind of the legal agent, inspired by, among other things, Avicenna's distinction between conceptualization and assent. The increased interest in the subjective state of the legal agent is apparent from many passages in this book, and results from two and a half centuries of such discussion in 'Usuli legal circles.

Medieval Western Law and Islamic Law

Earlier I referred to the bishops' courts that existed even before the conversion of the Roman emperors to Christianity. In the fifth Christian century, the Roman emperor Theodosius II sought to define a closed body of authoritative jurists, just as Islamic law did retrospectively with its “authoritative” books of hadith. Similarly, the code prepared under Justinian a century later was subsequently regarded as having a privileged standing as the fullest authoritative statement of Roman law.

The New Testament, notwithstanding the harsh words of Jesus against lawyers and the antinomian tone of some passages in the letters of St. Paul, sometimes praises the law, as when Jesus says, “I tell you the truth, until heaven and earth disappear, not the smallest letter nor the least stroke of the pen will by any means disappear from the Law, until everything is accomplished.” (Matthew 5: 18, NIV) It is overwhelmingly likely that Matthew understood Jesus to be speaking of the Jewish law; but as Christianity spread, a more general interpretation became possible. The church grew in an atmosphere pervaded by Roman law, which became more deeply associated with Christianity after the Roman emperor converted in the early fourth century. Yet the west [as contrasted with Byzantium] had to wait until the revival of Roman law in the twelfth century for the church to see the full possibilities that mastery of this sophisticated body of knowledge offered. The greatest figure of this revival, Gratian, who wrote in the first half of the twelfth century, said that the church is both a spiritual and an earthly society. The twelfth century witnessed Western Europe's greatest experiment in religious law. By the thirteenth century, church courts were accepting a great variety of non-ecclesiastical cases. Theologians and canonists were trying to find a firm intellectual connection between the expanding jurisdiction of church-administered Roman law and basic Christian principles.

At some point in the thirteenth century, however, the canonists and the theologians began to part ways. Professor Charles Donahue of the Harvard Law School suggests some contributing reasons for their divergence. First, keeping up with developments in canon law as well as mastering Roman law was a full time occupation, as was the study of theology. Second, as the Church's legal system had to share jurisdiction with secular law, its lawyers had to be able to talk to secular lawyers. The inevitable result was some secularization of canon law. Third, the greatest canonist of the thirteenth century, Henricus de Segusio, and the greatest canonist of the early fourteenth century, the layman Johannes Andreae, seem to have taken no interest in the new scholastic theology and, like other canonists of the period, adhered to the theology of the twelfth century.8

Islamic law may have provided for the theoretical possibility of an adoption of pre-Islamic revealed law that would have paralleled the reception of Roman law in Latin Christendom, but in practice Muslim jurists rarely appealed to any previous system. Moreover, the canon lawyers never denied the existence of a secular realm, although they advocated increased Papal oversight of that realm. The de facto separation of the authority of sultans from that of the caliph was accepted only as a lesser evil than confrontation and disorder within the Islamic world. Only very rarely was this distinction in the real world defended as an ideal.

Among the Shi'is the situation was different. They were seldom in power, and since they had to wait for their messianic leader, they could accept sultans with less theoretical difficulty, demanding primarily that they do justice. Furthermore, their belief in divine justice required them to consider the relation between theology and law a permanendy open question. At some periods, their discussion of this relationship was repetitive and unoriginal, at others, innovative. One such innovation is the modern interest in the theoretical basis for extended reliance on common usage and the conduct of reasonable people. And like Aquinas, the 'Usulis could not think of law without scholastic philosophy, whereas many Sunni jurists became great specialists in Islamic law without taking any interest in theology or philosophy or even jurisprudence.

The pre-modern tradition of Islamic learning created a monumental body of scholarship as impressive as that of Europe and India and China. It was successful in creating a sophisticated legal system, which in certain areas, such as commercial law, can be and have been, with some adaptation, successfully applied in the contemporary world. Islamic jurisprudence shared the subtlety of the law it described and remains an intellectual achievement which can be studied with benefit.

The Life of Sadr

The Life of Sadr9

In 193 5 Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr was born into a family long distinguished in ShiT learning and closely associated with Kazimayn or Kazimiyya, a suburb of Baghdad dominated by the very large and ornate shrine in which two imams of the Twelver ShiTs, Musa al-Kazim (d. 183/799) and his grandson Muhammad al-Jawad (d. 220/835), are buried. Some report that Sadr was allowed to leave home to study at the famous ShiT seminary in Najaf as early as his fourteenth year because he was such an unmistakable prodigy. His sister, Amfna Sadr (usually called Bint al-Huda) shared some of her brother's talents and was successful both as a novelist and a public speaker. By 1963 Baqir as-Sadr had begun to teach in Najaf. The leading ShiT religious authority at that time in Iraq - and, indeed, in all of the Arab-speaking world - Muhsin al-Hakfm, was antagonistic to the ShiT tradition of philosophy. Nevertheless, given Sadr's brilliance and reliability, Hakim authorized him to study philosophy with a certain Shaikh Sadra, which would stand him in good stead in his jurisprudence as well as his more purely philosophical work.

