Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

NOTES

[1]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.24-25

[2]. Hubab Ibn Mundhir said that neither Muhadjirun nor Ansar accepted each other. Masa’il al-imama, p.13

[3]. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p.431 (‘Umar said, “فمن دعا إلى مثلها فهو الذي لا بيعة له ولا لمن بايعه ” “Whoever calls on people do this, neither his allegiance nor that of someone’s who calls to his obedience is acceptable.” ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, pp.442-445 (briefly said); Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.344; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, pp.204-206; see distorted and disgraceful narrations of ‘Umar’s speech in, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.581

[4]. This book is lost but major part of it is mentioned by Ibn Abi l-Hadid in Sharh nahdj al-balagha. These quotations have been collected by Muhammad Hadi Amini in a separate book titled "Al-Saqifa wa Fadak" and published.

[5]. al-Futuh, vol. I, pp.3-4; Waqidi, Kitab al-ridda, pp.32-33

[6]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.578; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.272. Hubab Ibn Mundhir said to Bashir Ibn Sa‘d in Saqifa, “You swore allegiance to Abu Bakr out of envy towards Sa‘d Ibn ‘Ubada (Kitab al-ridda, p.42). When Usayd Ibn Hudayr passed away, ‘Umar paid off all his debts (al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p.108). Hubab Ibn Mundhir composed poem in Saqifa in reproaching those two men, part of which is so (Kitab al-ridda, p.38)

سعي ابن حضير في الفساد لجاجة وأسرع منه في الفساد بشير

Ibn Hudayr much embraced on evil-doings and Bashir did more than him.

[7]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.14; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. III, p.298; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.27; Masa’il al-imama, p.13

[8]. Sa‘d Ibn ‘Ubada never paid allegiance to Abu Bakr and when he was in Damascus, caliph sent somebody to kill him and he was killed; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.250

[9]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.123-124; one of the Ansar is reported to have said, “If ‘Ali and other people of the Hashimites had not been engaged in burying the Messenger (s) in the house and not been there in worry about him, no one would have had caprice of caliphate, Kitab al-ridda, pp.45-46. Waqidi’s report reveals that ‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn ‘Awf talked to the Ansar after Saqifa event. Evidence of a good number indicates that nobody was present at Saqifa except three people of Muhadjirun.

Later on, Bashir Ibn Sa‘d Ansari, after hearing of Imam ‘Ali’s reasoning said to him, “In case people had heard you speaking this way before, nobody would have disagreed with you and all would have paid allegiance to you. But you stayed home and people thought you were not in need of caliphate!

Imam responded, “O son of Bashir ! Should I have left the Messenger’s corpse at home and quarelling with people on succession?”

Abu Bakr said, “They have paid allegiance to me now and if I had known your will, I would have never sought after it myself. You’re free to swear allegiance to me.”

Imam paid allegiance to him seventy five days after departure of the Messenger (s) when Fatima (a) passed away, Kitab al-ridda, p.47

[10]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.208; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p.325

[11]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.27; Kitab al-ridda, p.42. Harra event, Djuwhari says, in 63 A.H. confirmed what Hubab said to Abu Bakr, “I fear not of you but of those after you (Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.313). About Ansar’s repentance after Saqifa, al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.583

Hubab said, “Since we killed their fathers in wars, they would take revenge on us.” (Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.580); al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.166; Masa’il al-imama, p.135

In this case, we should see how Imam was treated. In Badr, they have murdered half of Quraysh totaling seventy people. Certainly, it has to be known that the Ansar felt remorseful of what they had done and so they stood against defending ‘Ali, Quraysh and its political party, from ‘Uthman and Mu‘awiya to Talha, Zubayr and ‘Ayisha in Djamal, Siffin or before by having a hand in ‘Uthman’s murder or staying silent towards it. Even a few days after Saqifa, their remorse was revealed and Hassan Ibn Thabit’s then poems best prove that. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.127-128

[12]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.582

[13]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.38

[14]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.583, والعرب لا ترضى أن يؤمّركم وبينها من غيركم ولكن يؤمرون من كانت النبوة فيهم “Arabs never appoint you as ruler but those who were in touch with prophethood.” Kitab al-ridda, p.39; Abu Bakr in his speech relied on this, “قريش أوسط العرب داراً وأكرمهم أحساباً “The Qurayshites are the most outstanding and noble ‘Arab dynasty.” Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. II, p.269; Following above sentence quoted from Abu Bakr, in Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.13 it is added through Abu Bakr, “وأحسنهم وجوهاً أكثر الناس ولادة في العرب “The most good-looking people were more among those who were given birth among Arabs.” Abu Bakr said, نحن قريش والأئمة منا “We are the Qurayshites and Imams are from us” as a hadith although this was attributed to him later.

[15]. al-Idah, p.87. ‘Umar said to Ibn ‘Abbas, “Your people did not want to have the prophethood and caliphate in your family because, in that case, pride elevated you to the sky; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.28

[16]. al-Saqifa wa Fadak, p.43; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.49 and Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.590; Abu ‘Ubayda Djarrah talked about ‘Ali’s younghood when Imam objected, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, pp.2-5

[17]. ‘Ayisha is quoted to have been questioned, “Whom did the Messenger (s) find as his successor?”

“Abu Bakr”, she replied.

“Who would be his successor?”, she was asked.

“‘Umar”, she answered.

“And after ‘Umar”, she was questioned.

“Abu ‘Ubayda Djarrah”, she replied.

(Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p.433)

The date of forging this hadith shall be found within the hadith proper.

[18]. al-Ghadir, vol. V (issue, Silsilat al-Mawdu‘at fi l-khilafa) pp.333-356. According to Waqidi in al-Ridda (pp.35-37) it seems that the Messenger (s) has placed Abu Bakr as his successor as clarified in Saqifa several times!

[19]. Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p.39

[20]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.190; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. II, p.274, vol. III, p.407; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.881; Masa’il al-imama, p.63; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XII, p.69

[21]. Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi ‘Ind ahl al-Sunna, p.38

[22]. Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi, p.38, footnote IV

[23]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p.261

[24]. al-Saqifa wa Fadak, p.46

[25]. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p.432

Hisham Ibn ‘Urwa quotes his father, ان ابا بكر وعمر لم يشهدا دفن النبي (ص) وكانا في الانصار فدفن قبل ان يرجعا Abu Bakr and ‘Umar were with the Ansar when the Prophet (s) was to be buried, and before they came back, the Prophet (s) had been buried

Waqidi says, “What seems correct to me is that the Prophet (s) has been buried Saturday. (al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.47); therefore, it is clear that Abu Bakr and his fellow had been busy since Monday till tomorrow when the Prophet (s) passed away and they could not come by his dead body. These two people are hardly mentioned among those named in reports concerned with his burial.

[26]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. IV, pp.65-66

[27]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.124

[28]. al-Saqifa wa Fadak, p.47

[29]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.587. According to Ibn Qutayba, ‘Ali said to him, “Milk in a way you can have part of it; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.29

[30]. Ma‘alim al-madrisatayn, vol. II, pp.163-166; Talkhis al-shafi, pp.76, 156

[31]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p.64; Tarikh ’Abi l-fida’, vol. I, p.156 quoted from, Ma‘alim al-madrisatayn, vol. II, p.167

About other sources talking about threat, Ma‘alim al-madrisatayn, vol. II, pp.167-168

Abu Bakr in his time of death was concerned about a few things, one was that he wished he had never opened Fatima’s house door even if they had closed it with the aim of war (Ma‘alim al-madrisatayn,, vol. II, p.165, footnote LXV from various sources)

[32]. al-Mudhakkar wa l-tadhkir wa l-dhikr, p.91; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p.432

The Shi‘ite Muslims believed in such an action.

[33]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XX, p.147

[34]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.220; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.124-125

[35]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.126; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, pp.5-28 and 67; Waq‘at al-siffin, p.182; Kitab al-ridda, p.46

[36]. About what happened to Fadak during the Umayya and the ‘Abbasids, al-Kharadj wa Sana‘at al-kitaba, pp.259-260

[37]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.472. The same quotation comes from Zuhri in Bukhari, vol. VI, p.122.Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VI, pp.49-50; vol. XVI, pp.253,281,282; al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. V, pp.285,287

[38]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.472

[39]. It was for the same reason Imam opposed to Abu Sufyan who had been willing to pay allegiance to Imam, Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.400

[40]. Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p.40

[41]. Aside from false narrations against the chronicles, Imam swore allegiance just when ‘Umar and Abu Bakr stopped by him in his house, Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, pp.39,40

[42]. Talkhis al-shafi, vol. III, p.77

[43]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.304; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.50, vol. VI, p.43, vol. XVI, pp.212, 251; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, pp.68-69, there, "Wahaynama" is replaced with "Wahanbatha"; in addition, another line is added too.

[44]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.24; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. V, No.14113; Ibn Sallam, al-Amwal, p.194

[45]. Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p.38; it is cited there a group of Khazradjis failed to pay allegiance in Saqifa.

[46]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazana, p.232 (quoted from Baladhuri and Ibn ‘Abdirabbih in the footnote). Interestingly, Ibn Abi l-Hadid (XVII, 223-224) says that some knew Abu Bakr as his murderer but he has not found a historical report concerningly. This is while the aforesaid report is cited in two historical sources, of course about caliph II.

[47]. al-Sirat al-halabiyya, vol. III, p.389 (al-Ghadir, vol. V, p.368)

[48]. al-Ma‘rifa wa l-tarikh, vol. I, p.238, Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.298

[49]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.451; Mustadrak, vol. II, p.78

[50]. Madjma‘ al-amthal, vol. I, p.27

[51]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XIII, p.177

[52]. al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p.12

[53]. al-Ifsah, p.176

[54]. al-Sahih Min Sira al-Nabi, vol. I, pp.247,289,290; Tarikh al-tabari, (vol. II, p.60), in a weakened narration by Himself, says that fifty people embraced Islam before Abu Bakr.

[55]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.128

[56]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.13

[57]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p.326; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.336; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.34

[58]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.15

[59]. Abuya‘la, al-Ahkam al-sultaniyya, p.17. Despite what is said, caliph I, in his first oration, said, وقد استخلف الله عليكم خليفة God hath ordained a caliph to unify thee and to strengthen thy words, Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.34. Damascus Muslims are quoted to have called Abu Bakr as "God’s Caliph".

Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.38 (Damascus people were expected to say this but nothing else). Once he was called "God’s Viceroy", but he said, “I’m not vicegerent of God, I am caliph of the Prophet (s) and I am pleased with it! (Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p.433)

‘Adi Ibn Hatam told Abu Bakr, “We obeyed God’s Messenger (s) because of his obedience and you are obeyed for you obey the Propher (s) (Kitab al-ridda, p.66). His intention lies in the same word of caliph.

[60]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, pp.100-101

[61]. ‘Abd Allah Ibn Saba’, in his book, deals with narrations of the same person by considering narrations of Sayf by ‘Allama ‘Askari.

[62]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II, p.229

[63]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.117

[64]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.23

[65]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II, p.149; al-Kharadj wa Sana‘a al-kitaba, p.282

[66]. For example, لا اقسم بهذا البلد، ولا تبرح هذا البلد، حتى تكون ذا مال وولد، ووفر وصفد وخيل وعدد، الى آخر الابد، علي رغم من حسد Kitab al-ridda, p.111; and another example in, al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, pp.161-162,164. These cases are morally ill.

[67]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VI, p.326

[68]. In some sources, she is called daughter of Aws Ibn Hurayz, Djamharat al-nasab, p.226

[69]. al-Futuh (Persian translation), p.20-21; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.165

[70]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, vol. I, pp.111-115

[71]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.40

[72]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.43-44; Kitab al-ridda, pp.144-146

[73]. al-Futuh, vol. I, pp.14-15; Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, pp.102-103

[74].Al-Futuh,ol.I,p.17; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, ol.II,p.129

[75].The Shi‘ite Muslims disagreed on saying that all people hae been atheist rebels. Kanz al-fawa’id, vol. II, p.346

[76]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.105, Abu Bakr was told هل يزيد خالد على ان يكون تأول فأخطأ Does Khalid want to express and go wrong Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II,p.278; Tabaqat al-shu‘ara’,p.48

[77]. Tarikh al-tabari,vol. II,p.279, al-Aghani,vol. xv,p.302

[78]. al-Futuh,vol. I,pp.58,60 and 61; al-Ridda,pp.171,176 and 177 والله مأ ا زلتموها عن أهلها الاّ حسداً منكم لهم By God you seized caliphate away from them just out of envy

[79]. al-Ridda,pp.169-174

[80]. al-Ridda,pp.173-179; al-Futuh,ol.I,pp.57-61

[81]. al-Futuh,vol. I,p.71-72

[82]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq,vol. x, p.176; Abu Bakr once ordered his men to set atheists on fire and fall them down the mountain.

Al-Djassas, Ahkam al-qur’an, vol. III, pp.67 and 81

[83]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.31; Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p.129

[84]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p.151

[85]. al-Ifsah, p.121

[86]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.128

[87]. Maqdisi says, “Abu Bakr sent Khalid to sword-kill people of Ridda, set fire to them, hold their children and women captive and share their properties.

Al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. v, p.157

[88]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.75; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, PP.101-102

[89]. al-durra al-fakhira, p.324; Madjma‘ al-amthal, vol. II, p.65

[90]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VI, p.311

[91]. Firaq al-shi‘a, p.4

[92]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.151

[93]. Tarikh al-‘arab wa l-islam, p.71

Hasan Ibrahim Hasan says, “The atheists were those who refused to pay Zakat, tax alms, thinking that the Messenger(s) blackmails them. It is to be noted that they never challenged and loathed Islam…..they agreed on monotheism, foundation of Islam but they thought they had to pay tax alms only to the Prophet(s)”.

Tarikh Siyasi Islam, vol. I, p.216

‘Aqqad also says, “A group of others believed in mere tax alms but they never took faith in those who had to pay tax alms.”

‘Abqariyya al-siddiq, pp.124-125

[94].Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II, p.246; Masa’il al-imama, p.14; Kitab al-ridda, pp.171-172; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. III, p.409; al-Aghani, vol. II, p.157; al-Djamal, p.181; al-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’, p.65; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.156; Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi ‘Ind ahl al-Sunna, p.38, footnoteII,; Muqaddama fi tarikh sadr al-islam, p.51

[95]. Tarikh al-‘arab wa l-islam, p.71; Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi ‘Ind ahl al-Sunna, p.38

Nashi’ Akbar says, “Some believed they were not atheist but they refused to pay poll tax, saying that the poor are superior to that, They would pay that to the agents of the Prophet(s) just for the sake of the Prophet and now that he has passed away, people would give it to any poor one they wished.

Masa’il al-imama, p.14

[96]. al-Risala, p.80

[97]. Tabaqat fuhul al-shu‘ara’, vol. I,p.206; Tabaqat fuhul al-shu‘ara’, 1400 H; word of religion in the subject poem means government as footnoted by the proofreader.

[98]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.35

[99]. Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, pp.104 and 125

[100]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.123

[101]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p.94

[102]. Talkhis al-shafi, vol. III,p.77

[103]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, pp.708-709

They allied with the atheists to destroy Islam.

[104]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.102; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. VII, p.434

[105]. Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, pp.371-372

[106]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, pp.102-117

[107]. Sahmi, Tarikh Djurdjan, p.96

[108]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.567; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VI, p.11; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.11; Anas Ibn Malik says, “On Saqifa, I saw ‘Umar forcing Abu Bakr to go on pulpit. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.438

[109]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.17; Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.222; al-adab al-mufrad, p.29

[110]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.174

[111]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.665; Ibn Djuzi, Manaqib ‘Umar, p.48; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, ol.II, p.420; al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p.249

[112]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.186; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p.425

[113]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.187

[114]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.123

[115]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.454; Hayat al-sahaba, ol.II, p.20

[116]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp.585-588

[117]. Ibid. vol. I, pp.29-30; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.48

[118]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.44; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, ol.I, p.179

[119]. Maqdisi says, “People raised no doubt that ‘Umar would become Abu Bakr’s caliph

al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.167

[120]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, p.394

[121]. al-Ishtiqaq, p.149; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp.158-159

[122]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.23; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.212; al-Idah, pp.72-73; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.179

[123]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.149

[124]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p.22

[125]. Ibid. vol. VI, p.48-49

[126]. Ibid. vol. XVIII, p.306-307

[127]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, P.369

[128]. Futuh al-buldan, p.107

[129]. According to Tadhkirat al-khawas(p.160), ‘Umar separated Malik from his wife after her pregnancy with Khalid and her delivery.

