Chapter Eight: The Coup d'etat
The most daring coup d'état in history was successfully carried out at SAQIFAT BANI SA'IDA, and it was fraught with momentous consequences for Islam. Its coming so soon after the death of the Prophet gives rise to the reasonable awaiting that event. The success of the coup was due to the consummate skill with which it was planned and carried out. It must also be admitted that the possession by its organizers of a keen insight into the Arab character, and their ability and readiness to utilize the materials at hand to the greatest possible advantage, contributed in no small measure to the fructification of their labors.
I propose to give the facts as told by the "conquering" party, and then to discuss them from a rational point of view. The subject matter is arranged as follows:
1. The presence of the agents and spies of this party among the ANSAR.
2. The denial by UMAR of the death of the Prophet, because the person assigned by his party to the Caliphate (ABU BAKR) was away at "SUKH".
3. The arrival of ABU BAKR, UMAR'S recognition of the death of the Prophet, and ABU BAKR'S condemning mourning for the Prophet as being akin to his worship (for fear that sympathy for the death man might extend to his relatives and children).
4. The awaiting of news from the ANSAR, its secret conveyance to UMAR who communicates it to no one else except his comrade ABU BAKR, with whom he starts out for the SAQIFA.
5. Their meeting with other agents on the way to the SAQIFA.
6. The deciding factors at the SAQIFA: the desertion from the ANSAR, the arrival of an armed band of helpers, and the cutting short of the arguments by a fait accompli.
1. The Presence of Agents and Spies of the Opposition Party Among the ANSAR:
IBN SA'D relates thus: "A'ISHA says that UAMR made a man from among the ANSAR his brother. Everything which that man heard was communicated by him to UMAR, and everything which UMAR heard was told by UMAR to that man". The Prophet (P) had made brothers among his companions for a specific purpose; generally, friendships or brotherhoods are created for mutual help in one's livelihood or against enemies. But this "brotherhood" was for the particular object of exchanging news.
We shall presently see how a man came from the SAQIFA and called UMAR aside to give information specifically to him and not the other persons there, whereupon he got up immediately and started out for the SAQIFA. Then on the way to the SAQIFA, two men from among the ANSAR met with him and communicated information to him. This shows that this party had established a regular system of espionage. More will be said on this subject as we proceed.
2. The Death of the Prophet While ABU BAKR is at SUKH, and UMAR'S Refusal to Believe that the Prophet is Dead:
When the Prophet died, ABU BAKR was at SUKH, three or four miles from Medina, with his new bride. Finding ABU BAKR absent, UMAR stood up and treated the people to a sermon thus; "Some MUNAFIQIN say that Muhammad is dead; but he is not dead. He had gone to meet his God as Moses had gone. He will return shortly and will cut off the hands and feet of these men". He was brandishing his sword ad threatening to kill the people who had said that Muhammad had died.
3. The Arrival of ABU BAKR, his Admonishing of the Mourners, his Exhortation to the People to Select the Successor, and UMAR'S Recognition of the Prophet's Death:
ABU BAKR arrived, went up to the dead body of the Prophet, kissed the face, came over to where UMAR was, and then harangued the people thus; "O people, he who used to worship Muhammad should know that He is alive and will never die. The appointment of a successor is absolutely essential, come and give your opinion in the matter". They replied that he had said the right thing and that they would consider the matter. He also referred to the QUR'ANIC AYA in which it is stated that Muhammad would die. UMAR said that on ABU BAKR'S reminding him of the AYA, he recollected that there was such a AYA in the QUR'AN, and then recognized that Muhammad had died.
4. UMAR'S Private Receipt of News and his Departure with ABU BAKR for the SAQIFA:
Both UMAR and ABU BAKR went to the house where the Prophet was lying dead; many people had collected there. Just then a man came and called out to UMAR alone to come out, and then told him that the ANSAR were gathering in the SAQIFA OF BANI SA'IDA, and that he should do something before anything untoward happened. UMAR then advised ABU BAKR to go to the SAQIFA too; he agreed, and they both set off towards the SAQIFA together.
5. The Meeting of UMAR and ABU BAKR on the Way, as if by Appointment, with ABU UBAIDA IBN AL-JARRAH, the Proceeding of these Three towards the SAQIFA, and their Further Meeting on the Way with Two ANSAR Friends:
"ABU BAKR and UAMR were both hurrying towards the SAQIFA when they met ABU UBAIDA IBN AL-JARRAH, and all three proceeded in that direction. On the way, they met with ASIM and UWAIM IBN SA'IDA. They (ASIM and UWAIM) asked them to go back, as what they wanted was impossible to achieve. But they refused, saying that they must go there, and went to the SAQIFA".
Later events show that these two, ASIM and UWAIM, had been won over from the ANSAR and had joined this faction. For this defection they were severely dealt with by the ANSAR, but more of this anon.
It is an established fact that out of the entire MUHAJIRIN community of Medina, these three persons alone, namely ABU BAKR, UMAR and ABU UBAIDA, were present at the SAQIFA for that fateful meeting AL-BUKHARI says: "ABU BAKR AS-SIDDIQ, UMAR IBN -AL-KHATTAB and ABU UBAIDA IBN AL-JARRAH, went to the ANSAR". The same thing is said by AT-TABARI. If any doubt still remains, it is removed by the following sentence of MOHIB-AT-TABARI; "No one from among QURAISH except UMAR and ABU UBAIDA were with ABU BAKR at the SAQIFA on that day".