It is sometimes forgotten that Iraq was the one Arab country where the local Communist Party once had a real chance of coming to power. Sadr and the leading ShiT clerics of the time were not only opposed to Communism because of its atheism but also because it had found a fair number of ShiT followers. Then as later, the politics of Iraq were dominated by an elite drawn from the Arab Sunni minority and therefore ShiTs, including relatives of the most important mullahs, were attracted to the egalitarian promise that Communism seemed to offer. Already in the nineteen-fifties one of the leading thinkers among the Iranian clergy, Muhammad Hisayn Tabataba'i, had written an attack on materialistic philosophies, in particular, Communism, and the very able and prolific Iranian Ayatollah Mortaza Motahharf had both popularized and extended this attack. Sadr drew on these sources as well as his extensive reading of pro- and anti-Communist literature in Arabic, and on his growing knowledge of Western philosophy as available in Arabic translation, in order to write a series of books that would have enormous readership in the Arab world: Our Economy, Our Philosophy, The Interest-Free Bank, and The Logical Bases of Induction, as well as a host of shorter works. All of these books showed his interest in conducting a rigorous discussion in the scholastic style of classical Islamic philosophy as well as in writing a clear and accessible Arabic unlike so many of his predecessors among the Shi^f clergy. He was limited by the materials available to him and lamented to friends that certain key works had not been translated into Arabic. Whatever future generations may think of them, these works remain a significant part of the history of Arab and Islamic thought in the twentieth century.

Even as Sadr labored to combat Communism and to shape a more modern ShiT philosophy, he and some like-minded mullahs sought to reform ShiT education, both within seminaries and beyond them, much as Motahharf had sought to do earlier in Iran. In the sixties, a committee was established to publish textbooks at all levels and there was an attempt to give the seminary at Najaf more structure. Although a new madrasa was founded, attempts to change education in Najaf by and large failed. It has always been a highly individualistic center of learning and less under the control of its leading jurist than Qom, its rival in Iran. A separate attempt to establish a comprehensive university with a ShiT orientation at Kufa was quashed by the government. Some of the publications of the period, however, such as Sadr's al-Mdalim al-Jadidah (completed 1965), his first attempt to write an accessible introduction for beginning students of jurisprudence in Najaf, continue to be relevant. Incidentally, the senior clerical figure within the establishment who served as an inspiration for Sadr and many lesser jurists was Shaykh Muhammad Rida al-Muzaffar, whose advanced two-volume work on jurisprudence is still considered standard.

In the background of the political life of Iraqi Shi*is from the time of the Iraqi revolution of 1958 was the clandestine political party called the Da'wa. Sadr certainly knew about the party from the beginning and some claim he was the founder and its moving spirit. The secularist governments in Baghdad were also aware of the party's existence and, while denying it any legality, used its members in the balancing act with which the regime would alternately set the Communists, the Baathists, the religious ShiTs and other factions against each other. The Da'wa wished to create an “Islamic” Iraq although the concrete content of “Islamicness” was differendy understood by different members of the party. It had some Sunni members. But the ShiT Arabs, some sixty percent of the population, although divided into several parties, saw the Da'wa as the most direct claimant for the right of religious ShiTs to organize politically. Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim, the most authoritative clergyman in Najaf, was very much against political activism and rumor has it that in 1961 he ordered Sadr to sever his ties with the Da'wa. For most of the sixties the ShiT clergy and the government dealt with each other at arm's length. There was an understanding that except in extraordinary circumstances no clergyman protected by al-Hakim would be arrested.

When Ayatollah Hakim died in 1970 the great majority of Iraqi Shi*!” clerics recognized the distinguished jurist Abu 1-Qasim al-KhuY, as his successor. Sadr was in the forefront of those recognizing Khu^i who had been his teacher, and whose views on jurisprudence continued to influence him. Nevertheless, at about the same time Sadr issued a manual of guidance for the lay ShiT believer that more or less put forward the claim that Sadr had the standing to succeed Khu'f. This claim was widely accepted. KhiTi wished to avoid confrontation and in general Sadr followed his lead, although after the return of the Baathists to power in July 1968 the government began to arrest clergymen and Sadr sometimes spoke out on their behalf.

In 1977 the relations between the ShiT clergy and the government broke down. The Baathists, determined to show who was in control, banned the annual procession from Najaf to Karbala that commemorates the martyrdom of Husayn, which is for ShiTs the most deeply tragic event in their history. Nevertheless, some tens of thousands of Shifts followed the procession. When the marchers arrived in Karbala, the Iraqi security forces imprisoned several hundred of them. The Baathist regime, still split after many years, could not agree how to manage the incident. The faction dominated by Saddam Hussein gained control and decided that any kind of ShiT challenge must have been masterminded by Sadr. He was arrested, but the Baathist government was not yet willing to deal with the level of anger that this arrest caused among the ShiTs and he was released.