[130]. al-Futuh, vol. I, P.44

[131]. Ibn Hadjar quotes Zubayr Ibn Bakkar saying when Khalid took one fifth of booties, he never submitted any account to Abu Bakr. He always did things, including attempted murder of Malik without informing Abu Bakr.

Al-Isaba, vol. I, p.414-415

[132]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p.389

[133]. Ibid. vol. II, p.398

[134]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.122

[135]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. II, p.397

[136]. al-Isaba, vol. I, p.415

[137]. Ibid. Ibn Hadjar says they believe he has died in Damascus(Hims)

[138]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, p.397-398; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.115

[139]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.116

[140]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.887; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42

[141]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.410

[142]. Ibid. ol.III, p.343; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.86

[143]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.16; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.412 and 343; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.227

[144]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.123

[145]. al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.454; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. II, p.394

[146]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.123

[147]. Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, pp.62-63

[148]. Suyuti, al-Muzhir, quoted from, al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, p.31

[149]. al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, pp.124-141

[150]. Futuh al-buldan, pp.128 and 137

[151]. Ya‘qubi’s creed is ascribed to Ya‘qub Barda‘i(b.578AD). his followers are called monophysicist. The said creed is about the Christ believing in one divine nature rather than two divine human natures. Ya‘qubi expanded the sect throughout Syria, so named after the sect. It spread through Syria in the north to Armenia and to Egypt in the south and that is why the Armenians and Egyptians still keep this belief. Parallel to this, in Mesopotamia, there emerged Nestorian sect adopting two natures in Messiah though finding them not unified. The founder is Nestorius and it emerged several decades before Ya‘qubi’s creed.

Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, pp.412-413; Will Durant’s Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV(Age of Faith, part I)pp.63-64

[152]. al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha, p.38

[153]. concerning different views in this respect, al-Sham fi sadr al-islam, pp.63-64; Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV, P.64

[154]. al-Sham fi sadr al-islam, p.62

[155]. Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, pp.447-450

[156]. The beginning Verses of Rum Sura referring to defeat of Romans and promising their imminent victory are concerned with the same events.

[157]. About life of Heraclitos and the events in his time, Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV(Age of Faith, part I)pp.543-545

[158]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. I, p.37

[159]. Futuh al-buldan,p.115

[160]. Ibid.p.116

[161]. Tarikh Suriya and Lubnan and Filistin, vol. II, p.6

[162]. Futuh al-buldan, p.123

[163]. Futuh al-buldan, p.116

[164]. Atlas tarikh Islam, p.126

[165]. Futuh al-buldan, p.121

[166]. Futuh al-buldan, pp.128-129

[167]. There is a disagreement on departure time of these tribes. al-Mufassal fi tarikh al-‘arab qabl al-islam, vol. III, p.162

[168]. al-Mufassal, vol. III, pp.172-173

[169]. al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, p.132

[170]. al-Mufassal, vol. III, p.165

[171]. Ibid.vol. III, pp.169-171

[172]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.712

[173]. al-Mufassal, vol. III, p.159

[174]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.710

[175]. About that, Usul Asma’ al-mudun wa l-mawaqi‘ al-‘Araqiyya, vol. I, pp.100-101

[176]. it seems the reason is that there are several people named "Nu‘man" among kings of this dynasty as well as several people named " Mundhir ".

[177]. al-Mufassal, vol. III, from p.177 on

[178]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.712

[179]. al-Nasraniyya wa Adabuha bayn ‘Arab al-djahiliyya, p.87

[180]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.715

[181]. Tarikh Iran.vol. III, p.713-714

[182]. Tarikh Iran, vol. III, p.720

[183]. Futuh misr wa akhbaruha, p.129

[184]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.720

[185]. al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, p.202

[186]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.111

[187]. al-Isaba, vol. III, p.361

[188]. Futuh al-buldan, p.242

[189]. al-Isti‘ab (on the margin of al-Isaba) vol. III, p.522; al-Isaba, vol. III, p.362

[190]. al-Tariq ’Ila al-Mada’in, pp.209-211

[191]. Ibid. pp.215-216

[192]. Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p.6

[193]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. I, p.431

[194]. Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p.8

[195]. Futuh al-buldan, p.244

[196]. Usul Asma’ al-mudun wa l-mawaqi‘ al-‘Araqiyya, vol. I, p.31

[197]. Futuh al-buldan, p.248

[198]. Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p.13

[199]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.321

[200]. Sahmi, Tarikh Djurdjan, p.96

[201]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.587; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VI, p.11; Anas Ibn Malik says, “On Saqifa, I saw ‘Umar forcing Abu Bakr to sit on the pulpit.

al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.438

[202]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.174. Once Abu Bakr transferred a piece of land to someone with a title deed registered under his name, but ‘Umar took the deed and destroyed it.

Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.47. Interesting to know is that they call them " ‘Umarayn" meaning two ‘Umars.

[203]. Abu Bakr Khallal, al-Sunna, p.277

[204]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.38 Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes, هو (عمر) الذي شيد بيعة ابي بكر ورقم المخالفين فيها وكسر سيف زبير.... ودفع صدر مقداد.... ولولاه لم يثبت لأبي بكر أمره ولا قامت له قائمته ‘Umar was someone who straightened Abu Bakr’s allegiance and removed the dissenters, spit apart Zubayr’s sword, beat chest of Miqdad, if he had not helped, Abu Bakr’s caliphate would never be organized; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.174

[205]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, P.254

[206]. Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p.222; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.17; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.333; al-Adab al-mufrad, Bukhari, p.29

[207]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.28

[208]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.200

[209]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, P.428; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.199

[210]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.429; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, pp.163-165; Nathr al-durr, ol.II, pp.15 and 23; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p.425; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.26; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.200

[211]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.433

‘Ayisha mentions objection of "so and so", Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.274. Abu Bakr was told, “When he was not "caliph", he harshly treated us.” “Oh, if he becomes a ruler, what will he do to us?”

al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.449. Others complained of his "tongue and stick".

al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.38. ‘Ali also objected to Abu Bakr, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.274; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.26

[212]. Abu Bakr Khallal, al-Sunna, p.275

[213]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.579 and about other objections, Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.183; al-Futuh, vol. I, p.152; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, pp.99-100

[214]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.61. He, in the same speech, asked God to make him "good-tempered". Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.274

[215]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.38

[216]. Khayr al-Din Sawi writes, “Abu Bakr consulted with the companions before selecting ‘Umar(Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi, p.40). Such a viewpoint clashes with historical facts and consultation with Ibn ‘Awf and ‘Uthman is only knowm to us. Of course, disagreements are more informative to us. Faruq Nabhan, too, claimed that Abu Bakr always received advice from the faithful people (Ni³am al-hukm fi l-islam, p.93)

[217]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.16

[218]. Ibid.vol. II, P.22

[219]. al-khilafa wa l-Imama, al-‘U³ma quoted from, Andishih siyasi dar Islam mu‘asir, p.150; before Rashid Rida, Marwan Ibn Hakam referred to Abu Bakr’s measure of making caliphate hereditary!

[220]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes,وكان في اخلاق عمر والفاظه جفاء وعنجهية ظاهرة ‘Umar’s ethics and words represented self-pride of some kind Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.183

[221]. The caliph, in appearance, was tall and had a brown-colored face and on front part of head, he was hairless, "Asla‘". According to Muhammad Ibn Habib, he had deceitful eyes.al-Muhabbar p.303; al-Munammaq, p.405

[222]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.274; Abu Bakr Khallal, al-Sunna اللهم إني غليظ فليّنّي O God! I am hot-tempered, make me soft-tempered.

[223]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, P.209; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.137; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.346; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.282. The first one to be lashed by Dirrah was Umm Farwa, Abu Bakr’s sister when she was crying for Abu Bakr after his death and ‘Umar deemed crying for the dead unrightful.

Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.181

[224]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, p.188; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.51; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.188; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. II, p.376; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.281

[225]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VI, p.343, vol. I, p.164; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, pp.128 and 130

[226]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.858

[227]. al-Ma‘rifa wa l-tarikh, vol. I, pp.364-365

[228]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.61يدخل عابساً ويخرج عابساً He entered with sullen face and went out in the same way.

[229]. al-Aghani, vol. XVI, p.93; al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p.273

[230]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. IV,pp.343-344

[231]. Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p.103; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.174

[232]. al-Fakhri., p.106(Persian Translation)

[233]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.15

[234]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. I,p.265; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.302-304; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.183. About him, different stories are said of ‘Umar’s treatment and his repentance in manner of treating him. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.147

[235]. al-Musannaf, vol. I, p.416

[236]. Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.49; Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p.356

[237]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.841

[238]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.35; ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p.12

[239]. Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.49

[240]. Nathr al-durr, vol. IV, PP.34-35

[241]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p.205

[242]. al-Aghani, vol. VI, p.279

[243]. Huwiyyat al-tashayyu‘, p.47 from, al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, Sunan Biyhaqi

[244]. Ibid. p.46 from, Taysir al-usul

[245]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, pp.6-7

[246]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.36; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p.13; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.211; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.306

[247]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. III, pp.475-476

[248]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq vol. XI, p.276

[249]. Tafsir al-manar, vol. XI, p.266

[250]. Nathr al-durr, vol. IV, p.34

[251]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.879; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp.344-345

[252]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.182

[253]. Kashf al-astar, vol. II, p.303; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.347

[254]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.935; Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p.17

[255]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p.464; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. II, p.405; al-Bahr al-zakhkhar, vol. III, p.101; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.190; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. IV, p.190

[256]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.120; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. II, p.317; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.356

[257]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. X, p.46

[258]. Khalifa Ibn Khayyat makes it clear that Mu‘awiya ruled Greater Syria in ending years of ‘Umar’s caliphate.

[259]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, pp.153-156

[260]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.306

[261]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.499

[262]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p.361; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.106

[263]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.397; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, pp.159-160

[264]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.396

[265]. Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p.87

[266]. Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p.88

[267]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p.20

[268]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IX, pp.29-30; al-Fitnat al-kubra, pp.80-81

[269]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.158; there, he said that if Quraysh were permitted to leave, they would be led to the left and right wings.

[270]. Fadjr al-islam, p.172

[271]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.183and 283

[272]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.155; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.22; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.80

[273]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.146; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VII, pp.384-385; al-Aghani, vol. XVI, P.94. about other cases, al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VIII, p.217-219

[274]. Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.239; al-Fa’iq, vol. III, p.215

[275]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, pp.14-15

[276]. For example, he accused Abu Hurayra of theft. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p.335

[277]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, pp.53-54; Futuh al-buldan, p.93; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.45

[278]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p.335

[279]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.175

[280]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.46

[281]. Ibid.vol. I, p.46

[282]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, p.112

[283]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.210; from, Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. III, p.166

[284]. Futuh al-buldan, pp.90,299 and 396

[285]. انما انت لعبته يلعب بك، ثم تتركين No doubt, you are his plaything and finally thrown away

[286]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.817; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, P.178(with a little difference)

[287]. Ibid.vol. III, p.836

[288]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.124; Futuh al-buldan, p.277

[289]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.8333

[290]. Ibid.vol. III, pp.854-855; al-Isaba, vol. I, p.85

[291]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara.vol. III, p.809

[292]. See a collection of commands, letters and speeches in,

Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp.194-196. He wrote to the people of cities, “I have not sent my agents to oppress you or seize your property. I’ve sent them to teach you religion and tradition. Anyone iolated this, complain to me for retaliating him because I saw the Prophet(s) doing so, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, p.22 and for treating harshly that is because of lack of understanding the Qur’anic verses, Ibid.vol. XII, pp.15 and 17

[293]. al-Amali fi Athar al-sahaba, pp.53-54; the heritage the Sunnites know as biography of "Orthodox Caliphs" excluding what Imam ‘Ali said and reflected more in culture of Shia belongs not to Abu Bakr and ‘Uthman but to ‘Umar. What history tells of this heritage is legion and the Sunnites typically adopted its acceptability through ‘Umar’s letters and catch phrases. It is to admitted that, apart from caliph’s certain matters concerned with Imamate, the Hashimites and some juriprudic rulers as well as religious values, what persists has had and still has a high place in contrast to ‘Umar’s, the Umayya’s and the ‘Abbasids’s biography. The Sunnites refomists portrayed this considerably and undeniably. See, Tarikh falsafih dar islam, vol. II, article on "Tafakkur siyasi dar sadr islam" is maily vested upon the same acceptability transferred from ‘Umar and presented an idealistic image of the Islamic government and principles of Islamic policy. The caliph held that the assets of Bayt al-Mal are not privately owned but it is divine property,"Mal Allah" at his disposal(Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp.275-276) while ‘Uthman regarded it as personal propewrty, ‘Umar Himself moved around the city as a "night guard"(Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.281)

[294]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.61; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p.365

[295]. Dala’il al-sidq, vol. III, p.312 quoted from Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.184

[296]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, vol. I, p.157. This is against the idea of Ibn Kathir who believes that ‘Umar had him control some parts of greater Syria. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. III, p.124

[297]. Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.37

[298]. Tathbit Dala’il al-nubuwwa, p.593

[299]. Masa’il al-imama, p.60

[300]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.499, No.1286; Ibn ‘Asakir mentions various evidence concerningly. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.18-25 and 44-73

[301]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.454

[302]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.838

[303]. Rasa’il al-djahi¨, al-Rasail al-siyasiyya, p.344

[304]. al-Ishtiqaq, p.13; al-Fa’iq, vol. I, P.431; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.560-561

[305]. Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p.382

[306]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.560

[307]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. I, p.432

[308]. al-Ibana ‘An shari‘a al-firqa al-nadjiya, vol. I, p.415; ‘Aqida al-salaf Ashab al-hadith, Abu ‘Uthman Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sabuni, pp.67-68

[309]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.225; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, pp.121-122; al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. I, pp.433-434(above translation in brief)

[310]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid presents a worse justification, vol. XII, p.124

[311]. Muqaddamihyi bar tarikh tadwin hadith (An Introduction to History of Compiling Hadith) by the author of the same context

[312]. Minawi, Translation of Kililih wa Dimnih, p.4

[313]. al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p.228; al-Idah, p.97

[314]. al-Ghadir, vol. VI, pp.83-85 from, Sunan Abu Dawud, vol. I, p.53; Sunan Ibn Madja, vol. I, p.200; Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p.265; Sunan Nasa’i, vol. I, pp.59 and 61; Sunan Biyhaqi, voil.I, p.209 and other sources

[315]. Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, p.249

[316]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, pp.190 and 195

[317]. al-Ghadir, vol. VIU, pp.178-180 from, Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p.314; Sahih Mulsim, vol. I, p.574; Sunan Biyhaqi, ol.VII, P.336; Mustadrak Hakim, vol. II, p.196; Tafsir Qurubi, vol. III, p.130; Irshad al-sari, vol. VIII, p.127; Durr al-manthur, vol. I, p.279 and other sources

[318]. al-Muwatta’, ol.II, p.12

[319]. See the sources in works of the Sunnites in, al-Ghadir, vol. VI, pp.198-213 and more, Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. I, pp.716-720

[320]. Imam Sadjdjad(a) said,, “Due to people remaining strong in Djihad, ‘Umar removed the sentence, حي علي خيرالعمل “Haste for good deed” From Azan; Kitab al-‘ulum, vol. I, p.92

[321]. al-Sirat al-halabiyya, vol. II, p.110

[322]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.281

[323]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.181

[324]. ²ahr al-islam,vol. IV, p.38

[325]. Tarikh al-‘arab wa l-islam, p.88

[326]. Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm wa Fadla, vol. II, pp.79-72

[327]. ‘Umar said this on Yawm al-khamis event when the Prophet asked for pen and paper to write something to prevent people from going astray after he is dead.