6. The Arrival at the SAQIFA, the Arguments, and the Deciding Factors:
When these three persons arrived at the SAQIFA, they found the ANSAR gathered there; they had selected SA'D IBN IBADA for the Caliphate. The following is an exact translation from AT-TABARI:
UMAR says, "We came to the ANSAR. On the way I had thought out the points, which I was to tell them. When we arrived there, I wanted to speak to them. But ABU BAKR stopped me, and asked me to let him speak first; after him I might say anything I liked, ABU BAKR spoke. I was wonder-struck to find that he said exactly the same thing which I had intended to say, and he said more than that".
ABDALLAH IBN ABD AL-RAHMAN says that ABU BAKR began the speech. ABU BAKR said, "…God singled out these MUHAJIRIN of his tribe to become the first Muslims to testify to Muhammad's being the Prophet, to love him, and to bear hardships and insults with him with patience. This was in spite of the fact that the whole nation was against them and taunted and tortured them. They were the first to worship God with the Prophet and believe in his mission. They are the relatives and heirs of the Prophet, and therefore are entitled to this caliphate in preference to others; he who disputes this caliphate with them is a usurper. As to you ANSAR, no one denies your share in the propagation and service of this Religion. God selected you for the protection of His Prophet and Religion. For this reason, the Prophet came to you. Without doubt, your place with us is next to the first Muslim MUHAJIRIN. Therefore it is proper that we should be the rulers, and you should be the viziers; we shall consult you on every matter, and nothing will be done without you agreeing to it. AL-HABBAB IBN AL-MUNDHIR rose up to reply.
He said, "O ANSAR, do not listen to anyone in this matter. Take the reins of government in your hands. All men are living under the shade of your roofs. No one will dare oppose you or disagree with you. You have honor, riches, experience, courage, power and prestige. All eyes are turned towards you. Have no differences among yourselves in this matter, otherwise your cause will be lost. As you have heard, they have rejected our proposal that one ruler should be taken from the MUHAJIRIN, and one from the ANSAR". UMAR said, "That is impossible, two swords cannot be sheathed in one scabbard. By God, the Arabs will never agree to your ruling over them when their Prophet belonged to a tribe other than yours.
There is no doubt that the Arabs will not hesitate to accept the rule of that tribe to which the Prophet belonged. It is only fitting that the ruler should be one belonging to that tribe. And in that case, if anyone does not obey him, we will have right and justice on our side. After the Prophet, we, being his heirs and members of his family, are entitled to the government. Who is there who can dispute with us the empire of Muhammad? We are his heirs and members of his family. No one can dispute with us except those who love falsehood and injustice". Now AL-HABBAB IBN AL-MUNDHIR stood up and said, "O ANSAR, decide this matter among yourselves, and do not listen to this man and his comrades.
They want to usurp what is yours. If they do not accept our decision, turn them out of your city, and take the reins of government in your hands. By God, you are more entitled to this government than these people. Your swords have brought under the subjection of this Religion all those who would never obey anyone. I take upon myself the responsibility of deciding this matter. By God, if you want, I can decide the whole matter very quickly by means of my sword". UMAR said, "If you do this. God will ruin you". AL-HABBAB said, "No, you will be destroyed".
ABU UBAIDA said, "O ANSAR, you were the first to help and defend the Religion, do no be the first to alter and vary it". BASHIR IBN SA'D (an ANSAR) said, "O ANSAR, the honor and reward which we have gained by our early service to Islam in the shape of JIHAD against the heathens, was simply for the object of obeying the Prophet (P) and acquiring the pleasure of God. We did not seek worldly gain by it. This is God's blessing on us. Listen to me; Muhammad (P) (peace be upon him) was of QURAISH, and therefore his tribe is better entitled to succeed him. I on my part shall never dispute this with them.
Fear God: do not oppose them, and do not dispute this matter with them". ABU BAKR said, "Here are UMAR and ABU UBAIDA: choose any one of them as your caliph". But both of them said, "In your presence, we cannot accept this office, as you are better than any other MUHAJIR: you were a companion of the Prophet in the Cave, and you have been the successor of the Prophet in the matter of the Prayers: and prayer is the greatest pillar of our religion. Therefore it is not proper for either of us to precede you in this matter. Extend your hand for the BAI'A (pledging of allegiance). ABU BAKR extended his hand, and UMAR and ABU UBAIDA advanced to make the BAI'A.
But BASHIR IBN SA'D forestalled them, and was the first to make the BAI'A. AL-HABBAB IBN AL-MUNDHIR exclaimed, "O BASHIR IBN SA'D, why have you gone in opposition to your own community? Were you jealous of SA'D IBN IBADA, and unwilling that he should have the headship?" BASHIR said, "No, by God. But I did not like to have to dispute this matter with those whom God has made deserving of it". (BASHIR belonged to the KHAZRAJ tribe of the ANSAR). When the AWS tribe saw that BASHIR had made the BAI'A to ABU BAKR, that he was helping QURAISH in this matter, and that the KHAZRAJ wanted SA'D IBN IBADA to be the AMIR, they then said to each other, one of them being USAID IBN AL-HUDAIR, one of their NUQABA' (captain).