The Iranian revolution in 1978 sharply increased the tension created in the preceding year. The details of Sadr's relations with the Da'wa party still remain something of a mystery, but there is no question that the party was vasdy emboldened by events in Iran and looked to Sadr for leadership. Everything seemed possible when the Shah, America's “policeman of the Gulf and the “heir of two and a half millennia of kingship,” simply packed and left. Some say that Sadr tried to restrain the Da'wa, assuring them that eventually their time would come. Nevertheless, Sadr had become more politically active himself. Some claim that he told his classes that a good ShiT could not belong to the Baath party. Demonstrations held openly in the name of the Da'wa party occurred in ShiT towns. The government arrested Sadr along with hundreds of others. Riots broke out and Sadr was released, only to be put under house arrest. His interrogator in August 1979 allegedly offered to release him if he made any one of several proposed major public concessions to the government. Sadr at this point seems to have chosen martyrdom and refused any cooperation with the government. Attacks on the government by the Da'wa increased. On April 5, 1980 the government arrested him and his sister, who had given impassioned sermons in protest at his earlier arrest. They were executed on April 8th. In the following September Iraq began its eight year war against Iran, as Saddam Hussein had decided that political ShiTsm was his greatest enemy and had by now killed many clergymen and hundreds of followers of the Da'wa party. The million casualties incurred in the Iran-Iraq war were, given the size of the two countries involved, comparable to casualties in Europe in the First and Second World Wars. Iranians continue to believe that Iraq was given a green light to start the war (as well as being bolstered during the war) by the United States, which then shared the Baathist view that Sadr was Iraq's Khomeini.

Sadr's intellectual activities in the seventies are still disputed. Later historians have tried to make Sadr and Khomeini part of the same story, but in fact they had somewhat different orientations. Muhsin al-Hakim was the leader of Iraqi Shf'fs when Khomeini settled in Najaf. KhuTs circle regarded Khomeini as too political and too reckless in the expression of his political views. Sadr certainly shared Khomeini's desire for “Islamic government”, but it is overwhelmingly likely that Sadr followed his teacher Khu'f in disapproving of Khomeini's theory of the “guardianship of the jurist.” Clergymen in Najaf remember Sadr and Khomeini as having cordial, but not particularly close, relations. All changed with the approach of the Iranian revolution. Sadr wrote in favor of the “guardianship of the jurist” and told his followers that they should “melt” into Khomeini's movement.

Yet during the seventies, in the midst of this turmoil and change, he wrote his Lessons in Islamic Jurisprudence, which shows him to be -in his field of greatest competence - not a follower but very much his own man. The first volume, translated here, is meant for students of approximately eighteen years of age; it has become part of the curriculum of several madrasas, and itself the subject of commentaries. It is followed by two more volumes, and I very much regret that I have not found the time to translate the second volume of the series, which clarifies many issues left hanging in the first.

Had Sadr lived, he would have continued to revise his views as he did throughout his life. I do not believe he would have sought political union with Iran, despite the religious sympathies the two nations shared. Sadr was thoroughly Iraqi and Arab. He understood Persian well but never tried to speak it. Sadr so admired the zeal and style of the Egyptian Sunni writer Sayyid Qutb that he had Muhsin al-Hakim sen( j a telegram to President Nasser on the occasion of Qutb's death. Sadr's cousin used to demand that no classes be taught in Persian in Najaf even though so many of the students came from Iran. When, with American encouragement, the Iraqi ShiTs rose against the government in 1991, it was portraits of Sadr that were displayed everywhere. At the present the fate of Iraq is uncertain, but there is no way it can be resolved without accepting the strong self-consciousness of the Iraqi Shff community that Sadr did so much to shape.

Notes

1. See pp. 4-5 of Wael B. Hallaq, A History of Islamic Legal Theories, Cambridge: CUP, 1999, one of the most serious and helpful introductions to Sunni jurisprudence. My introduction leans heavily on the scholarship of others. I do not attempt to cite sources for information well known among specialists in Islamic jurisprudence.

2. N.J. Coulson and R. Le Tourneau, “Bayt al-Mal,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960,1: 114b.

3. J. Schacht, “Ibn 'Abi Layla,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971, III: 687.

4. See Roy P. Mottahedeh, “Towards an Islamic Theology of Toleration,” Islamic Law Reform and Human Rights, eds T. Lindholm and K. Vogt, Oslo, 1992, pp. 25-36.

5. Eric Chaumont, “Shan'i,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn, Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995, IX: 181-4.

6. Ibn as-Salah, Muqaddimah Ibn as-Salah, Cairo: Dar al-Ma'arif, 1411/1990, pp. 453-5. I am grateful to Dr. Aron Zysow for this reference.

7. Hossein Modarressi-Tabataba'i, An Introduction to ShiH Law: A Bibliographical Study, London: Ithaca Press, 1984, p. 4 and note 2, in which Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr is quoted as saying that reason is a potential rather than actual source of law.

8. Charles Donahue, “A Crisis of Law? Reflections on the Church and the Law over the Centuries,” forthcoming.

9. This introduction does not include a biography or more general treatment of the intellectual contribution of Muhammad Baqir as-Sadr. On these subjects see the outstanding book by Chibli Mallat, The Renewal ofIslamic Law: Muhammad Baqer as-Sadr, Najaf and the ShiH International, Cambridge: CUP, 1993.


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