About the sources, ‘Ali-Bukhari, Kitab al-‘Ulum, Bab Kitab al-‘Ulum; Kitab al-Djihad, Bab Hal yastashfa‘ Ila ahl al-dhamma wa bab Ikhradj al-yahud min djazira al-‘arab; Kitab hglaghazi; Bab marad al-Nabi; Kitab al-marda, Bab qawl al-marid: Qumu ‘Anni, kitab hg-I‘tisam, Bab kirahiyya al-khalaf, al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.438 and 439; Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p.336; Dala’il al-nubuwwa, vol. VII,p.183; Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I, p.77; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. X,p.292, hadith, 29475; for more sources, Tadwin al-sunna al-sharifa, Fihrist Mustalahat, under, Hasbuna kitab Allah

[328]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp.82-90

[329]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.150; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.305; al-Futuh, vol. I, p.157

[330]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.153

[331]. Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p.227. Some believe the Prophet has initiated preparing administrative tribunal. Ibid. p.228. Some others consider ‘Umar’s policy in preparing it affected by monarchy system

Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.209. Some people regard it to be influenced by the Sassanid government; al-Fakhri, p.38

[332]. Kattani writes in defining administrative tribunal, دفتر يكتب فيه أسماء اهل العطاء والعساكر على القبائل والبطون He had an account book in which he registered names of those who deserve to be gifted according to tribes. Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p.225

[333]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.153

[334]. Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p.226

[335]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.222

[336]. Ahsan al-taqasim, p.18

[337]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.154

[338]. al-Muqaddama, Chapter of the ‘Ilm al-tafsir

[339]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p.111

[340]. Ibid. vol. XI, p.111; Lisan al-mizan, vol. II, p.408; Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.207; Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, pp.48-49; Sunan al-Darimi, vol. I, p.116; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, pp.112-113; Madjma‘ al-zawa’id, vol. I, pp.172-173; Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.52(in the footnote), Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p.42; Usd al-ghaba, vol. IU, p.235; vol. III, p.126; Zamm al-Kalam, p.64

[341]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p.113

[342]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p.114; vol. XI, p.110

[343]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. I, p.66; al-Muntakhab Min Dhiyl al-mudhayyal, p.504, It is quoted from Ka‘b al-Ahbar sayting to Mu‘awiya, "‘Umar al-Faruq " is titled in Torah.

Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, P.186

[344]. About his life, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, pp.446-447; Tahdhib al-kamal, vol. XXIV, p.193; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p.45; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, pp.181-182; Siyar ’A’lam al-nubala’, vol. III, p.489

[345]. Adwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-muhammadiyya, p.148, footnoteIII

[346]. More than others, Abu Na‘im Isfahani has quoted one hundred pages from him under his biography section in Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V and VI

[347]. In recent times, Mahmud Aburiyya more than any other researcher has talked about negative role of Ka‘b al-Ahbar and the like on outbreak of the Israelites. Adwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-muhammadiyya, pp.145-194

[348]. Siyar ’A‘lam al-nubala’, vol. II, p.490

[349]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. II, p.123

[350]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.326-328; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXV, p.315

[351]. Adwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-muhammadiyya, p.148; quoted from Tarikh al-tabari, Biyhaqi as well as al-Isti‘ab, vol. II, p.533; al-islam wa l-Hidara al-‘arabiyya, p.164

[352]. Ansab al-ashraf, al-djuz’ al-thalith, p.7

[353]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p.44 vol. V, p.365

[354]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. III, p.26

[355]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p.23; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. XI, p.251

[356]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.59-60

[357]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p.391

[358]. Tarikh makka, vol. I, p.40

[359]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, pp.391, 381 and 371; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p.185

[360]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p.181; Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.233

[361]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. II, p.262

[362]. Siyar ’A‘lam al-nubala’, vol. III, pp.393-394 quoted from Tarikh Ibn Abi l-Khaythama

[363]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, pp.110 and 112

[364]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p.390

[365]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. I, p.44; Al_Mahasin wa l-masawi, vol. ,I, p.123

[366]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. ,I, p.48; al-Munta¨am, vol. VIII, P.70

[367]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.48; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p.185; al-Djawhar al-nafis fi siyasa al-ri’is, p.114

[368]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.159

[369]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, ol.I, p.368; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p.389; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.125

Ka‘b’s policy was that when ‘Umar or Abu Hurayra or others spoke against his taste, he said, “The very word is cited in the Torah. He said about Abu Hurayra, “I have never seen anyone like Abu Hurayra who has not read the Torah but his words accord with it this much.

´Adwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-muhammadiyya, p.207 from Tadkira al-huffa¨

[370]. Maqamat al-‘Ulama’ bayn yaday al-khulafa’ wa l-’Umara’, p.163

[371]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. XI, p.251

Ka‘b praised Damascus very much in front of Medina and Mecca. This is somewhat religiously and Jewishly rooted and is of a political motive to some extent for strengthening Mu‘awiya. They may have been later fabricated by the Umayya.

[372]. Nisa’, p.56

[373]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p.375

[374]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.59

[375]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya vol. VIII, p.110, Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p.187

Aburiyya has said accordingly, “ ‘Umar initially paid attention to his speech but later he found his weakness. ‘Adwa’, p.152-153. As mentioned in the context, there are plenty of examples showing ‘Umar’s giving him freedom of speech.

[376]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. ,III, p.1081

[377]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. ,VI, p.114

[378]. Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p.262; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p.651, إن كنت تعلم أن فيه التوراة الّتي أنزلها الله على موسى عليه السلام بطور سيناء فاقرأها آناء الليل والنهار

[379]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p.7

[380]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, pp.57 and 650, al-Manar al-munif, pp.89-90; ‘Adwa’, pp.166-167. Once Ibn ‘Abbas hearing Ka‘b speak, اما تركت اليهودية؟ Al-Kaf al-shaf, p.139 quoted from, ‘Adwa’, p.165

[381]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.205(in its footnote); al-Mu‘djam al-kabir, vol. I, p.20; Madjma‘ al-zawa’id, vol. IX, p.61; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.336

[382]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.213

[383]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1078-1079; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.121

Someone who forged the news had a moderate belief towards ‘Uthman and ‘Ali (a). In a similar quotation we read, ‘Umar sent for Ka‘b al-Ahbar and he was asked, “How do find my attributes in Torah?”

Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, pp.25-26

[384]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp.1079-1080

[385]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp.80-81; elsewhere it is quoted that the Jews came to ‘Umar and said, “A verse has been called to you, if it were called to us, we would celebrate the day of call. The verse reads, اليَوْمَ أَكْمَلْتُ لَكُمْ دِينَكُمْ … I complemented your religion.

‘Umar said, “Yes, I do remember that thr verse was sent on the day of "‘Arafa"(9th of Dhi Hadjdja) to the Prophet!!

al-Qand fi tarikh Samarqand, pp.434-435

[386]. al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. VII, p.529

[387]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.24-25; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV., p.434; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p.78; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.495, No.1278; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.208; al-Kamil wa l-tarikh, vol. III, p.123

[388]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.77

[389]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.228

[390]. Usd al-ghaba, vcol.V, p.199

[391]. Buhuth ma‘a ahl al-sunna wa l-salafiyya, p.97; al-Sahih Min Sira al-Nabi ’A‘¨am (s), vol. I, p.27

[392]. Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.50(in its footnote); Djami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I, p.64; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. V, p.239; Dham al-kalam, p.63; in another manner in, Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.51; Tadkira al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.5; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. I, p.174

[393]. Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.52

[394]. Harawi says, “ One of the people of the book was asked about the meaning of "Mathnat". He said, “The Jewish scribes made up a book, after Moses, and called it "Mathnat".

Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p.282

[395]. Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, pp.48-49; vol. III, pp.28-29

[396]. Abu Hurayra says, “As long as ‘Umar lived, we never dared say, قال رسول الله The Prophet(s) said, al-Bidaya wa’l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.110

[397]. Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.31 لا تكتبوا عني شيئاً الا القرآن... وحدثوا عن بني اسرائيل ولا حرج Quote me just about Quran and unworriedly speak about Banu Isra‘il

[398]. Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p.48; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VI, pp.110,112

[399].Pazhuhishi darbariyi naqshih dini wa Idjtima‘i qissI khanan dar tarikh Islam, Qum, 1991

[400]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. III, p.449; al-Qussas wa l-mudhakkirin, p.22; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p.321; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. I, p.186

[401]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. III, p.219; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. I, p.11; al-Khitat al-maqriziyya, vol. II, p.253; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p.321

[402]. al-Mufassal fi tarikh al-‘arab qabl al-islam, vol. VIII, p.378

[403]. al-Qussas wa l-mudhakkirin, p.22

[404]. al-Hayawan, vol. IV, pp.202-203

[405]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp.334-374, Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp.888-891

[406]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p.388, vol. VI, p.13; See the detailed form in, Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.392; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.133

[407]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, p.191; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.40

[408]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.322; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.140; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p.23

[409]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.354; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p.154

[410]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.191; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.26; Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p.374.

The same report is quoted by Ibn Shabba with a little difference. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Ibn ‘Umar Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn ‘Awf

is the person commonly mentioned in Tarikh al-tabari’s and Ibn Shabba’s references.

Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.891

[411]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.361; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. X, p.225

[412]. It seems Aburiyya, before everyone else, has mentioned this thanks to Tarikh al-tabari’s reports. ’Adwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, pp.153-155; Fi l-‘ubur al-hidari "Ka‘b al-Ahbar", pp.200-204

[413].Athar ahl al-kitab fi l-fitan wa l-hurub al-ahliyya, pp.237,240

[414]. According to sources, ‘Umar never let mature Arabs enter Medina. As a matter of fact, the same man who was permitted to enter Medina, embraced on killing the caliph. Afterwards, ‘Umar reproached those who agreed on entering of these people into Medina and called them his murder.

Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.889,903,904; al-Nihaya fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.286.

Those disagreeing with him said that Medina would be renewed just because of entry of the ‘Alwadj.

[415]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp.320-321; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.888; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.345; Ibn Djuzi, Manaqib ‘Umar, p.210

[416]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.190

[417]. Therefore, it seems unjust for any sect to defend him, although some traditionally knew him a Muslim, believing that his murder arises from religious differences. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.194

[418]. Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.51

[419]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.161

[420]. Tarikh Guzidih, p.186

[421]. Tarikh Guzidih, p.184; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.348; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VI, p.52; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.904

[422]. Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma‘arif, p.183; For other sources, Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, from 194 on.

[423]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.53

[424]. al-zuhd wa l-raqa’iq, pp.79-80,145,146; Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. II, p.399; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.115; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp.360-361; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.920; Shiykh Mufid, al-Amali, p.50

[425]. Futuh al-buldan, p.137

[426]. Ibid. p.140

[427]. Ibid. p.141

[428]. Ibid. p.141-142

[429]. al-Uns al-djalil, vol. I, p.126

[430]. al-Uns al-djalil. p.250

[431]. Futuh al-buldan, p.145 (some people have said that ‘Umar traveled to Damascus four times during his caliphate.) Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, p.56 (footnote)

[432]. al-Uns al-djalil, vol. I, pp.253-254

[433]. Ibid. pp.256-257

[434]. Futuh al-buldan, p.146

[435]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.157

[436]. Futuh al-buldan, p.148

[437]. Ibid. p.151

[438]. Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, p.53

[439]. Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, pp.57-58

[440]. Atlas tarikh al-islam, p.133

[441]. One said to another, ان هؤلاء القوم لا يتوجهون الى أحد الا ظهروا عليه “These people declare war with no one but when they overcome” Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, pp.59

[442]. Ibid. p.61

[443]. Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha. p.129

[444]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.570

[445]. Ibid. vol. III, p.601

[446]. Ibid. vol. III, p.464

[447]. Futuh al-buldan, p.143

[448]. al-Futuh, vol. I, pp.143-144

[449]. Tarikh Tamaddun, vol. IV, p.64; al-Sham fi sadr al-islam, pp.63-64, footnote

[450]. See the list in, al-Sham fi sadr al-islam, pp.60-70

[451]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.165

[452]. Futuh al-buldan, p.251; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.113

[453]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. IV, p.15

[454]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.170

[455]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.114; Atlas tarikh al-islam, p.128. The author made a mistake about the fact that the king, in this time, regarded Iran as the city of Buraz, next, Shiriwayh and then Buran. In essence, Yazdgard, since 632, succeeded them and conquering Iraq began from his time.

[456]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.114

[457]. In time of war, Djarir Ibn ‘Abd Allah Bidjili promised his tribesmen that they would be the only Arabs to be benefited much in case this city were to be entered.

Akhbar al-tiwal, p.115

[458]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.114; Ibn A‘tham (Al-Futuh, vol. I, p.168) says that Mihrdad has been king of Adharbaydjan.

[459]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.115

[460]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.116

[461]. Ibid. p.117

[462]. al-Tariq Ila l-Mada’in, p.213

[463]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. II, p.363

[464]. Ibid. vol. I, p.432

[465]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.117

[466]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. I, p.430

[467]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. I, p.432

[468]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, p.7

[469]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.201

[470]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.310

[471]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.121

[472]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. IV, p.17

[473]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.119 (he mentions the forces to be twenty thousand people but he further refers to the troops joining him from Basra and other places.)

Al-Futuh, vol. I, p.175 (there, there is a census of tribal people)

[474]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.201

[475]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.120

[476]. Ibid. pp.120-121 (This was exactly referred when Rostam spoke with Mughira)

[477]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.197 (Ibn A‘tham mentions the exact speech of the king in Persian)

[478]. Ibn A‘tham cites the names in a different way. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.20

[479]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.123 (Dinwari mentions his very calling "a man of challenge" in Persian.)

[480]. Futuh al-buldan, p.259

[481]. Ibid. p.260

[482]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.590; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.319

[483]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. IV, p.17

[484]. al-Qadisiyya, pp.216-232

[485]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.319

[486]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. IV, pp.490-491

[487]. ‘Umar wrote to Sa‘d, Arabs resemble camels, wherever camels lay well, Arabs find it well too.

Futuh al-buldan, p.275

[488]. Futuh al-buldan, p.275

[489]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. IV, p.491

[490]. Futuh al-buldan, p.287; al-Futuh, vol. I, p.288

[491]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.126; Futuh al-buldan, p.262

[492]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. IV, p.18. Yaqut speaks of seven-fold cities of Mada’in this way, Isfabur (Isfanbar), Wah Ardishir (Bihrsir), Hanbushafur (Djundishabur), Darznidan (Darzidjan), Wah Djundyu Khusruw (Rumiyya), Nunyafadj and Kirdafadh. (His mentioned names slightly differ from what has been quoted from Tarikh Iran.) He adds, Mada’in, in our time, is a village six leagues far from Baghdad. Citizens are mainly farmers and followers of Imam ‘Ali (a). Salman Farsi’s tombstone rests in eastern Medina. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. V, p.75

[493]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.212

[494]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.216; Futuh al-buldan, p.262

[495]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.127

[496]. Futuh al-buldan, p.263

[497]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.278

[498]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.129

[499]. Futuh al-buldan, p.264

[500]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.279-280

[501]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.151

[502]. Futuh al-buldan, p.265

[503]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.183

[504]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.133

[505]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.130-132

[506]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.134-135

[507]. Ibid. pp.136-137

[508]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.182

[509]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, p.267

[510]. Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p.7

[511]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.165

[512]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.131

[513]. Ibid. p.137

[514]. Futuh al-buldan, p.279

[515]. Spuler, Tarikh Iran, vol. I, p.17

[516]. Bist Maqalih Qazwin quoted from, Khadamat Mutaqabil Iran wa Islam, p.79

[517]. Gharbzadigi, p.48

[518]. Tarikh Iran, Cambridge (persian translation), vol. III, part.I, p.271

[519]. There is a disagreement on whether the Messenger (s) set Hidjra as the originating history or such an action has been taken in time of ‘Umar. Seemingly, due to significance of Hidjra, Muslims had been using Hidjra as one origin in the very beginning years of it but this has been formalized in ‘Umar’s time.