"If the KHAZRAJ get the caliphate, they will, on that account, surpass you for ever in rank and honor, and will never give you a share in the HUKUMA. Therefore, it is better for us that we all make the BAI'A to ABU BAKR". Accordingly they stood up and made the BAI'A to ABU BAKR. By this step, all the hopes and ambitions of SA'D IBN IBADA and the KHAZRAJ regarding the caliphate were shattered to pieces. ABU MIKHNAF says that on this occasion BANU ASLAM came in great numbers to the SAQIFA and made the BAI'A to ABU BAKR. (Their help came at such an opportune moment that UMAR used to say that he became sure of success at the SAQIFA only when he saw BANU ALSAM coming).
ABU MIKHNAF says that people now came from all sides and began to make the BAI'A to ABU BAKR, so much so that SA'D IBN IBADA was about to be trampled under foot. A friend of SA'D said, "Do not trample on SA'D". Upon this UMAR said, "Let God kill SA'D; kill him". Saying this UMAR himself came to the head of SA'D and said, "I want to trample you to death". SA'D caught hold of UMAR'S beard… AL-HABBAB IBN AL-MUNDHIR stood up, drew out his sword, and said, "I am the lion and son of a lion, and live in the den of lions". UMAR attacked him, his sword fell, UMAR picked it up and ran towards SA'D IBN IBADA, his friends also attacked SA'D… It was truly a scene of "JAHILIYYA" and people began to abuse each other.
Professor C.H. BECKER, in describing the happenings at the SAQIFA writes:
In the meantime, the hall and adjoining rooms had become filled with people belonging not to either of the main groups, but to the fluctuating population of Muslim Arabs of the neighborhood…. Those people really turned the scales, and thus ABU BAKR was chosen by a minority and recognized on the following day by the community, though unwillingly, as even tradition was unable to veil, on the part of many…. That ALI, the husband of the Prophet's daughter FATIMA, and father of the Prophet's grandsons AL-HASSAN and AL-HUSSAIN, who had previously held the first claim to the supreme position, was suddenly ousted from the front rank… ALI was a good swordsman but not a man of incautious action and quick resolve. He and those nearest to him appear to have had no other object in view than to gather around the corpse of the Prophet while the fight for the succession was raging without this.
Then, was how this "Kingdom of God" was transferred from the Prophet (P) to his "Caliph", and this was the "election" on which the whole edifice of Islamic "Democracy" has been erected. Tribal jealousy, defection, personal rivalry and considerations of personal gain won the day of ABU BAKR. IBN KHALDUN also relates these events, saying: "Then a fight took place between UMAR and AL-HABBAB, and ABU UBAIDA tried to separate them".
He goes on to say that SA'D IBN IBDA never took part in the prayers with ABU BAKR, and that when UMAR ascended the throne, he migrated to Syria where two "JINNS" killed them. We may well imagine who those JINNS might be in the country ruled by MU'AWIYA. During these discussions, ZAID IBN THABIT also broke away from his party, the ANSAR, and helped ABU BAKR in these altercations. Such wealth was showered upon him that when he died; the estate divided among his heirs included bricks of gold. He was placed at the head of the committee appointed to collate the QUR'AN. BASHIR IBN SA'D took part in the battle against those who had refused to acknowledge the validity of the caliphate of ABU BAKR, and in it was killed. IBN QUTAIBA writes about him: "When BASHIR saw that his tribe had agreed unanimously on the headship of SA'D IBN IBADA, he was fired by jealousy against SA'D, and opposed him. He was one of the SARDARS (leader) of the KHAZRAJ.
Before I tell you what kind of election this was, let us hear it described later by UMAR himself:
I have received intelligence that one of you says that when UMAR dies, we will make the BAI'A to a certain person. No one should dupe himself and remain in the dark as to the BAI'A of ABU BAKR. Verily the BAI'A of ABU BAKR was a great calamity ("FALTATAN") from the evil consequences of which God saved us. Be aware that his BAI'A was a sudden disaster, which passed off quietly. There is no one now among you to whom the people's eyes turn as they turned towards ABU BAKR.
In future, if anyone makes the BAI'A to any persons without consulting the Muslims, they both shall be killed. From this it is apparent that even in the view of UMAR, the so-called election was a calamity fraught with dangerous consequences for Islam, and so vicious that if it were ever to be imitated or followed in the future, its enactors would deserve to be killed, even it they were Muslims, as it would have been done without consulting the Muslims. Can it honestly be maintained that on the basis of these one-sided and vicious proceedings, ABU BAKR was duly elected by the Muslims as the Caliph?
Discussion
It is obvious from even a cursory reading of the facts narrated above that this was a prearranged affair; everything turned out faithfully at the appropriate time and place as it was intended.
Propaganda in justification of the coup has it that the ANSAR were the first to act, thus compelling prompt action on the part of the coup's leaders. But this is entirely wrong. The first thing I would like to draw to the attention of my readers is that the ANSAR had not joined this opposition, and would never have put up their own candidate if this small but powerful party, headed by influential and daring persons, had not been engaged in activities against IMAM ALI. It is related on the authority of the great historian MUHAMMAD IBN ISHAQ, that the ANSAR and the majority of the MUHAJIRIN had no doubt about IMAM ALI'S succession to the Prophet (P), they all knew that IMAM ALI would succeed him as a matter of course.