[520]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.151-152

[521]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp.309-310

[522]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.227

[523]. Mukhtasar Tarikh al-‘arab wa l-tamaddun al-islami, Amir ‘Ali, p.90

[524]. Kitab al-kharadj, p.30

[525]. Min Dawlat ‘Umar Ila Dawlat ‘Abd al-Malik, p.89-91

[526]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.853; Futuh al-buldan, pp.266-267

[527]. Previously the sources of the quotation have been mentioned in detail. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. 5, p.445; Fath al-bari, vol. 12, p.124; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.344; Masa’il al-imama, p.63; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.881; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 12, p.69; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.227

[528]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. 5, p.446; vol. 7, p.278; vol. 10, p.103

[529]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.590; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42

[530]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.16; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.412; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.227

[531]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.343; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.86

[532]. When ‘Umar came to power, he said, “I depose Khalid to make known if God helps his religion, Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, vol. I, p.106

[533]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.887; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42

[534]. He explicitly interpreted that, “If Salim had been alive, I would have not made Shuwra responsible for the affairs; Tarikh Abi Zar‘a al-dimashqi, vol. I, p.272; and he added, “If he had been alive, I would have never doubted his supremacy over the Prophet’s companions; al-muqni‘ fi l-Imama, p.59

[535]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. 5, p.446

[536]. Ibid. vol. 5, pp.447-448; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.880; al-Ahkam al-sultaniyya, vol. 12, Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.49; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.501, No.1291; Kitab al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.85-86

[537]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.501, No.1290

[538]. See, Caliph’s Thoughts.

[539]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, p.81; Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p.239; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p.16; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.87; The Umayya meant that ‘Uthman was among them although he imself never fought with the Prophet over religion. Later on, Ka‘b al-Ahbar said Mu‘awiya basically possessed succession after ‘Uthman as if heavenly books reported this way. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.495, No.1278

[540]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.333

[541]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.223

[542]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, pp.448-449; Hafsa’s reasoning is the simplest one in Shi‘a for the necessity of succession by the Messenger (s). Others also with the same reasoning asked ‘Umar to designate a successor, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.343

[543]. al-Ahkam al-sultaniyya, p.13; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.501, No.1290

[544]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.500, No.1288

[545]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.505, No.1303; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.33

[546]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.229; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I2, pp.258-259

[547]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.229; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.504, No.1300,1301

[548] Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.343; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.160. An imagination that is not so unbased is that ‘Umar feared heriditary caliphate and he had this as a principle in his mind that ruler should not use his relatives in handling the affairs or assigning them as his successors. He mentioned this as an advice to ‘Ali (a) and ‘Uthman adding, “If you became caliph, lest you might have the Hashimites or family of Abi Mu‘ayt dominate people, al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.43

[549]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342

[550]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.503, No.1295; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.230

[551]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.189

[552]. Imam says in Nahdj al-balagha, ومال الآخر لصهره Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha,, vol. I, p.184. After ‘Abd al-Rahman payed allegiance to ‘Uthman, ‘Ali (a) said, مال الرجل إلى صهره ونبذ دينه وراء ظهره “He tilted towards his kins and set religion aside” Al-Djamal, p.123; ‘Uthman’s sister was Ibn ‘Awf’s wife merely on the part of his mother Umm Kulthum, daughter of ‘Uqba Ibn Abi Mu‘ayt. Ibn Abi l-Hadid,Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.189

[553]. Tarikh Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.230; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.191; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.505, No.1304

[554]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.955

[555]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.506, No.1308; Makhul Shami says, “Sa‘d was not in Shuwra because of his abdication. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.507, No.1309

[556]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.928; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.230; Zuhri says, “That night Ibn ‘Awf consulted the outstanding people of Muhadjir and Ansar”, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.482. But we know even if he had consulted all of them, he would have observed only what Quraysh had said; ‘Abd al-‘Aziz, al-Duri says, “This supportive counselling of ‘Uthman indicates that the Umayya were active from conquest of Mecca on in achieving a landslide so far as all agreed on ‘Uthman’s coming to power. Muqadama fi tarikh Sadr al-islam, p.59

[557]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. IV, p.477

[558]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.233; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I2, p.194

[559]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.929-930; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.233; According to Mufid (al-Djamal, p.122), Miqdad shouted, “Do not swear allegiance to someone who was present in Badr, escaped Uhud and was absent in Ridwan alleginace (he meant ‘Uthman)”; ‘Uthman said, “By God, if I come to power, I’ll return you to your previous conditions, al-Amali, Shiykh Mufid, pp.114-115

Amali, Shiykh Mufid, pp.114-115

[560]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.233,238; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.162; Ya‘qubi says, “In front of the condition of practising according to biography of Shiykhs, Imam said, “Following Book of God and tradition of the Messenger requires hiring of nobody; you’re trying to make me overlook caliphate, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.508, No.1311; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.192; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.188, vol. I2, pp.194,264. Zuhri fails to mention anything about Imam ‘Ali (a) and only suffices to say, “‘Abd al-Rahman set this condition for ‘Uthman and he approved.”; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.477

[561]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.930; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.233-234; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p.76

[562]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.1028,1029; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VII, p.254

[563]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.233-234,239; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.502, No.1294; and concerning Talha, p.504, No.1300. Talha was rewarded although he was ranked as the worst enemy of ‘Uthman in the course of his seige. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.506, No.1306; Regarding position of Miqdad, Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.163; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.930-931

[564]. Kitab al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.96-97; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.237, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I2, p.195

[565]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.238-239; perhaps deceit ment the same quotation of Imam by Ya‘qubi as Ibn ‘Awf set the condition to keep him away from caliphate. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.162

[566]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.189

[567]. Ibid. vol. I, p.185

[568]. Ibid. vol. I, p.187

[569]. Ibid. vol. I, pp.187-188; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.37

[570]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.187

[571]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.193

[572]. al-Ma‘arif, p.192

[573]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.1301; this statement is attributed to ‘Umar that ‘Uthman may probably be named rather than ‘Umar, al-Muqanna‘, p.110; Manaqib, vol. III, p.220

[574]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.347,

Kashf al-astar, vol. II0, p.303; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.935

[575]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. I1, p.67

[576]. Muqadama fi tarikh Sadr al-islam, pp.58-59

[577]. When ‘Umar asked Ibn ‘Abbas about ‘Uthman, he said, “He keeps love of this world and the world hereafter in his heart and if he comes to power, he’ll have family of Abi Mu‘ayt rule people; al-Idah, p.86. In the very night of succession (beginning of Muharram, 24 H.), when ‘Uthman was on his way to the mosque to say night prayers, there were people ahead of him carrying candles and Miqdad said, “What innovation this is!” (Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.163); he referred to starting point of ceremonial functions! Ibn A‘tham quoted Ibn ‘Awf as saying that, “I am pleased with the succession of the doyen of the Umayya.”; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.909

[578]. al-Idah, pp.127-128; as said, the condition of being a member of Quraysh was because of dominating nature of tribalism. ‘Umar appointed Suhayb Rumi as congregational leader just for the three days Shuwra is engaged in talks and said, “He is of Mawali (freed slaves) and will not be in conflict with you over succession; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42

[579]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.503, No.1298 ليتّبع الأقل الاكثر فمن خالفكم فاضربوا عنقه The minority must follow the majority and whosoever opposes, he shall be dicapitated.

[580]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.196; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.1033; ‘Ali (a) is said to have cursed Ibn ‘Awf when selecting ‘Uthman and Abu Hilal ‘Askari says, “‘Uthman and Ibn ‘Awf were in disagreement over fulfilment of ‘Ali’s invokation; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, p.196

[581]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.508, No.1311; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p.55; vol. I2, p.265; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.193; Habib al-siyar, vol. I, p.496; Imam Himself expressed his statement that he has been told If he failed to swear allegiance, he would be fought. He also says, “I unwillingly pledged allegiance; al-Gharat, vol. I, p.318. However, fanatic narrators have said that ‘Ali was the first one to swear allegiance after Ibn’Awf! Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.63

[582]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I2, p.259 (according to Sayyid Murtada)

[583]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I2, pp.265-266; al-Amali, Mufid, p.115

[584]. al-Idah, pp.187-188

[585]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.91; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.61

[586]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.185; Abu Bakr said to ‘Umar that he had to be careful of Muhadjirun because many of them were capricious of succession; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, pp.16,22

[587]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.281; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.85

[588]. al-Djamal, p.97

[589]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IX, pp.28-29

[590]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.95

[591]. See, issue of Hudaybiyya in Tarikh Siyasi Islam, vol. I, "Biography of the Messenger (s)"

[592]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p.301

[593]. al-Ma‘arif, p.192; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.11

[594]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.163

[595]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p.345

[596]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.294-295

[597]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.99

[598]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, pp.44-45; from al-Saqifa by Abu Bakr Djuwhari; al-Aghani, vol. VI, p.356; al-Fa’iq, vol. II, p.117; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p.56

[599]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.343

[600]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. I1, p.67

[601]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.64

[602]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.356,365; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.167

[603]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.48; al-Aghani, vol. V, p.130

[604]. al-Djamal, p.161; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VI, p.216

[605]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.57; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.70; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I5, p.223, (India); al-Futuh, p.2151

[606]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.53

[607]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.147; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.141

[608]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.24

[609]. al-Djamal, p.176; Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. IV, p.496; Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, p.146

[610]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.38

[611]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.39; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, pp.154,171; Sunan Nasa’i, vol. III, p.12; al-Muwatta’, vol. I, p.282

[612]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p.71

[613]. al-Djamal, p.336

[614]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. III, p.51; Ibn Abi l-Hadid says this speech is quoted from Zayd in different ways.

[615]. al-Aghani, vol. V, p.131

[616]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.175

[617]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.284

[618]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.216

[619]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.206

[620]. Tarikh Ibn al-wardi, p.203; It should be said, ويل لمن كفّره نمرود Woe unto someone whom Namrud excommunicates.

[621]. Concerning this, see, Ukdhuba tahrif al-qur’an bayn al-shi‘a wa l-Sunna, pp.89-90

[622]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.235; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.151

[623]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.151

[624]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.347

[625]. See, Tafsir books in commentary of the verse, يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا إِنْ جَاءَكُمْ فَاسِقٌ بِنَبَإٍ فَتَبَيَّنُوا أَنْ تُصِيبُوا قَوْمًا بِجَهَالَةٍ فَتُصْبِحُوا عَلَى مَا فَعَلْتُمْ نَادِمِينَ .

[626]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.235

[627]. Ibid. vol. II, pp.235-236; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.168

[628]. Habib al-siyar, vol. II, pp.171-173

[629]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.171-173

[630]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.238

[631]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.101 (the proofreader in the footnote quoted this part from the Persian translation.) al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.251

[632]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p.15 from "Kitab al-Shuwra" by Waqidi.

[633]. al-Aghani, vol. I7, p.152

[634]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.170

[635]. al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I5, p.221

[636]. Ansab al-Ashrāf, vol. IV, p.529, No.1376

[637]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.308

[638]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1115

[639]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.332

[640]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.602

[641]. al-Ma‘arif, p.195

[642]. Ibid. p.195; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.27,38

[643]. al-Ma‘arif, p.194

[644]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.28. This money came from the poll tax ruled to be received.

[645]. al-Ma‘arif, pp.194,195

[646]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VII, p.172

[647]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.13

[648]. al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p.286

[649]. al-durr al-manthur, vol. III, p 232

[650]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp.339-340

[651]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp 31, 36, 37; Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p 171

[652]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp 58,88

[653]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.1306-1307 and in its footnote, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p.232; al-Hilyat al-’awliya’, vol. I, p.160; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.2860; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. II, p.376; vol. III, p.54; Nihayat al-’irab, vol. I9, p.443; al-Tamhid wa l-bayan, sheet, 70

[654]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.1040

[655]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.83

[656]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.580, No.1485. Abudhar said, “Mu‘awiya intends to name Muslims off everything.” This is an interesting idea. It will be considered that the reason for attaching caliph to God is for naming off people as well as removing his responsibility in front of the people and God.

[657]. Khilafat wa Mulukiyyat, pp.119-121

[658]. Ibid. pp.129-130

[659]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, p.575

[660]. Khayr al-din sawi influenced by his professor, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Duri in the book, Tatawwur al-fikr al-siyasi ‘Ind ahl al-Sunna, pp.42-43

[661]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.337; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.469-470. Concerning the opinion of one of the people in Muhadjirun’s ruling for selecting caliph and monopolizing caliphate.

[662]. Muqaddama fi tarikh sadr al-islam, pp.50-58

[663]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.279

[664]. See, Min Dawlat ‘Umar Ila Dawlat ‘Abd al-malik, P.107

[665]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.50

[666]. Ahmad Ibn Hanbal seriously banned Sunnites narrators to narrate the companions’ imperfection. He believed if anyone narrated these things about companions, he should be avoided. Some time, he Himself listened to traditions through ‘Abd al-Razzaq San‘ani. When ‘Abd al-Razzaq retold these kinds of narrations, Ahmad kept away and he was back to class sessions when he began new subjects. In other cases, when the companions imperfection were discussed, Ahmad covered his ears with two fingers. “It can not be quoted from ‘Ubayd Allah Ibn Musa ‘Abasi”, he said because يحدث باحاديث فيها تنقص لاصحاب رسول الله (ص) He narrated hadiths which lowered rank of the Prophet’s companions. Also he did not allow any one to quote a person who imprecated Mu‘awiya. Some times, accounting that companions had said these words while they were angry, he did not permit their narrations. It is said that Salim Ibn Abi Muti‘ took Abu ‘Awana’s book and ruined the main traditions which were concerned with imperfection of companions. As for these words and similar narrations, al-Sana, Abu Khallal, pp.500-511

[667]. Tarikh Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, pp.378-379

[668]. In his three books, this researcher has studied Sayf’s narrations and has correctly shown his style of writing which is a kind of story telling.

[669]. al-Fitnat al-kubra, the chapter on ‘Abd Allah Ibn Saba’

[670]. As mentioned, "this majority" is the people who used Tarikh al-tabari, otherwise the first rate books of the third century had not basically cited these events.

[671]. Tarikh Isma‘iliyan, p.33

[672]. al-Ghadir, vol. VIII and IX

[673]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1175

[674]. al-Gharat, p.219 (Persian translation)

[675]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, pp.247-248

[676]. al-Ma‘arif, p.228; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.80; Tarikh al-madina al-munawwara, vol. III,p.1169 كان أشد الصحابة على عثمان طلحة بن عبيد الله Talha Ibn ‘Abd Allah among the companions treated ‘Uthman most harshly.

[677]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.223; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.1170

[678]. al-Djamal, p.141, see, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.385; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.290

[679]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.57

[680]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1169

[681]. Ibid, vol. III, p.1202

[682]. al-Djamal, pp. 145-146

[683]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1089

[684]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p.27; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.37

[685]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.123

[686]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana, p.27

[687]. al-Djamal, p.148; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.225; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VI, p.215

[688]. Tahrim, verse 10

[689]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.34

[690]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1173

[691]. Ibid, p.1174

[692]. Tarikh al-khamis, vol. II, p.261

[693]. Subh al-a‘sha, vol. I, p.251

[694]. al-Aghani, vol. I, p.26

[695]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.152; al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p.165

[696]. al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p.165

[697]. Ibid, vol. III, pp.168-169

[698]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 269-270

[699] Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, p.341; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.263

[700]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.154

[701]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.287

[702]. al-Basa’ír wa l-dhaka’ir, vol. I, p.18

[703]. al-Aghani, vol. XV, p.107

[704]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.402

[705] Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.347

[706]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.42; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.71; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. LXX, pp.204,205,212,223,227; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.421

[707]. al-Aghani, vol. LXXX, p.334

[708]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp. 53-54

[709]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.50

[710] Waq‘at Siffin, p.354

[711]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.61. Most probably this remark, “… I found ‘Uthman’s name in Torah” has been ascribed to ‘Abd Allah Ibn Sallam afterwards. Yet, he has been amongst ‘Uthman’s assenters.

[712]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp.1175-1186

[713]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.222

[714]. Tarikh Abuzar‘a al-dimashqi, vol. I, p.190

[715]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.60

[716]. Ibn Hisham, al-Sirat al-nabawiyya, vol. II, p.479

[717]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. I, p.347

[718]. See, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp. 89-170 and vol. IV, p.340

[719]. al-Ma‘arif, p.197. Ibn Qutayba says, Hash means garden and Kawkab is the name of a man from Ansar.

[720]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.158

[721]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.118

[722]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.52

[723]. al-Ma‘arif, p.195; al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p.214; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.1580-189; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1038. According to Ibn A‘tham, ‘Uthman said to Abudhar, “Go out of Medina.” Abudhar answered, “I want to go to Syria.” ‘Uthman did not accept. Abudhar proposed Iraq, but then again ‘Uthman rejected it, and said to him, “ I said you to the worst city, that is, Rabada. So go over there and never return here.”

[724]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.157

[725]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.173; see al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.159-160;Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.54

[726]. Nath al-durr, vol. II, p.78

[727]. al-Hayawan, vol. IV, p.277

[728]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp.39 -43

[729]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp.45-46; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.337

[730]. al-Isaba, vol. III, p.85

[731]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.30

[732]. See al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.50-51; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.153-155; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 49

[733]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp.1099-1100; ‘Ammar may have been thrashed once again. See Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.48

[734]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.155

[735]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1049

[736]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp.31,36,37; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 171; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. III, pp.42-43. There, ‘Abd Allah’s thrashing and his objections of ‘Uthman have been explained in detail.

[737]. See al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.178-179; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp.237-238; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.135; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya vol. VII, p.167; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.44

[738]. Lubab al-adab, p.305

[739]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.53

[740]. Ibid, vol. V, p.51; vol. II, p.388

[741]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1095

[742]. Sharh ma yaqa‘ fih l-Tashif wa l-Tahrif, p.107

[743]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p.113; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p.377

[744]. Ibn Hisham, al-Sirat al-nabawiyya, vol. IV, p.640; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p.335; Sahih al-bukhari, Kitab al-Ahkam Hadith, vol. IV; Musnad Ahmad, vol. III, p.67; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V p.171; vol. XII, p.104

[745]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, p.336

[746]. See al-Mu‘djam al-mufahras Lialfa¨ al-hadith al-nabawi, vol. IV, below the word "Taw‘", obedience

[747]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. XI, pp.339-349

[748]. Ibid, vol. II, p.384

[749]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. II, p.384

[750]. Ibid, vol. II, p.385; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, p.402

[751]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p.385; Musnad Abi Dawud, vol. I, p.297

[752]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.259

[753]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp.341-342; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.173

[754]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.1043-1044

[755]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.268; al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p.99, quoted from, Sunan Abi Dawud, vol. I, p.308; Qadi Abu Yusuf, al-Athar, p.30; Shafi‘i, Kitab al-Umm, vol. I, p.159; vol. VII, p.175; Biyhaqi, Sunnan al-kubra, vol. III, p.144

[756]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. III, p.42

[757]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp.524 -527; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, pp.1049-1054

[758]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.267

[759]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.157

[760]. Baladhuri has been quoted as saying, Umm Habiba, Mu‘awiya’s sister and the Prophet(s)’s wife, had brought this bloody dress. See Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.291

[761]. Nathr al-durr, vol. IV, p.62; Balaghat al-nisa’, p.139; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. VI, p.90

[762]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.165

[763]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1289

[764]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. IV, p.169; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IV, p.57; al-Hayat al-siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan(a), p.146, from, al-Nasayih al-kafiya, p.20; Buhrani, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. V, p.81

[765]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 28

[766]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. IV, p.212

[767]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.154; al-Hayat al-siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan(a), p.147, from, various sources.

[768]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.368; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.131; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahdj al-balagha, vol. VIII, p.44; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p.151

[769]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.187; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p.151; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p.270

[770]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XVI, p.155

[771]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.19

[772]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.26

[773]. al-Ghadir, vol. IX, pp.149-150; vol. X, p.333; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.223; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 334; Tadhkirat al-khawas, pp.85,201; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.353

[774]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.287

[775]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.287

[776]. al-Ma’rifa wa l-tarikh, vol. I, p.254; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p.1153

[777]. Sayyid Radi, al-khasa’is, p.59

[778]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp. 54 -55

[779]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol I, p. 22

[780]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 132

[781]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 611; ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 92

[782]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p. 100

[783]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1043

[784]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 165; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 33

[785]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 61

[786]. Ibid, p. V, p. 26

[787]. Subhi, Nahdj al-balagha, p. 358

[788]. al-Djamal, p. 417

[789]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. II, p. 207

[790]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 101; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p. 82

[791]. al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p. 29; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 12633 ما امرت ولانهيت ولاسرني ولا ساءني قتل عثمان I neither ordered nor hindered anyone, he neither respected me nor did wrong to me.

[792]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, vol. XIII; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p. 17

[793]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p. 274; al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 233; ‘Abd, Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 27

[794]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 1

[795]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 164

[796]. al-Fakhri, p. 98

[797]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. IV, p. 27

[798]. Usd al-ghaba, vol. IV, p. 100. he was martyred by Mu‘awiya’s agents in 50 A.H. and his head was sent to Syria. His tomb was made by Hamdaniyan in Musil. Thereafter, an ample clash befell between Shi‘ite Muslims and ‘Uthmanids.

[799]. Musnad Abi Dawud, vol. I, p. 297; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 964

[800]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1216

[801]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1206

[802]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1218

[803]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1211

[804]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. III, p. 38; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 104

[805]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 350

[806]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p. 63; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 62

[807]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 89

[808]. Ibid, vol. V, p. 81

[809]. Waq‘at Siffin, p. 29

[810]. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. XV, p. 228; see Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 100

[811]. Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. XV, p. 229

[812]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1285

[813]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p. 82; Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p. 415

[814]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1202

[815]. Ibid, vol. III, pp. 1219-1223

[816]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1313

[817]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp. 201-202

[818]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1111

[819]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1155

[820]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1121

[821]. Ibid, vol. III, pp. 1135-1137

[822]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, pp. 1137-1140

[823]. Ibid, vol. III, pp. 1142-1143

[824]. Ibid, vol. III, pp. 1150-1151, 1155

[825]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp.1159-1161; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.229; al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p.180.

[826]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 61 Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p. 66

[827]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p. 170, see Tarikh al-islam, ‘Ahd al-khulafa’ al-rashidin, p. 445

[828]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 567, num. 1445. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p. 170. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p. 66.

[829]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 567 num. 1446

[830]. Tathbit Dala’il al-nubuwwa, p. 573

[831]. al-Gharat, p. 104

[832]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, pp. 72-73; Tarikh Ibn Khayyat, p. 170; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba,vol. VII, p. 441, 514; Tarikh al-islam, ‘Ahd al-khulafa’ al-rashidin, p. 446; see Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p. 1286

[833]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1166; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp. 54-56; al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 217

[834]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1172

[835]. Ibid, vol. III, p. 1231

[836]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p. 253; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1308

[837]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p. 259

[838]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, p. 1166

[839]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, pp. 92 – 93

[840]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp. 153 – 154; al-Ma‘arif, p. 361

[841]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p.474, vol. VI, pp.51-54; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.345

[842]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, pp. 349 – 350

[843]. ‘Umar’s first measure was to return Arab captives, he said, أول فعل عمر رد سبايا العرب. قال: كرهت أن يسير سنة على العرب What ‘Umar did first was to expatriate ‘Umar’s captives saying, “I am happy! This becomes a tradition degrading Arabs

Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 139; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 380

[844]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. II, p. 382

[845]. Abu ‘Ubayd, al-Amwal, p. 133; Futuh al-buldan, p. 104

[846]. Rabi‘ al-abrar,vol. I, p.796; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, pp. 496- 497; Tarikh Djurdjan, p. 486

[847]. Hayat sahaba, vol. II, p. 802

[848]. Futuh al-buldan, pp.185-186; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. VI, p.99, al-Kharadj, p. 221

[849]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, pp. 337 – 339; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. I, p. 325

[850]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. I,p.2741; Imtidad al-‘arab, p. 22

[851]. Imtidad al-‘arab, p. 22

[852]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf,vol. XI, p. 439; Hayat sahaba,vol. II, p. 150

[853]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p. 230; see al-Mahasin wa l-masawi, vol. II, p. 227

[854]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. I, p.186; Lutf al-tadbir, p. 199; al-zuhd wa l-Raqa’iq, Djuz’ Nu‘aym Ibn Hammad, p. 52

[855]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p. 160

[856]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin,vol. II, p.250

[857]. al-Fitnat al-kubra, p. 72

[858]. Imtidad al-‘arab, p. 26

[859]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 329; Imtidad al-‘arab, p. 23

[860]. al-Buldan, p. 269

[861]. Dr. Salih al-‘Ali, in "Imtidad al-‘arab fi Sadr al-islam", studied the Arabs’ jouney and their settlement in cities of Iran based on Ya‘qubi’s source and other books.

[862]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, pp. 332-333.

[863]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VIII, p.111.

[864]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p. 989.

[865]. Sunnan al-Darimi, introduction, section 46

[866]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. I, pp. 314 -315

[867]. Hayat sahaba, vol. II, p. 87

[868]. Ibn Djuzi, al-Adhkiya’, p. 102

[869]. al-Fitnat al-kubra, pp. 68-85-86

[870]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I. pp. 199, 200, 207, 272, 228, 229; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, pp. 41-43

[871]. See al-durr al-manthur, vol. III, p. 232

[872]. al-Munammaq, pp. 367-395

[873]. Ibid, p. 397

[874]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp. 178- 179; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 237; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p. 149; Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. II, p. 1096

[875]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p. 150

[876]. Ya‘qubi says, “Mu‘awiya by dint of money made the opponents quiet, sometimes he was sent to the war especially the front.” Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 238

[877]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 87

[878]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, p. 96

[879]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 189

[880]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 90

[881]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, pp. 198-201

[882]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 131

[883]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, pp. 68-69; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.112

[884]. al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p. 198

[885]. Ibn Djuzi, Manaqib Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, p. 160; Tabaqat al-hanabila, vol. I, p. 319

[886]. Manaqib Ahmad Ibn Hanbal, pp. 163

[887]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. X, p. 140; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 98 and in the footnote of Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXXVIII, p. 33; Amali Ibn al-Shiykh, p. 33; Hadith III, section 27

[888]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p. 165

[889]. See Subul al-huda wa l-Rishad, vol. VI, p. 642

[890]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p. 22. this can be read in two ways “ لست ’ lastu” and “ ´لست lasta”. Ibn Sa‘d considered the first one and interpreted as I am not deceiver. It means that the prophet had pledged ‘Ali of his marriage to Fatima. A research in the narration of proposal, show there existed no promise. So what does the Prophet’s remark mean? Hence the reading lasta seems to be more probable, implying a reference to the previous suitors.

[891]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p. 22

[892]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp. 180-181

[893]. Sahih Tirmidhi, vol. XIII, p. 170; Ibn Abi Shayba, al-Musannaf, vol. XII, pp. 62 – 82; al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p.14; Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p. 807; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p. 270, vol. II, p. 145

[894]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, p. 732

[895]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 107; al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p.130

[896]. al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, pp. 56-58

[897]. al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p.378; Tarikh Djurdjan, p.218

[898]. As mentioned in the text, no one doubts this tradition

[899]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VII, p. 435; al-Taratib al-Idariyya, vol. I, p.p 443,444;3

[900]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol II, p. 98

[901]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 208

[902]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 121

[903]. Nahdj al-balagha, Letter 45

[904]. Tasnif Nahdj al-balagha, p. 355

[905]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 195

[906]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p. 382; vol. II, p.p. 123,155

[907]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon192

[908]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 99

[909]. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, p. 298; al-Mu‘djam al-Kabir, vol. XI, p. 264; Hilyat

al-awliya’, vol. I, p. 64

[910]. Tabaqat al-hanabila, vol. I, p. 320

[911]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p. 499

[912]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 183

[913]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, p. 174

[914]. al-Amali fi Athar al-sahaba, p. 80, footnote of Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p. 437, Sahih Tirmidhi, no.3796; Musnad Tayalisi No.829; Traits of ‘Ali (a), Nasa’i, p. 65; al-Hilyat al-’awliya’, vol. VI, p. 294; al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p. 110; al-Mu‘djam al-Kabir, vol. XVIII, p. 128; and see→, vol. IV, p. 322

[915]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p. 260

[916]. Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, p. 95; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha

vol. V, p. 7

[917]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 91,94; Hayat sahaba, vol. II, p.p. 514-515

[918]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 189

[919]. Tarikh Yahya Ibn Mu‘ayn,vol. III,p. 143

[920]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p. 52

[921]. Tarikh al-Kabir, Bukhari,vol. II, p. 255

[922]. Maqtal al-imam al-Amir al-Mu‘minin (ā)

[923]. Ibid, p.107

[924]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha,, vol. IX, p. 198

[925]. See, al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p. 162; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p.p. 29-30; al-Tanbih

al-ashraf, p. 250; Wafa’ al-wafa’, p.p. 995-996,1000

[926]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 172; al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 309

[927]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 217; some parts have been added to this sermon of Nahdj al-balagha; See,al-Djamal, p. 123;Ibid.footnote of, al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 155; al-Gharat, p. 204

[928]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 3

[929]. Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, p. 103

[930]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p. 25

[931]. al-Imta‘ wa l-mu’anisa, vol. III, p. 183

[932] Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 84; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 127,145,151; Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. II, p. 88

[933]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p. 58

[934]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p. 28

[935]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VIII, p.18

[936]. Ibid. vol. XIII, p.299-300

[937]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XX, p.298-299.

[938]. For example, Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. II, pp.222,314

[939]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.342

[940]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.14

[941]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara, vol. III, pp. 1045-1046

[942]. Tarikh al-madinat al-munawwara. vol. III, p.967; Muntakhab Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. II, p.204

[943]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XVII, p.62

[944]. Ibid. vol. XIII, p.301-302

[945]. Ibid. vol. XVII, p.62

[946]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol 1, p. 585; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol 2, p. 325

[947]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 172, al-Gharat, vol. I, p.307

[948]. Al-Gharat, vol 1, p.307

[949]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 3, Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.274

[950]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.307

[951]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 28; Waq‘at Siffin, pp.86-91. Here, Mu‘awiya’s letter to Imam and Imam’s reply are fully mentioned.

[952]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.281; al-Gharat, pp.110-111

[953]. Taha, verse 94; al-Muqni‘, p.109

[954]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.91

[955]. Tafsir al-manar, vol. VIII, p.224

[956]. Muqadama fi tarikh Sadr al-islam, p.48

[957]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p.51

[958]. al-Idah, p.88; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XII, p.53

[959]. al-Wafidat min l-nisa’ Ala Mu‘awiya, p.41

[960]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 64; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 348

[961]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 194

[962]. Nathr al-durr, vol. V, p. 77; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 171

[963]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 118

[964]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 173

[965]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 183

[966]. Sunan Ibn Madja, vol. II, p. 1270; ….3862

[967]. al-Muwafiqiyyat, p. 312; Dhakha’ir al-‘Uqba, p. 95

[968]. Kitab al-zina, p. 259

[969]. al-Wafidat, p. 24

[970]. al-Wafidat, p. 29; Balaghat al-nisa’, p. 67; Tarikh Dimashq, Taradjim al-nisa’, p.531

[971]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.18,23,24,46,381,385,416,436; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, pp.143-150; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XI, p.229; al-Fusul Mukhtara, pp.217-218; See, Nahdj al-sabagha,vol. III, p.p. 55-57; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.246; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.484; vol. III, pp.246,270 246,270

[972]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 179.

[973]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p. 226.

[974]. Maqtal al-imam al-Amir al-Mu‘minin (a), Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Turathuna Magazine,no.12; p. 126.