IMAM ALI himself said that had it not been for the activities of UMAR, no one would have disputed the caliphate with him. After the coup, the ANSAR openly said that had IMAM ALI been at the SAQIFA to claim the Caliphate, no one would have opposed his claims. Even during the altercations at the SAQIFA, there was a stage when the ANSAR said that they would not acknowledge anyone except IMAM ALI as the Caliph. In addition to this is the fact that the ANSAR had no man to put against IMAM ALI; no one from among them had acquired a position from which to be able to oppose him.
They had no ladies of the likes of A'ISHA or HAFSA among the wives of the Prophet to help them. None of them could say that he was the father-in-law of the Prophet (P); nor was any of them as pushing and self-assertive as the enactors of this coup. The age-long enmity and rivalry that had existed, and was still existing, between the two powerful tribes which the community of the ANSAR comprised, namely the AWS and the KHAZRAJ, ill-suited that harmony and unanimity which was indispensable for success in this matter. Only an awkward yielding to the necessities of the moment was able to bring about some show of agreement on the headship of SA'D IBN IBADA, but the ease with which this fragile compromise disintegrated affords incontestable evidence of the futility of that momentary and unnatural alliance.
The fact that they had neither the opportunity nor a suitable candidate to dispute the Caliphate with IMAM ALI is a very important factor in the determination of this question. They could not have been painted by propaganda as offensive attacks, and the whole edifice of their "heroic sacrifice" in accepting the Caliphate has been built on the basis of this propaganda. The fact of the matter is that the conduct of this opposition party, especially towards the close of the Prophet's life, had made it clear to them that they were not going to submit to IMAM ALI'S rule. The ANSAR could not have been ignorant of what had taken place at the deathbed of the Prophet (P), and could not have been blind to the determined and successful resistance, which this party had offered to the Prophet's order to join the army of USAMA and leave Medina at that crucial moment. They knew fully well that the order "from behind the BURADA" for ABU BAKR to lead the prayers, and the Prophet's immediate countermanding of it by virtue of his prompt action, had a meaning and significance. In short, they were perfectly aware that this party would pounce upon the throne as soon as the Prophet died, leaving no opportunity for IMAM ALI to act.
That the opposition party were the first to act is evident from the conduct of their leaders immediately on the death of the Prophet (P). At the time the Prophet died, ABU BAKR happened to be with his new bride at SUKH, about three or four miles from Medina. With one pillar missing, their plan could not be put into action. UMAR, judging IMAM ALI by his own standards, thought that he would come forward at once to take the BAI'A while the man whom UMAR wanted to set up for the Caliphate was away. If information of the Prophet's death reached the ANSAR, they might come and make the BAI'A to IMAM ALI. He therefore did what statesmen before and after him have done; he tried to conceal the Prophet's death until ABU BAKR came back. So he stood up, sword in hand, and declared that the Prophet (P) had not died, that like Moses he had gone to meet God on the mountain, that he would come back and cut off the hands and feet of those who were spreading the news of his death, and that he himself would kill outright any man who said that the Prophet (P) had died. IBN KHALDUN and others say that UAMR said that the Prophet (P) would never die. Does it stand to reason that UMAR really and honestly believed what he was saying? Moses, with his body, had gone to the mountain to meet God; he had not left his body behind him. Here the body of the Prophet (P) was lying before them.
The Prophet (P) had never alleged that he would not die. The QUR'AN, which UMAR must have read hundreds of times, clearly stated that Muhammad (P) would die. It is inconceivable that he would forget this. Moreover, the question of the Prophet being immortal is one of fundamental doctrine. Only a day before this, UMAR had considered Muhammad to be a very ordinary man, so much so that the heat of the fever could overcome the strength of his brain and cause delirium; now he was considering him to be supernatural, and able to overcome death itself.
On the day of the battle of UHUD, when the Muslims fled, forsaking the Prophet who was being defended by IMAM ALI at the risk of his life, UMAR also fled and sought refuge in the mountains. The enemy spread the news of the Prophet's death. UMAR and TALHA IBN UBAIDALLAH, with other MUHAJIRIN and ANSAR were sitting on a rock, having given up all hope, when ANAS IBN AN-NADR came up to them, and enquired why they were sitting there like that. They replied, "Muhammad had been killed; what a good thing it would be if only there were someone who would go and ask ABDALLAH IBN UBAI (a MUNAFIQ) to intercede with ABU SUFIAN on our behalf and get an amnesty for us. O friends, Muhammad is dead, let us go home now before the enemy comes and kills us all". ANAS said, "O my friends, even if Muhammad is dead, his God is alive; get up and fight and die for the religion for which Muhammad had died. O God, I declare my abhorrence of what they have said".
They did not move, but ANAS IBN AN-NADR, drawing his sword, advanced towards the enemy and fell fighting. That was the proper occasion on which to have disbelieved the news of the Prophet's death. His body was not there, so UMAR ought to have made a search for it. If it had not been found in spite of the search, and if he had really believed that Muhammad could not die, then this would have been the occasion on which to have declared that Muhammad (P) could not die, that he was alive but had gone to meet his God. (The AYA stating that Muhammad (P) is like other Prophets and will also die as they have died was not revealed till after this battle was over and the Prophet had returned to Medina). It would also have been expedient, for the Muslims would have rallied and attacked the enemy. But he meekly accepted his death, and wanted to save his life by making peace with the enemy.