[975]. See, al-Ghadir, vol. II, p.p. 25,34,78 from different sources, al-Muqni‘ fi l-Imama, p.p. 75-76 and in the footnote of different sources. This has been quoted from Hassan, in Tarikh al-ya‘qubi ( vol. II, p.128) and al-Muqni‘ (p.133) as well as other sources,

حفظت رسول الله فينا وعهده إليك ومن أولى به منك، من ومن

ألست اخاه في الاخاء ووصيه وأعلــم فهرا بالكتاب وبالسنن

Thou safeguarded the Prophet ‘s religion left to thee. After all, who transcends thee in front of him. Are you not his brother and successor and not the most learned one of Banu Fahr about the Book ans Sunna.

[976]. al-Ghadir, vol. II, p. 68

[977]. al-Ghadir, vol. II, p.34

[978]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p. 143,149

[979]. Ibid,vol. I, p. 145

[980]. al-Gharat, p. 123

[981]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.p. 118-119.for more uses of the word "Legation",see,Ma‘alim al-madrisatayn,vol. I,p.p.295-328

[982]. al-Muqni‘ fi l-Imama, p. 125.for more poems about the same, see, Ibid, pp. 126-127

[983]. al-Ghadir, vol. II, p. 25 of Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p. 377; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p. 62 and other sources

[984]. al-Baghara,/246

[985]. Ibid./247

[986]. Al Imran,/68

[987]. al-’Ahzab/60

[988]. "Tathir" verse, see, al-’Ahzab/33

[989]. al-Baghara/132

[990]. Ibrahim/36

[991]. al-’Anfal/ 41

[992]. Rum/ 38

[993]. Referring to the Al Imran/ 33

[994]. al-Gharat, p.p. 67-71; al-Gharat, Urmawi, vol. I, p.p. 195-204

[995]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 3; Rabi‘al-abrar, vol. III, p. 536

[996]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 87

[997]. Ibid, sermon 109

[998]. Ibid, sermon 239

[999]. Nahdj al-balagha,sermon 154

[1000]. iIbid, semon 144

[1001]. See, al-’An‘am/84-87;Al Imran/38;Maryam/58;’Ankabut /27;Hadid/26

[1002]. al-Gharat, p. 111

[1003]. al-Ghadir, vol. I, p. 66; from various Sunnites sources; see,. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 156

[1004]. Facing Talha in the battle of Djamal, Imam referred to this tradition;Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XI, p. 204

[1005]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 1

[1006]. Ibid, sayings, No. 147

[1007]. Ibid, letter 25

[1008]. Shi‘a believes that this theory was at issue in Prophet’s time.

[1009]. See Nahdj al-sa‘ada fi Mustadrak Nahdj al-balagha, vol. II, p.p. 314,627

[1010]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp. 282-283

[1011]. Waq‘at Siffin, p. 46

[1012]. See Ibn Abi Dunya,, Maqtal al-imam Amir al-Mu‘minin,,p.92

[1013]. This has been stated about Basra, قطعة من الشام نزلت بيننا Tabaqat al-kubra,vol. VI,p.333

[1014]. al-Gharat,p.70

[1015]. al-Djamal,p.346

[1016]. al-Djamal, p. 346

[1017]. Tarikh Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 43

[1018]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 233

[1019]. Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VIII, p. 52

[1020]. Masa’il al-imama, p.p. 16-17; See, Murdji’a, Tarikh wa Andishih, 19-26; al-zina, p. 273; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.p. 57-58

[1021]. Masa’il al-imama,p.16

[1022]. From fabricated narrations in Tarikh al-tabari

[1023]. Sa‘id Ibn Musayyib said, “I witnessed ‘Ali (s)’s rebel contention and that of Uthman until Uthman wanted to scourge ‘Ali (a) and I caused them to make up with each other. See Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.132, No.112

[1024]. Sa‘id in the conflict of arbitration claimed that no one but he is of superior quality in caliphate, for having no hand in Uthman’s murder and the recent seditions. See Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 344

[1025]. Ansab al-ashraf, al-Djuz’ al-rabi‘, pp.559-560, No.1419

[1026]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 429; see Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 219

[1027]. In Iskafi’s narration it’s been cited, I was afraid that some of the ignorants might say something in mosque or the ones who have lost their own fathers or uncles in the Prophet’s Maghazi might object, al-Mi‘yar Wa l-Muwazina, p.50

[1028]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.263

[1029]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.p. 427-431; about Imam’s conversation with Talha see, p. 434; about Talha and Zubayr’s demanding the ruler ship of Kufa and Basra see, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 218

[1030]. Herein some other evidence will be mentioned. According to Ya‘qubi, All people took the oath except three of Quraysh one of whom swore the oath thereafter. See, Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.p. 178-179

[1031]. Tarikh al-khamis, vol. II, p. 261. About the allegiance of Muhadjirun and Ansar see, al-Djamal, p.p. 102-110

[1032]. Tarikh Khalifa Ibn Khayyat, p. 196

[1033]. These two were also tied to seizing caliphate and Talha was supported by ‘Ayisha. Baladhuri states, When ‘Uthman was murdered, ‘Ayisha was on her way from Mecca to Medina. Hearing about people swearing allegiance to Talha she cheered up, but being informed of ‘Ali’s caliphate, she returned to Mecca and declared she would take revenge for ‘Uthman, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 213.

[1034]. al-Futuh,vol. II.p.p.243-245

[1035]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 92

[1036]. Tarikh al-tabari,vol. IV,p.428

[1037]. Ansab al-ashraf,vol. II,p.213

[1038] al-Gharat, p. 112

[1039] Akhbar al-Buldan, Ibn Faqih Hamadani, pp. 4-5 ( Sezgin publication)

[1040]‘Abd al-Aziz al-Duri denies Lammens’s belief considering Saqifa as the result of Abu Bakr,‘Umar and Abu ‘Ubayda’s conspiracy but confirms the former agreement of Anti-Hashimites party. Muqadama fi tarikh Sadr al-islam,p.56.

[1041] Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 136

[1042] Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IX, p. 31

[1043] Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 427

[1044] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 210

[1045] Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 140; See, al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 105

[1046] This refers to the verse 100,Mu’minun

[1047] Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 143 See, al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 106

[1048] Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 73.

[1049] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 262.

[1050] In a letter to Mu‘awiya, Imam wrote,…and now the fact about deeming yourself different from Talha and Zubayr is that there exists no difference between you. Because mine has been a “public allegiance” to which no body disagreed. So necessarily it is to be accepted by all. Waq‘at Siffin, p. 58.

[1051] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p. 52; al-Djamal, p. 131.This has been stated in the first letter in Nahdj al-balagha,”People swore me allegiance freely and willingly.” Trying to emphasize the role of Malik, ‘Uthmanids and Umayyads intend to prove that people took the oath for fear of him.

[1052] Waq‘at Siffin, p. 65.

[1053] Ibid, p. 16

[1054] Ibid, p.45

[1055] Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 143, No.10.

[1056] Nahdj al-balagha, Letter 6

[1057]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 207

[1058]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.208

[1059]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.435

[1060]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.246-247

[1061]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.76

[1062]. al-Gharat, p.75

[1063]. Ibid. p.83

[1064]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.178-179

[1065]. Tarikh Yahya Ibn Mu‘ayn, vol. II, p.238

[1066]. This sect was also called" Sufyaniya","Nabita" and" Nawasib".

[1067].Al-Risalat al-nabita dar Rasa’il al-Djahi¨ (al-Rasa’il al-kalamiyya),p.239

[1068]. al-Hudjurat, verse,9

[1069].Sharh Usul al-Khamsa, p.141; al-Bahr al-ra’iq, vol. VI, pp.151,153; Ahkam al-qur’an, Djassas, vol. III, p.400, Djawahir al-kalam, vol. XXI,p.332

[1070]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.207

[1071]. Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p.207; Iskafi says that they said that they accept allegiance but they resent to war with the people of prayer. In return, Imam said, “Abu Bakr permitted war with them(Imam meant people who refused to pay tax alms). How didn’t you oppose him? See al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazana,p.106

[1072]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.72-73

[1073]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p.106; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.143

[1074]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.35

[1075]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.240; al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p.158

[1076]. Kitab al-zina, p.225

[1077]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, pp.36-37

[1078]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, pp.37-42; al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p.111-114; Da‘a’im al-islam, vol. I, p.384; Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, pp.200,415 and Ibid. from, Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, p.125;Amali, Ibn al-Shiykh, section 44, p.91, No.5, Rawda al-kafi, No.551

[1079]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, pp.37-42

[1080]. Da‘a’im al-islam, vol. I, p.384; Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, p.229

[1081]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.75; Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.318

[1082]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. 16, p.23; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.149

[1083]. Bahdj al-sabaqa, vol. II, pp.197-203

[1084]. al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p.227; see,Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.113

[1085]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342

[1086]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.141; al-Gharat. (And in footnote from Wasa‘il al-shi‘a, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Bihar al-anwar). Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol II, p.183

[1087]. Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol I, p.189

[1088]. Ibid, vol 1, p. 212

[1089]. Ibid, vol1, p. 212 – 213; from: al-Ikhtisas, p.151; Bihar, vol 41, p. 106; Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol 11, p.93

[1090] al-Gharat, p. 186 – 187; Gharib al-hadith, Abu ‘Ubayd, vol 3, p. 484; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol 19, p. 184

[1091]. al-Gharat, p.187 (Persian translation)

[1092] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 10, p.46

[1093] Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 12, pp.82-90

[1094] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 18

[1095]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 88

[1096]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342

[1097]. Mustatrafat al-sara’ir, p.146, and in its footnote, Bihar, vol. 96, p.38; Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 5, p.193; Tafsir ‘Ayyashi, vol. I, p.175

[1098] Nahdj al-balagha, letter 53

[1099] al-Manar, vol. 6, p.288

[1100] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 123

[1101] Ibid. sermon 38

[1102] Ibid. sermon 16

[1103] Nahdj al-balagha. sermon 192

[1104] Ibid. sermon 233; Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. 1, p.96

[1105] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 54

[1106] Zamakhshari has mentioned some parts in Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. 1 from page 41 on.

[1107] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 113

[1108] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 87

[1109] Nahdj al-balagha. sermon 205

[1110] Tarikh al-madinat al-Munawwara, vol. 3, pp.1043-1044

[1111] al-Amali fi Athar sahaba, p.50

[1112] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. 10, p.124

[1113] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 2, p.180

[1114] Tarikh al-Kabir, Bukhari, vol. 4, p.33; al-Ghadir, vol. 9, p.66, vol. 10, p.201

[1115] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.179; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I, p.204(printed in India)

[1116] Taqyid al-‘ilm, p.90; Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, PP.226,294; Tarikh Baghdad, vol. 8, p.357; al-Taratib al-Idariyya, vol. II,p. 259; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 6, p.116

[1117] Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan(a), Ibn Sa‘d, p.156

[1118] concerning “ Kitab ‘Ali bi Imla’al-Nabi(s)”,Ahmadi Miyanidji, the master, completed a detailed research about “Makatib al-rasul” and extracted some cases narrated by the Infallible Imams from ‘Ali’s booklet.

[1119] concerning “ Kitab ‘Ali bi Imla’al-Nabi(s)”,Ahmadi Miyanidji, the master, completed a detailed research about “Makatib al-rasul” and extracted some cases narrated by the Infallible Imams from ‘Ali’s booklet.

[1120] Madjma‘ al-bayan, vol. 8, p.472

[1121] Qut al-qulub, vol. II, p.302; Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. II, P.515; al-Tahdhib, vol. II, p.486; al-Kafi, vol. II, p.312; Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.312; Akhbar Isbahan, vol. I,p. 89

[1122] Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.227-228

[1123] Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. I, p.70. Concerning positions of other Imams, “Qissih khanan dar tarikh Islam wa Iran”,pp.93 - 102, Qum, 1999

[1124] Sharh Nahdj al-balagha, vol. 7, p.36

[1125] See one detailed example of that in, Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. I, pp.74-79 and the sources in there. We mentioned other sources in the first volume of the book under the topic of “ the historical role of the Messenger(s)”.

[1126] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 12, p.36

[1127] Naqd,p.496; Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, pp.338-342; Musnad al-imam al-Hadi, p.207; Bihar al-anwar, vol. 38, p.245

[1128] al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p.108

[1129] Ansab al-ashraf, ol.II, p.273

[1130] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 105

[1131] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 164

[1132] Ibid. sermon 145

[1133] Ibid. sermon 149

[1134] Ibid. sermon 192

[1135] Ibid. sermon 154

[1136] Ibid. sermon 176

[1137] Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. II, p.537

[1138] Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p.530

[1139] Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 182

[1140] Ibid. sermon 187

[1141] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.187

[1142] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.252(footnote)of, Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 28, p.67; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 5, p.364

[1143] Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.429; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.218

[1144] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.223.Major source on Djamal war is the book of “al-Djamal” by Shiykh Mufid who has prepared it out of tens of sources accessible to him in that time. We have used this book as well as others previously written.

[1145] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.255

[1146] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.222-223; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 5, p.34

[1147] As earlier said, when Abu Bakr said prayers, just one, instead of the Prophet(s), according to Imam ‘Ali, ‘Ayisha was the one who, from inside of home, introduced Abu Bakr.

[1148] Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, P.300

[1149] Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, P.274

[1150] Tarikh al-madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, P.942

[1151] Concerning different statements and what she herself said in contradiction to this idea, Hadith al-Ifk, from p.158 on

[1152] Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 8, p.81

[1153] Ibid., vol. 8, p.68

[1154] Ibid., vol. 8, p.103

[1155] al-Djamal, pp.157-160

[1156] See the section on "‘Uthman’s Opponents"

[1157] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.217-218; vol. 5, p.91; Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 6, p.215

[1158] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 5, p.91

[1159] al-Djamal,p.160 and in the footnote from,Al-Shafi,vol. 4, p.356; Bihar al-anwar, vol. 32, p.341

[1160] al-Futuh, vol. II, P.337; Nathr al-durr, vol. 4, p.21

[1161] Musnad Ahmad, vol. 6, pp.34, 38

[1162] Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p.821

[1163] al-Djamal, pp.409-412

[1164] Ibid., pp.425-434

[1165] Ibid., p.438

[1166]²ahr al-islam, vol. 4, pp.38-39

[1167] Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.451

[1168] Akhbar al-tiwal, p.144

[1169] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.238

[1170] al-Mu‘djam al-Kabir, vol. 24, p.34

[1171] al-Futuh, vol. II, PP.282-283

[1172] Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.451; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.284

[1173] al-Futuh, vol. II, P.284

[1174] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.224

[1175] al-Mu‘djam al-Kabir, vol. 24, p.10; Madjma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. 9, p.135

[1176] al-Futuh, vol. II, p.286

[1177] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.221

[1178] al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.279-280

[1179]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.221-222

[1180]. Nathr al-durr, vol. 4, p.15-16

[1181].Akhbar al-tiwal, p.144; al-Djamal, p.322

[1182]. al-Djamal, p.304

[1183]. al-Djamal, p.329

[1184]. Ibid. p.345

[1185]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.229-230; al-Djamal, p.305

[1186]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. 11, p.365; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.224; al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p.120; al-Isti‘ab, vol. 4, p.361; (Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr says, “This hadith is among the reasons of the Prophet’s prophethood and it is more correctly documented requiring no discussion.”)

Futuh al-buldan, p.549; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.288; Nathr al-durr, vol. II, p.227; Madjma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. 7, p.234

[1187]. al-Djamal, p.306

[1188]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.226-227

[1189]. al-Djamal, p.307

[1190]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.182

[1191]. al-Djamal, p.284

[1192]. Ibid. p.285

[1193]. al-Ma‘arif, p.208

[1194] al-Djamal, p.401

[1195] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 15, p.283

[1196] al-Djamal, pp.283-284

[1197]. al-Djamal, pp.301-302

[1198]. Ibid. pp.299-300

[1199]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.184

[1200]. loc.cit.