The excuse for this conduct put forward by their followers is that on account of the love that UMAR bore the Prophet, his brain gave way under the shock and he thought that the Prophet (P) was immortal. Let us examine this plea. Firstly, this love must have developed very late in the day; it was entirely absent in A.H.3 when the battle of UHUD was fought, as we have seen above.
Secondly, this love appears to have been generated very suddenly, because we find it absent at the beginning of the last days of the Prophet's life, or even up to just one day before his death, when he rudely opposed the Prophet's wish to write a will with the hardly love-inspired remark "The man is talking nonsense under the effect of delirium". From the Prophet's rejoinder, "Be gone with you", it would seem that no love had been felt either. It is clear that the love which is alleged to have upset the mental equilibrium of UMAR on the death of the Prophet was only a pretext thought up at the last minute to cover up UMAR'S gambit.
Thirdly, apart from being of such very recent growth, that love proved to be of very short duration. It vanishes as soon as ABU BAKR comes back; that exuberance of love that was bubbling forth in nonsensical sentences subsides at once and forever. Never afterwards do we find any trace of it, either in his treatment of the children of the object of his love, or in his behavior towards his memory. Not even attending to the last rites of his beloved Prophet, he engages heart and soul in the fight to win the throne, and not even after the victory, with the battle over, do we find that love returning to him. As a matter of fact, this theory of love must be rejected forthwith, in view of the speech of ABU BAKR laying down the extraordinary dogma that to mourn the death of the Prophet amounted to worshipping him, thus making the mourning of his death a sin. What did that emotion of love constitute for grief over the death of one's beloved not to be included; is a lover not to feel any grief for the death of the object of his love? Having established this principle, we are precluded from accepting that UMAR was overwhelmed with grief on account of love for the Prophet (P).
The learned Muslim historian of India, MAWLAWI SHIBLI, admits that this was mere acting for political purposes. He says, "In my opinion, as there were a good many of the MUNAFIQIN in Medina who were awaiting the death of the Prophet to create disturbances in the city, UMAR must have thought it prudent to prevent in this manner the news of the Prophet's death from spreading". This shows conclusively that it was mere acting, not love or affection. As to SHIBLI'S pleading the MUNAFIQIN as the reason, it does not hold water for a moment, for why was this attempt to conceal the death of the Prophet not continued after the arrival of ABU BAKR? Was that fear of the MUNAFIQIN over in a few minutes? And let us see what they did to meet this "danger"; they went straight to the SAQIFA. There can be only two possible explanations; either the danger referred to by SHIBLI was apprehended from the side of the ANSAR, and related to the occupation of the throne left vacant by the death of the Prophet (P); or else it was some other danger. In the former case, which is substantiated by their conduct in going at once to the SAQIFA, my point is proved. In the latter case, we are at a loss to know what that danger could have been. It never showed itself at any time, and the MUNAFIQIN of Medina never rose against the Government.
Expeditions were sent in various directions; into the interior of Arabia against those tribes who refused to acknowledge the headship of ABU BAKR, to Syria, and to Persia; but no expedition was sent against the MUNAFIQIN of Medina. MAWLAWI SHIBLI admits that from their conduct it appears that UMAR and ABU BAKR had no grief whatsoever over the death of the Prophet (P). He says, "It is clear that UMAR and ABU BAKR…let the burial of the Prophet and went to the SAQIFA, and it is also a fact that at the SAQIFA they engaged in a struggle with the ANSAR fro the caliphate, and busied themselves with such activities as clearly showed that nothing sorrowful had happened to them".
That the ANSAR were not the first to act is also evident from the fact that after the death of the Prophet, and even before this lecture of his, UMAR had gone to ABU UBAIDA IBN AL-JARRAH, and asked him to accept the caliphate. IBN SA'D says, "Just after the death of the Prophet (P), UMAR came to ABU UBAIDA IBN AL-JARRAH, and told him, "Stretch out your hand, so that I may make the BA'A to you, as according to a saying of the Prophet you are the AMIN (Trustee) of UMMA". ABU UBAIDA said, "I have never seen you joking since you became a Muslim. But are you joking with me today? Would you make the BA'A to me when AS-SIDDIQ, the One-of-the-two is among you"? It is evident that this must have happened before he stood up to deny the death of the Prophet (P). AT the moment when the Prophet (P) died, UMAR was at a loss what to do in the absence of ABU BAKR.
Time was of the essence for the whole scheme, so he went to ABU UBAIDA to urge him to accept the caliphate. There is reason to believe that these three men, ABU BAKR, UMAR and ABU UBAIDA, had decided among themselves to take the caliphate one after the other. But neither UMAR nor ABU UBAIDA wanted to be the first caliph, for that was a difficult proposition. To break the ground is always a difficult job; the reaction to be expected from the general public was unknown; the line of action that IMAM ALI and BANU HASHIM might take was not apparent; it was not known what form affairs would take on crystali8zing into stability.