[1201].Akhbar al-tiwal, p.145

[1202]. Ibid. p.145; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.234-235

[1203]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.145

[1204]. Dinwari (Akhbar al-tiwal, p.147) says, “when Zubayr heard that ‘Ammar is with Imam ‘Ali, he remained doubtful due to hadith of Iالحق مع عمار » and hadith Iتقتلك الفئة الباغية ». This statement seems incorrect thanks to Zubayr’s spoiled soul. ‘Ammar was from the very beginning with Imam, how has Zubayr not thought of this so far?”

[1205]. Concerning the tribes and their positions, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.237

[1206]. al-Djamal, p.330

[1207]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.239,274

[1208]. About the attendance of the Prophet’s companions, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.267-269 (footnote)

[1209]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.147

[1210]. al-Djamal, pp.314-318

[1211]. Waq‘at al-Djamal, p.36

[1212]. al-Djamal, pp.336-339

[1213]. Ibid. p.336; According to Baladhuri, war happened on Djamadi al-Thani 10th. Ansab al-ashraf, p.238; Imam’s letter to Kufiyans telling about the triumph over Djamal companions is dated Djamadi al-Awwal. al-Djamal, p.399

[1214]. al-Djamal, p.334

[1215]. al-Djamal, pp.339-340; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. 7, p.537; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.241

[1216]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.240-241

[1217]. al-Djamal, p.348; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p.257

[1218]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.246-247

[1219]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.185

[1220]. al-Djamal, p.383

[1221]. Waq‘at al-Djamal, al-Ghallabi, p.42; Tarikh Mukhtasar Dimashq, vol. 11, p.204

[1222]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.255; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.147

[1223]. Abu Mikhnaf comments that Zubayr left the battlefield after troops failure and he was killed on his way to Medina. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.254; This means that he has left the battlefield and nothing else.

[1224]. al-Djamal, p.389; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 9, p.24

[1225]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.150

[1226]. loc.cit.

[1227].Al-Djamal, p.379

[1228]. Ibid. p.369

[1229]. Samt al-Nudjum al-’Awali, vol. II, p.440

[1230]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.249

[1231]. Ibid. vol. II, p.265

[1232]. Ibid. vol. II, p.266

[1233]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p.202

[1234]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 8, p.74

[1235]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.241; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 5, p.6

[1236]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.248

[1237]. Ibid. vol. II, p.265

[1238]. al-Djamal, p.419

[1239]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.186

[1240]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.186

[1241]. Ibid. p.190

[1242]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.263 (context and footnote)

[1243]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.151

[1244]. al-Djamal, p.392

[1245]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.151; al-Djamal, p.407; Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p.308

[1246]. al-Djamal, pp.395-399

[1247]. Ibid. pp.401-402

[1248]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.374; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.152; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.273; It is to be said that Imam has written letter to Qara¨a Ibn Ka‘b, ruler of Kufa, to inform about the victory in Radjab 36 H. al-Djamal, p.404

[1249]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.153

[1250]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.184

[1251]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 70

[1252]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.210-211

[1253]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.143; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.268; al-Mi‘yar wa l-Muwazina, p.98

[1254]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.271

[1255]. al-Futuh, vol. I, p.134

[1256]. Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. I, p.47

[1257]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.3,5; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.349. It is to be said that the most comprehensive work on the event of Siffin is the valuable book “Waq‘at Siffin”, written by Nasr Ibn Muzahim, dead in 212. Ibn A‘tham has mainly used this book in reporting about Siffin and he has condensed the book. Sources such as Tarikh al-tabari and Baladhuri have quoted mainly from Abu Mikhnaf except a few sporadic reports.

[1258]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.347

[1259]. Ibid. vol. II, pp.360-361

[1260]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.211-212

[1261]. Waq‘at Siffin, p 8.

[1262]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.56; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.432; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.160

[1263]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.411

[1264]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.403

[1265]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.212

[1266]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.12-13

[1267]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.350

[1268]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.297

[1269]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.350; Waq‘at Siffin, p.113; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.167

[1270]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.352

[1271]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.156

[1272]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.21; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.370-371

[1273]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.27

[1274].‘Abd al-Rahman Ibn Ghanm Azdi who was known as "Afqah ahl Sham"(Horizon of Damascus people) said to Shurahbil in Damascus, “Even if ‘Ali has murdered ‘Uthman, he would be caliph of Muslims since Muhadjirun and Ansar have sworn allegiance to him and they are "superior to people". Waq‘at Siffin, p.45

[1275]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.29; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.374-375; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.157

[1276]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.380

[1277]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.32

[1278]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.411, he was proud not because of being from Damascus but because he was a Yemeni.

[1279]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.406-407; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.160

[1280]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.44-52; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.397-401; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.275-276 (footnote); Akhbar al-tiwal, p.159

[1281]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.52; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.392

[1282]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.429-430

[1283]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.58; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.432

[1284]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.77

[1285]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.404

[1286]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.61

[1287]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.283

[1288]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.284; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.157

[1289]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.382

[1290]. In Sunnites sources ‘Abd Allah Ibn ‘Amr Ibn ‘As, one of Sahaba hadith-writers, is defended while ‘Abd Allah was present in Siffin arm in arm with his father. ‘Abd Allah commanded the left wing of Damascus troops. Waq‘at Siffin, p.206. It goes to say that when his father asked him to hold the banner, he first rejected and said, “I’ll never fight anyone who has not been even one moment an atheist.” His father obligated him to hold the banner, he took it and said, “If the Prophet had not said, “Obey your father”, “I would have never done this!!” al-Futuh, vol. II, p.35

[1291]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.35; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.285; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.185

[1292]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.39; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.288; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.186. ‘Amr lived only until 43 H. and was ruler of Egypt.

[1293]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.37,44; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.386

[1294]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.441

[1295]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.294; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.161

[1296]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.82-83; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.413

[1297]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.63; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.416-417

[1298]. Waq‘at Siffin, vol. 75; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.187; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.421

[1299]. Nahdj al-balagha, catchwords, No.18

[1300]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.418-419

[1301]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.86-91; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.277-282; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 15, p.73; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.474-475; Nahdj al-sa‘ada, vol. 4, p.185

[1302]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.110-111; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.477-480

[1303]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.460

[1304]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.101; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.460

[1305]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.293; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.362; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.164. Imam paid his blood money out of public property.

[1306]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.92-96

[1307]. Ibid. pp.98-99; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.444

[1308]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.101

[1309]. Ibid. p.115; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.165, he seems to be the same Khadjih Rabi‘ whose tombstone, in Mashhad is visited very much.

[1310]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.102; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.447

[1311]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.103; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.448, Akhbar al-tiwal, p.165

[1312]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.114-115

[1313]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.118-121; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.393-397 and in the footnote of Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p.188; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.10; Samt al-Nudjum al-’Awali, vol. II, p.465

[1314]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.127

[1315]. Ibid. p.131

[1316]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.105-107

[1317]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.296-297

[1318]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.188-189

[1319]. Waq‘at Siffin, vol. II, p.144; al-Futuh, vol. II, p.468

[1320]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.150-151; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.297

[1321]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.187

[1322]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.298; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.487-488

[1323]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.462-466; Waq‘at Siffin, pp.140-142

[1324]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.299

[1325]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.303

[1326]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.188,190

[1327]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, pp.293,321

[1328]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.191

[1329]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.190

[1330]. Ibid. p.196

[1331]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.169-172

[1332]. Ibid. p.196

[1333]. Ibid. p.171

[1334]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.495

[1335]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.362

[1336]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.168

[1337]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.439

[1338]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.166-167

[1339].Waq‘at Siffin, p.163

[1340]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.298; al-Futuh, vol. III, p.2

[1341]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.13

[1342]. Ibid. vol. III, p.15

[1343]. Nasr Ibn Muzahim says, وكان اكثر القوم حروباً الاشتر

Waq‘at Siffin, p.195

[1344]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.196

[1345]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.163

[1346]. Ibid. p.170

[1347]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.199

[1348]. Ibid. p.214; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.303

[1349]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.44-45

[1350]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.203-204

[1351]. Despite mention of the date in several sources, 12th of Safar is regarded by Baladhuri (Ansab, vol. II, p.323) to be on Friday that is inconsistent with this date. But regarding the report by Nasr about the citation of arbitration agreement of Wednesday 17th of Safar, Baladhuri’s reference to Friday 12th of Safar is approved.

[1352]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.303-305

[1353]. Ibid. vol. II, pp.305-306

[1354]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.230-232

[1355]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.447

[1356]. Ibid. p.236; Ashtar in his speech said that roughly one hundred people from Badr stay with us. Waq‘at Siffin, p.238

[1357]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.188

[1358]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.180-181

[1359]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.215

[1360]. Ibid. p.319

[1361]. Concerning the sources, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.312-313 (footnote) in the following pages ‘Amr Ibn ‘As is quoted to have said the afore-mentioned hadith.

[1362]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.131

[1363]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.239; al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.124-125

[1364]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.311-313

[1365]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 5, p.236

[1366]. al-Muhabbar, p.296

[1367]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.340; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.310

[1368]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.271

[1369]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.244

[1370]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.360

[1371]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.41; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.176

[1372]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.187

[1373]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.363

[1374]. Ibid. p.274; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.176

[1375]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.407; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.330; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.177

[1376]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.173-174

[1377]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.293; al-Futuh, vol. III, p.55

[1378]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.325; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.186

[1379]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.437; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.322; al-Futuh, vol. III, pp. 43 – 44

[1380]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.163

[1381]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.163

[1382]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.119-120

[1383]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.324; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.320. Baladhuri hesitates to report about martyrdom of Uwiys. The proof reader mentions on pages 320-322 various sources in which this undeniable report is referred.

[1384]. al-Futuh, vol. II, pp.451-460

[1385]. He is reported in detail in Waq‘at Siffin including, pp.346-356

[1386]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.67

[1387]. Ibid. vol. II, p.101

[1388]. Ibid. vol. III, p.142

[1389]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.103

[1390] al-Wafidat min l-nisa’ ‘ala Mu‘awiya, p.29

[1391] Ibid. p.36

[1392] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.307

[1393] Waq‘at Siffin, p.435; al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.221-222

[1394] Waq‘at Siffin, pp.470-471

[1395]. Ibid, p. 474; al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.264-65

[1396]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.323

[1397]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.478

[1398]. Ibid, p.481

[1399]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.188-89

[1400]. Ibid, vol. II, p.189

[1401]. al-Futuh, vol. II, p.74

[1402]. Waq‘at Siffin

[1403]. Ibid, pp.490-494

[1404]. Regrettably Mudri and Yemeni competition induced problem at Siffin battle.

[1405]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.499-500

[1406]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.331

[1407]. Ibid, vol. II, p.337; see, p.338

[1408]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.194-196, Waq‘at Siffin, pp.504-570, see, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.334-335

[1409]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.508; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.189

[1410]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.521; see, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.236

[1411]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.237

[1412]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.421

[1413]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.540-541

[1414]. Waq‘at Siffin. pp.545-546; Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.199-201; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.350-51

[1415]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.342

[1416]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.196

[1417]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.339

[1418]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.413-414; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.351

[1419]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.331-338

[1420]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.342

[1421]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.191

[1422]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.359

[1423]. Ibid, vol. II, p.350

[1424]. Ibid, vol. II, p.363

[1425]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.192

[1426]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.360

[1427]. Ibid, vol. II, p.349

[1428]. Ibid, vol. II, p.352

[1429]. The verses, Al Imran / 23; al-Ma’ida / 95; al-nisa’ / 35

[1430]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.354

[1431]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.209

[1432]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.361

[1433] Ibid, vol. II, pp.356-369

[1434] Ibid, vol. II, p. 364.

[1435]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.366, and in its footnote from, al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.143

[1436]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.206

[1437]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.367

[1438]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.206

[1439]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.362-368

[1440]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.370; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.207

[1441]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.210

[1442]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.371

[1443]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.210

[1444]. One of them is Yazid Ibn Nuwayra Ansari whose being a heavenly man was witnessed twice by The Prophet(s) (al-Isaba, vol. II, p.348) The list of the martyrs of this war has been noted by Ibn A‘tham (vol. IV, p.121) and Ibn Abi l-Hadid (vol. II, p.29). See their narrations with martyrs’ names at Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.314, (footnote)

[1445]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.374-375. It’s been noted in Futūh (vol. III, p.277) that when Imam ended his war with Kharidjites and went to Kufa, 17 days were remained from Ramadan.

[1446]. Ibid, vol. I, p.319

[1447]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.346

[1448]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.346

[1449]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.413-418

[1450]. al-Fa’iq,vol. IV,p.129

[1451]. See, Waq‘at Siffin, following al-Qurra’ at the list of tribes and clans

[1452]. See, al-Irshad, vol. I, p.254

[1453]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.50

[1454]. Ibid, vol. V, p.51

[1455]. Ibid, vol. V, p.49, Waq‘at Siffin, pp.489-490, Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. X, pp.56,60,239; Tatawwur al-Fikr al-Siyasi ‘Ind ahl al-Sunna, pp.43-44

[1456]. Ibid, vol. V, pp.84-85

[1457]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 27

[1458]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XIII, pp.167-168

[1459]. Nahdj al-balagha, Sermon 192

[1460]. Masa’il al-imama, p.16

[1461]. See, Nahdj al-balagha, sermons 93,101,121,192; letters 1,65; Qisar al-Hikam, No.1

[1462]. Nahdj al-balagha, see, Kalamat Qisar, No.1

[1463]. For sedition, see, Bernard Lewis, article "Mafahim Inqilab dar Islam", Tahqiqat Islami Magezine, No.2/7, pp.93-97

[1464]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermons 38,122, Qisar al-Hikam, No.113

[1465]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp.361-377; Nahdj al-balagha

[1466]. For instance they regarded all those accepting arbitration, and subsequent to that, everyone not considering ‘Ali (a) infidel, as infidel, by referring to the verse وَمَنْ لَمْ يَحْكُمْ بِمَا أَنزَلَ اللَّهُ فَأُوْلَئِكَ هُمْ الْكَافِرُونَ “and whoever did not judge by what Allah revealed, those are they that are the unbelievers” and ordered their dissenters’ women and children to be murdered by referring to this verse رَبِّ لَا تَذَرْ عَلَى الْأَرْضِ مِنْ الْكَافِرِينَ دَيَّارًا “My Lord! Leave not upon the land any dweller from among the unbelievers” which was Noah’s prayer. See, Masa’il al-imama, p.19

[1467]. al-Aghani, vol. XIV, p.269; see, Murdji’a, Tarikh wa Andishih, pp.32-39

[1468]. Lisan al-‘arab, vol. IV, p.461 (following religion)

[1469]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 157

[1470]. Ibid, sermon 93

[1471]. Ibid, sermon 61

[1472]. Ibid, sermon 60

[1473]. Futuh al-buldan, sermon 39

[1474]. Ibid. sermon 131

[1475]. Futuh al-buldan, sermon 180

[1476]. al-Gharat, p.176 (Persion version)

[1477]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp. 390-392

[1478]. As reported by Baladhuri in Ashraf, vol. II, pp. 300-301 when Qays arrived in Medina, Imam had written to Sahl Ibn Hunayf to go to Kufa. Meanwhile, Marwan and Aswad Ibn Abi l-Bakhtari were active in acting against Imam in Medina. They threatened Qays with murder. Without a moment’s hesitation he left there for Iraq. It proves that except Ansar accompanying Imam to Iraq how much Medina was against Imam.

[1479]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, pp. 398-399

[1480]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 264; in Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 399 the name of Qays Ibn Sa‘d is referred to mistakenly.

[1481]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 265 (The Persion translation is adapted from Ayati’s book)

[1482]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 401

[1483]. al-Gharat, vol. I, pp. 276-289

[1484]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 404

[1485]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p. 291

[1486]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 404. Muhammad’s mother, Asma’ Bint ‘Umays, was first Dja‘far’s wife after whose martyrdom got married Abu Bakr. After Abu Bakr’s demise she married Imam ‘Ali (a), thus Muhammad was cherished in Imam’s family.