Just then the crown appeared to be a thorny one, and neither of them liked to wear it and take the risk inherent in the first attempt. ABU BAKR had agreed to be their feeler, so to speak. And right then he was not available. So when approached now by UMAR, ABU UBAIDA stuck to the original agreement, and therefore mentioned ABU BAKR in this connection. Nothing else could be done, so the simple device of delaying the news of the Prophet's death commended itself to UMAR, and he acted accordingly.
I might mention at this point that ABU BAKR always rued his having accepted the caliphate first. Even at the time of his death, this was his chief grievance; he said it would have been better if he had wound the chain of the caliphate round the neck of either ABU UBAIDA or UMAR. This repentance, as also the fact that these three persons alone from the MUHAJIRIN were present in the meeting at the SAQIFA at the time of the selection, clearly shows that their agreement was to confine the caliphate to themselves in the first instance.
It was for this reason that ABU BAKR did not even think of leaving the caliphate to the chance of an election, and thereby jeopardize the certainty of UMAR'S succession. He nominated him at once, not caring that according to the Theory of Non-appointment as invented by them, he was contravening the SUNNA "established" by the Prophet (P) and thus changing the constitution itself.
Now we turn to the lecture given by ABU BAKR when he returned from SUKH and learnt that the Prophet (P) had died. There are two points in his harangue which need attention. In the first place, he prevents the people from grieving over the death of the Prophet, and tries to make this grief detestable in the eyes of the Muslims by saying that it is akin to worship. I need hardly add that this idea is as much discountenanced by the QUR'AN as the idea of the Prophet's immortality.
The QUR'AN very vividly describes the grief and sorrow of YA'QUB over his separation from his son YUSUF. It states that YA'QUB grieved so bitterly over this separation that his eyes became white with constant weeping. He could hardly worship his son and enjoy the rank of a Prophet at the same time. ABU BAKR appears on this occasion to have forgotten the QUR'AN. His object was to wean people away from the love of the Prophet's memory, as the love and sympathies for a dead man are generally transferred to his nearest of kin, and this they did not want as it was quite against their interests. The second notable feature of his harangue is his general invitation to the people to select a man from among themselves for the caliphate, an invitation which was very pleasing to many of them. News from the ANSAR had not yet been received at that time.
From all that has been said above, it is quite clear that these gentlemen, and not the ANSAR, were the first to commence the struggle for the caliphate, and had long been preparing the ground for this.
ESPIONAGE:
This opposition faction looked upon the ANSAR with suspicion, chiefly for two reasons: (a) on account of their pro-Ali tendencies, and (b) because as a class they kept themselves aloof from the MUHAJIRIN. For the success of the scheme, it was therefore necessary to watch their movements very closely. For this one of their own men would be useful, because a MUHAJIR would not be allowed into their secret meetings and would always be looked upon with suspicion. UMAR therefore befriended one of the ANSAR, and as we have learnt above, he gave all sorts of information to UMAR. But he was not the only agent kept among the ANSAR. We have seen that there was a special informer who brought the news of the ANSAR'S gathering at the SAQIFA; out of all the MUHAJIRIN that had been collected around the dead body of the Prophet, he called out from behind a wall specifically to UMAR alone. The information was very useful; he was told that the ANSAR were trying to elect their man, SA'D IBN IBADA as the caliph. This information was not altogether unwelcome; he must have heaved a sigh of relief to know that the ANSAR were not coming to the help of IMAM ALI (A.S.).
UMAR communicated this information only to ABU BAKR - another indication of the existence of a secret understanding. The information was of such a nature as ought, in the normal course of things, to have been communicated to all the MUHAJIRIN, including BANU HASHIM. Curiously enough, UMAR took with them, seemingly by appointment. Only these three went to the SAQIFA. The wisdom of only three persons going to the SAQIFA will be explored presently.
Further on they met ASIM and UWAIM, who had been won over from the ANSAR. This defection became known to the ANSAR, and they took them to task. It is apparent that MU'IN IBN ADI, the brother of ASIM, was also guilty of treachery to the ANSAR, for it was he who brought UMAR the news of the ANSAR'S gathering at the SAQIFA. IBN ABI AL-HADID says, "When the people accepted the rule of ABU BAKR, the MUHAJIRIN (QURAISH) showed great favors to MU'IN IBN ADI and UWAIM IBN SA'IDA, though they had a position in Islam. On account of this (their treachery), the ANSAR held a meeting and summoned them both; when they appeared before them, the ANSAR greatly censured them for their treachery, and described their action as greatly shameful".
That their espionage system worked well and enabled the party to secure many defections from the ANSAR will become apparent when we discuss the proceedings of the debate. It will also be made clearer in the following chapter when we learn how the ANSAR regretted having been influenced by those defections.
THE VICTORY:
A calm and careful consideration of what happened at the SAQIFA makes it quite clear that to elect the fittest and most able person as the caliph was not their object; each party wanted their own man, and that is all. The Book of God, so piously and punctiliously referred to by UMAR at the deathbed of the Prophet as rendering unnecessary any further instruction from the Prophet on account of its all-sufficiency, was not mentioned. The stealthy manner in which the three MUHAJIRIN came to the meeting, and the arguments that were advanced there, clearly indicate that their chief object was to oust IMAM ALI (A.S.). The ANSAR, having been thoroughly convinced that the opposition party among the MUHAJIRIN was bent on ignoring IMAM ALI (A.S.) and imposing on them a MUHAJIR of their own choice, also selected their own man. This conviction of theirs was reinforced by the fact that only three of the MUHAJIRIN came to the meeting, from whom one was to be put up as the caliph, and so they fought for their own man with all the ferocity of Arabs. But they were defeated because of the defections in their own ranks.
The first thing that strikes even a casual observer is that the two parties, the ANSAR and the three MUHAJIRIN, made a division of the Islamic Nation into two parts, ANSAR and MUHAJIR, and then proceeded to determine from which of the parts the caliph should be taken. What they ought to have done is to treat the UMMA as one whole unit, and select the best and fittest man, from whatever tribe, clan or family, that could be found. That was the fair way of deciding the matter; it was to be by election. The procedure they adopted was in direct conflict with the life's teaching of the Prophet (P), who had striven hard to unite al the Muslims into one compact nation. His first step in this direction had been to remove all distinctions of tribe, clan or caste. His final step to this end had been to provide a center for the UMMA. The Procedure adopted by those at the SAQIFA cut at the root of both these steps, and became the primary source of all the later divisions and schisms that rent the body politic of Islam asunder.
Another noticeable feature of the affair was that apart from the arguments themselves, ABU BAKR'S success was due mainly to the contribution of two factors, viz. (a) defections in the ranks of the ANSAR, and (b) rivalry between the AWS and the KHAZRAJ. The arguments would have continued and the outcome would have been extremely doubtful, had not BASHIR IBN SA'D, at that very critical stage of the drama, broken away from the ANSAR and joined the three MUHAJIRIN. His defection was due mainly to his feelings of jealousy towards SA'D IBN IBADA, whom the ANSAR had selected for the headship.
They were SARDARS (leaders) in the same tribe, the KHAZRAJ, and BASHIR IBN SA'D did not like to see his rival carry the day. It is obvious that this jealousy must have been reinforced by secret persuasions from the other side. Now the second of the above factors, the rivalry between the AWS and the KHAZRAJ, played its part.
At a crucial stage of the discussions, and waiting until this moment had arrived, BASHIR IBN SA'D made the BAI'A to ABU BAKR. This made the AWS argue among themselves hurriedly, reasoning thus: if the KHAZRAJ succeeded, they would be surpassed in rank and honor, and would never be given any share in the HUKUMA; and if they delayed making the BAI'A to ABU BAKR, as BASHIR, a KHAZRAJ, had already done, they would lose out on the favors of ABU BAKR. Deciding quickly, they vied with each other in making the BAI'A to ABU BAKR, and the battle was over.
But as quoted above, UMAR armed band of the BANU ASIAM arrived on the scene and made the BAI'A to ABU BAKR. Thus it is evident that in planning their scheme, this faction had not forgotten to introduce the element of force into it. It is not clearly stated at what stage this force arrived, whether before or after the making of the BAI'A by BASHIR. Anyhow, it is obvious that it came at a time when UMAR was still not sure of success, and was therefore very opportune. They came from outside Medina, and thus the streets were filled with them. The irresistible conclusion is that someone must have sent a message inviting them there at this critical moment. The question is, on whose behalf was this message sent. Obviously it was on behalf of the party in whose interest their arrival would be.
The victory can therefore be attributed to division, defection, treachery, jealousy, enmity and force. The elements of fair election were all absent. The MUHAJIRIN (excepting these three) had no information and were not represented, the candidates were not named, and their respective qualifications did not come under discussion. No votes were taken, and the matter was still undecided when jealousy, enmity and force made short work of proceedings and brought the drama to a close.
THE ARGUMENTS:
Now we come to study the arguments. Let us see what the three MUHAJIRIN urged in support of their case. At the SAQIFA they put forward the following arguments:
1. The MUHAJIRIN had accepted Islam before the ANSAR, and had borne with patience and fortitude many hardships. They were earlier in their worship of God with the Prophet (P).
2. The Arabs would never accept that anyone not related to the Prophet should rule over them; it was indispensable that the ruler should be someone belonging to the tribe to which the Prophet belonged.
3. Justice demanded that the caliphate should go to one related to Muhammad (P), the MUHAJIRIN, being his heirs and members of his family, were thus entitled to the caliphate.
4. Anyone disputing the caliphate with the heir and family member of Muhammad was a lover of falsehood and injustice. Now, keeping in view the opposition party's own enounced principles of preference above, the only person with the right to the caliphate is the heir and relative of Muhammad, and anyone who tries to take the caliphate and deprive him of this legitimate right is unjust, an tyrant, and a lover of falsehood. Now decide the matter between IMAM ALI and ABU BAKR. IMAM ALI was the nearest of kin to Muhammad (P), being his full cousin; the relationship of ABU BAKR with Muhammad (P) was only legendary.
IMAM ALI was the nearest heir of Muhammad (P), while ABU BAKR was not an heir at all. Where relationship with Muhammad is the deciding factor, no one can approach IMAM ALI in this respect; he was his full cousin and also the husband of his only daughter. As to enduring hardships, no one can measure up to IMAM ALI in this matter. He fought in every battle of Islam, and fought successfully; he had never fled from any battle, while others, including ABU BAKR, had fled for their lives at UHUD and HUNAIN, leaving the Prophet on his own. IMAM ALI accepted Islam long before ABU BAKR. (For details and references of this, see Chapter Eleven). To be in a place of safety like the Cave is as nothing compared with sleeping on the Prophet's bed while his enemies, swords in hand and determined to take life, surrounded the place. As for the leading of the prayers, I have already exposed the fiction of this. Thus the very arguments advanced by the enactors of the coup in their favor vis-à-vis the ANSAR serve to act against them vis-à-vis IMAM ALI.
I may note in passing that the promise, which ABU BAKR made to the ANSAR that they would be consulted in every matter, and that nothing important would be undertaken without their prior consultation and consent, was never fulfilled. On the contrary, they were treated with disdain and contempt. UMAR always maintained a sullen and angry mood towards them, and his favors did not find their way to them, so much so that the ANSAR were reduced to great penury and want. Not one of the six candidates nominated by UMAT for the caliphate at the time of his death was an ANSAR, and he expressly stated that they had no right to the caliphate. This policy was continued by those with whom adherence to the policy of UMAR was an article of faith. On one occasion, extreme poverty and want drove a number of the ANSAR, headed by NU'MAN, son of BASHIR, to the court of MU'AWIYA to beg for alms. Thus the prophecy of AL-HABBAB IBN AL-MUNDHIR that the sons of the ANSAR would be compelled by want to go a-begging at the doors of the MUHAJIRIN was fulfilled. When complaining of their poverty to MU'AWIYA, they added that the Prophet (P) had rightly prophesied that "the ANSAR would meet with misfortune after him". MU'AWIYA asked them what the Prophet (P) had asked them to do in that case. They innocently replied that he had advised them to bear their misfortunes patiently until they met him at the HAWD on the Day of Judgment. MU'AWIYA replied, "Then do as he has advised you; go on waiting till the Day of the Judgment", and gave them nothing. To ridicule the poverty of his supplicants ill-becomes a king, but he could not control his (paganistic) and anti-ANSAR feelings.
It must have become evident to the reader why the only MUHAJIRIN to go to the SAQIFA were those three persons among whom it had been agreed to pass the caliphate around. ABU BAKR had begun his speech in such a way as to exclude the possibility of any discussion on individuals and their respective qualifications by treating the struggle as one between two tribes. The ANSAR became very puzzled and confused on account of the deceptions and treachery in their own ranks, which was only discovered at the last moment. This confusion in their minds was greatly enhanced by the sight of force in front of them, and they were in no mood to reject the candidate put before them. As IMAM ALI was not to be one of the candidates, and when they had lost the battle for their own candidate, they did not care who became the caliph. If it had been ABU UBAIDA or UMAR who was being put forward, they would have observed the same helpless acquiescence as they did when ABU BAKR stretched forth his hand. To them, one was as good or bad as the other. MOHIB AT-TABARI has rightly put his finger on the point when he says:
Excepting UMAR and ABU UBAIDA, no one from among QURAISH was ABU BAKR on the day of the SAQIFA. For this reason, ABU BAKR presented for BAI'A either of these two men. It was not possible for him to mention as suitable for the caliphate anyone who was not present there. It was feared that if they dispersed without making the BAI'A to anyone, the object of these might have gone back on their word. It was, therefore, a good policy to hurry up the matter, and take the BAI'A for one present there, and thus get their promise fulfilled on the spot.
This is an apology for ABU BAKR'S not mentioning IMAM ALI in spite of his being the best and most suitable candidate for the caliphate. It is not a convincing apology though, inasmuch as the ANSAR themselves, at an earlier stage of the discussions, had declared that they would not make the BAI'A to anyone except IMAM ALI. Alternatively, they could have taken the BAI'A for IMAM ALI by proxy, as was the usual practice during the lifetime of the Prophet and afterwards. But if they did not want IMAM ALI, and wanted to keep the caliphate confined among themselves, there could have been no better method of achieving that object than the one actually adopted. Now it is clear why only those three went to the SAQIFA.
THE TIME AND PLACE:
My discussion would be incomplete if I did not refer to the time and place chosen for the execution of their scheme. They chose to risk the odium of having left the dead body of the Prophet to go and fight for worldly advancement, yet they could not take the risk of postponing it to a time after his burial, when IMAM ALI and BANU HASHIM would be free to urge IMAM ALI'S claims and to establish that he had been designated as the Prophet's successor. They selected that time when IMAM ALI was preoccupied and tied to his place, for his noble nature did not allow him to even think of leaving the side of the dead Prophet, his benefactor, before burial.
As to the place, during the lifetime of the Prophet, as also after him, important meetings were held at the Prophet's mosque. However, as IMAM ALI'S house opened into it, as we have seen, they could not hold this most important meeting to select the caliph there. It was held at SAQIFA, a concealed place of ill repute where thieves and other persons of bad reputation used to collect and plan their nefarious activities.
If were to have been an honest attempt to select the most suitable person as the caliph, and if the delicacy and urgency of the affair had required that it be done at once, then the most suitable place for the meeting would have been the Prophet's mosque, where it would have been possible for all to meet and deliberate. The ANSAR could also have been invited there. In that case, the burial arrangements and the election could have gone on simultaneously. That, however, was not the intention.
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Author: Agha Muhammad Sultan Mirza