[1487]. al-Gharat, vol. I, pp.302-322

[1488]. Ibid. vol. II, p. 377

[1489]. al-Gharat, vol. II, pp.373-412

[1490]. al-Gharat, vol. II, pp.416-442

[1491]. al-Gharat. vol. II, pp.445-459

[1492]. al-Gharat, vol. II, pp.459-461

[1493]. al-Gharat, pp.179-181 (Persian version); Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.211-212

[1494]. al-Gharat, pp.464-503

[1495]. Ibid. vol. II, pp. 504-516

[1496]. al-Gharat. p. 174 (translated by Ayati)

[1497]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 3, pp. 35-38

[1498]. Maqtal al-imam Amir al-Mu‘minin, p. 36, No.13

[1499]. Ibid. p.29, No.4; p. 35, No.12

[1500]. Ibid. pp.28,33, No.11

[1501]. Ibid. p. 30, No.5

[1502]. Ibid. p.30, No.6

[1503]. al-Amali, al-Djuz‘ al-thalith, No.18

[1504]. Kanz al-’Ummal, vol. XV, p.170 (2nd edition); al-Amali fi Athar sahaba, pp. 103-104

[1505]. al-Fada’il, p.38, No.63 (published in Qum)

[1506]. Tardjamat al-imam ‘Ali Ibn Abi Talib (a), vol. III, p. 361 (2nd edition)

[1507]. al-Isti‘ab (in the margin of al-Isaba), vol. III, p. 59

[1508]. al-Isti‘ab. pp. 33-34, No.12; Abu Nu‘aym along with many others have narrated that the Prophet had already foretold his martyrdom. Ma‘rifat al-sahaba, vol. I, pp. 295-296.

[1509]. Ibid. p.39, No.20; footnote, al-Imama wa l-siyasa, p.160, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p. 499

[1510]. Maqtal al-imam Amir al-Mu‘minin, pp. 45-46

[1511]. Ibid. p.79, No.68

[1512]. Ibid. p.92, No.85; p.96, No.91

[1513]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 45

[1514]. This Hadith is the one repeated many times. Imam also stated, يهلك فيك الرجلان، محب مفرط ومبغض مفرط Two people are murdered for me, extremist friend and hardline foe

Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 127

[1515] al-Mi‘yar wa l-muwazina, p.240

[1516]. Ibid. p.240

[1517]. Ibid. p.240

[1518] Ibid. p.244

[1519]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II p.187; al-Gharat, vol. I, pp.85,87,88

[1520]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.85

[1521]. Ibid. pp.88-89; the footnotes of the same pages

[1522]. Tabaqat al-muhaddithin bi-Isbahan, vol. I, Akhbar Isbahan, vol. I, p.72

[1523]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.310

[1524]. al-Futuh, vol. III, pp.90-92

[1525]. Musnad Ibn Dja‘d, vol. I, p.527. the report was denied that Qatada in the second century heard that there be a number in Basra who claimed that they considered ‘Ali superior to ‘Uthman. “By Allah, no resident before you had ever believed so”, he said.

[1526]. These Shi‘ites Muslems were mostly political and they never believed that Imam Hasan (a) was oppointed by Allah as an Imam.

[1527]. al-Irshad,Vol.II,p.10;al-Fusul al-muhimma,p.147;Bihar al-anwar,

vol. XXXXIV, pp.46, 56; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.32; Sulh al-imam al-Hasan (a), pp.68-69

[1528]. Later you will see how Imam Mudjtaba has proved it.

[1529]. See the section about "Caliph II’s Agent"

[1530]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 199

[1531]. al-Irshad, vol. I, p.281 وما كنت متحرياً صلاحكم بفساد نفسي I sought not my ruin through thy reform.

[1532]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 70

[1533]. al-Irshad, vol. I, p.283 يا اشباه الإبل غاب عنها رعاتها، کلما اجتمعت من جانب تفرقت من جوانب أخرى Thou look like camels left unharnessed by camel drivers, if they are gathered on one side, they shall be dispersed on the other side.

[1534]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. X, p.67

[1535]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XI, p.29 وقد أحببتم البقاء وليس لي أن أحملكم على ما تكرهون “Thou preferred to stay, so I have not the right to force thee to do something unpleasing to thee.”

[1536]. Ibid. vol. II, p.193; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.418

[1537]. Although the killed on Imam’s side were a few, many Kharidjites who were killed were from Kufa people’s relatives.

[1538]. Such as Tardjamat al-Hasan from Ibn ‘Asakir in Tarikh Dimashq and Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan from Ibn Sa‘d in Tabaqat al-kubra

[1539]. Nur al-absar, pp.119-120, Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.24; Na³m Durar al-simtayn, p.195

[1540]. al-Mustadrak, Hukaym Niyshaburi, vol. III, pp.147, 173; al-Ithaf bi-hubb al-ashraf, p.34

[1541]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn Sa‘d, p.134

[1542]. al-Hayat al-siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp.24,44

[1543]. Fara’id al-simtayn, vol. II, p.68

[1544]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.49

[1545]. al-Hayat al-siasiyya Li-Imam al-Hasan, p.27. According to a narration in Kashf al-ghumma, vol. I, p.550, Mu‘awiya tried to call Hasan (a) and Husayn (a) Imam ‘Ali’s sons not the Prophet’s.

[1546]. al-Ithaf, p.34

[1547]. It will be discussed later.

[1548]. al-Amali, Shiykh Tusi, vol. II, p.172; Bahdj al-sabaqa, vol. III, p.448; Hayat al-Hayawan, vol. I, p.58; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, pp.30,56; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.34

[1549]. Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p.139; Na³m Durar al-simtayn, p.195

[1550]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.126

[1551]. Ibid. p.167; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p.139

[1552]. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, vol. II, p.299; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, pp.138-139; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV, p.212; al-Ithaf, p.35

[1553]. Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p.132

[1554]. Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p.243; Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn. Ibn ‘Asakir, pp.145-146

[1555]. Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.121

[1556]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II,p.12. According to this narration, Hasan has objected to Imam ‘Ali (a). It is true but this Hasan had been Hasan Basri not Imam Mudjtaba.

[1557]. Professor Sayyid Dja‘far Murtada is skeptical of this issue. al-Hayat al-siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp.149-150

[1558]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.15; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p.63

[1559]. al-Hayat al-siyasiya li l-Imam al-Hasan (a), p.113; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VIII, p.253; al-Ghadir, vol. VIII, p.301; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.172

[1560]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.297; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. V, p.233; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. III, pp.186,199

[1561]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.114

[1562]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.160; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.26; Ibn Sa‘d(219) has referred to such a reaction by Imam Husayn (a).

[1563]. Na³m Durar al-simtayn, p.205; Rawda al-Wa‘i³in, p.168; Manaqib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.44; Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p.142

[1564]. In historical books it is mentioned that after Imam ‘Ali’s martyrdom he took power with the allegiance of those present in Kufa. In Tarikh al-khulafa’, Suyuti, Mas‘udi has said that considering Imam Hasan’s caliphate the narration of الخلافة بعدي ثلاثون سنة “The caliphate after me is thirty years” Would be right as seen in some historical books. Later, he referring to the duration of each caliph had confirmed the caliphate until the early third century.

[1565]. Tabaqat al-shu‘ara’, p.109; al-Imta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. III, p.170

[1566]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. X, p.67

[1567]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p.30; vol. VII, p.282

[1568]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.171

[1569]. Maqtal Amir al-Mu‘minin, p.61, Ibn Abi l-Dunya has said that no successor ‘Ali introduced.

[1570]. Madjma‘ al-bayan, vol. II, p. 403; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p.159; al-Irshad, p.220

[1571]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.424-425 (Siffin Battle, p.580); Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.34

[1572]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.147

[1573]. al-Irshad, vol. II, p.8. In a book by Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I6, pp.30-31 and Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.33 the word of successor is not referred to.

[1574]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.151;( in Maqatil al-talibiyyin, Isfahani, p.36 and) Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I6, p.24, it is narrated, و لانّي المسلمون الامر من بعده “After him, I am Muslims’ leader” The difference between the two is clear.

[1575]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.474

[1576]. al-Aghani, vol. I1, p.116

[1577]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. IV4, p.43

[1578]. al-Hayat al-Siyasiyya li l-Imam al-Hasan, pp.48-49

[1579]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.431

[1580]. It is the first part of the verse to the last part which only was referred in the narration.

[1581]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.33; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp.30-31; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.167; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.28; Hayat al-sahaba, vol. III, pp.526-527

[1582]. Murudj al-dhahab, Vol.II, p.432. (The Women, 83)

[1583]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn Sa‘d, p.167

[1584]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp.33-36 (simplified); al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.151-153; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.64-68

[1585]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.31 Mu‘awiya wrote to Muhammad Ibn Abu Bakr “You father and I knew well that ‘Ali was superior but after the Prophet passed away”, فكان أبوك وفاروقه أوّل من ابتزّ حقّه وخالفه على أمره “Your father and his horrible friend were the first ones who usurped his right and opposed him” Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, pp.11-13

[1586]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 28

[1587]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.158

[1588]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, pp.22, 28

[1589]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.156

[1590]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.31

[1591]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.133; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.105, No.315

[1592]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp 154-155; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.158; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.29

[1593]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.29

[1594]. al-Irshad, vol. II, p.9

[1595]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.62-68

[1596]. Ibid. p.62; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.31; al-Irshad, vol. II, p.9

[1597]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.66

[1598]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.26

[1599]. ’Anfal, p 46

[1600]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.69

[1601]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.181

[1602]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.70-71

[1603]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.44

[1604]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.158; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.196

[1605]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.14

[1606]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.64

[1607]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.153; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.61

[1608]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.71; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.214; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.167

[1609]. Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, pp.138-139

[1610]. Sulh al-Hasan, Al Yasin, p.123

[1611]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.168

[1612]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.176

[1613]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.34

[1614]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.71; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.40

[1615]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.216

[1616]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.215

[1617]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.72

[1618]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.167,169,170; al-Mu‘djam al-Kabir, Vol.III, p.96, No.2761; Madjma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. VI, p.167

[1619]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 37

[1620]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p. 73

[1621]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 38

[1622]. Ibid, vol III, p.38

[1623]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p. 74; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp. 39-40

[1624]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.38

[1625]. Ibid. vol. III, p. 39

[1626]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 215

[1627]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.169

[1628]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.157; compare with Imam’s distorted remarks in Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.39

[1629]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.14; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.205

[1630]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.215

[1631]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp.178-179; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.406; (A‘lam al-Din) p.181; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.21; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.199

[1632]. Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.197

[1633]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.48

[1634]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p.42

[1635]. Ibid.

[1636]. al-Irshad, vol. II, p.13

[1637]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XVI, p. 22

[1638]. Risalat Djahi³ fi Banu Umayya printed in ‘Asr Ma’mun, vol. III, p.7

[1639]. ’I‘lam al-wara, p. 205; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.20; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p.175

[1640]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.405

[1641]. al-Gharat, p.173 (Persian version)

[1642]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 208; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. II, p.220; vol. XI, p.29

[1643]. al-Gharat, p. 185

[1644]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), Ibn ‘Asakir, pp. 178-179; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.406; A‘lam al-Din, p.181; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.21; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p. 199

[1645]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.220

[1646]. Akhbar al-tiwal. p.217

[1647]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.147; pp. 45-46

[1648]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.19; Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, p. 227; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p.175; Fara’id al-simtayn, vol. II, p.120

[1649]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 220; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p. 35

[1650]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 221

[1651]. ‘Ilal al-shara’I‘, vol. I, p.211; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p. 174

[1652]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, pp.29, 57; Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.35; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p.170

[1653]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.203

[1654]. ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, pp. 169-170

[1655]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.338; Tardjamat l-Imam l-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.203 (footnote)

[1656]. Fara’id al-simtayn, vol. II, p.124; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.19

[1657]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.25; Rawda al-kafi, p.330

[1658]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 178

[1659]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 23; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 26; Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, p. 20; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II. p.247; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.197

[1660]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.150; Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 221; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 187

[1661]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.222

[1662]. As an example, see Zuhri’s report in Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p. 168

[1663]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.158-160

[1664]. al-Futuh (translated by Muhammad Mustuwfi Hirawi into Persian), pp.765-766

[1665]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp. 41-42

[1666]. al-Manaqib, vol. IV, p.33

[1667]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p. 22

[1668]. al-Fusul al-muhimma, pp.162-163; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, vol. XVI, p.172

[1669]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp.172,178

[1670]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.74; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, pp.176-177; Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.217-218

[1671]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.176; A‘lam al-Wara, p.206

[1672]. For instance it was said that according to the verse of مَا أَفَاءَ اللَّهُ عَلَى رَسُولِهِ مِنْ أَهْلِ الْقُرَى فَلِلَّهِ وَلِلرَّسُولِ وَلِذِي الْقُرْبَى “What God granted His Messenger (s) belongs to Him, the Prophet and his descendants” Imam had a share in Bayt al-Mal, so he had claimed his proportion. Bihar al-anwar, Vol.IV4, p.10 (footnote); another justification was that Imam had asked the tributes of Darabdjird for the families of Djamal and Siffin martyrs; Bihar al-anwar, Vol.XXXXVI, p.3; ‘Awalim al-‘ulum, Vol.XVI, pp.182, 187, 188

[1673]. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV. p.224; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.198

[1674]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.48; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.29

[1675]. al-Futuh, vol V, p.14; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.67

[1676]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XVI, p.21

[1677]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.171, 172

[1678]. Dhakha’ir al-‘uqba, p.140; Na³m Durar al-simtayn, pp.200-101; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.42; al-Mahasin wa l-Masawi, vol. I, p.53; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.173; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.43

[1679]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.44-46; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.163; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.46

[1680]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.46

[1681]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.52; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.168

[1682]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.54

[1683]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.130-131

[1684]. Ibid. Ibn Sa‘d, p.163

[1685]. Ibid. Ibn Sa‘d, p.139; Sunan al-Tirmidhi, vol. V, p.661

[1686]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.138; Musnad Ahmad, vol. V, p.366; Mustadrak, vol. III, p.173

[1687]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.138,143; Tadhkirat Tayalisi, No.2502; Tadhkirat Ahmad, vol. II, p.440; al-Mustadrak, vo.III, p.166

[1688]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.138; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.35

[1689]. Akhbar Isbahan, vol. I, p.44

[1690]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.73

[1691]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.159

[1692]. al-Aghani, vol. IV, p.419

[1693]. al-Mahasin wa l-Masawi, p.55

[1694]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.159; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p.73; Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.196

[1695]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.155

[1696]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, p.177

[1697]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. I, p.235

[1698]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.175-176; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.55-88. Professor Mahmudi has quoted the report above from many sources in the footnotes of the mentioned pages. Yet, Ibn Khaldun, with his religious Prejudice and unlike all historical proof, has said, وحاشا لمعاوية ذلك “Never ever can Mu‘awiya do so.” Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. II, part 2, p.18

[1699]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.59

[1700]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.176

[1701]. al-Muntakhab Min Dhiyl al-mudhayyal, p.514

[1702]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.61, 64; footnotes of pp.61-62

[1703]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.184

[1704]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.65; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.184-185

[1705]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.177-179

[1706]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.180, 187

[1707]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d,, p.188

[1708]. Ibid. p.183. ‘Uthman was not even buried in Baqi‘ because people prevented.

[1709]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.66; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.183, 189, 190

[1710]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.181; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No.371

[1711]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.182; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No.338

[1712]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘d, p.182

[1713]. al-Muntakhab Al-Muntakhab Dhiyl al-mudhayyal, p.514; al-Mustadrak ‘ala l-sahihayn, vol. III, p.173; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn Sa‘dp.182; Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, Ibn ‘Asakir, No.372

[1714]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p.224

[1715]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.228

[1716]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan (a), p.183

[1717]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, pp.298-299; Nahdj al-balagha, letter 454 of ‘Ali to Mu‘awiya; concerning Mu‘awiya’s ignoring insult of one Jew towards one Muslim; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.160

[1718]. al-Aghani, vol. VI, p.355; some time Abu Sufyan, at the Hamza’s grave, said, “God bless thee.”; You fought us over something that came under control; al-Amta‘ wa l-Mu’anisa, vol. II, p.75

[1719]. Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, al-Rasa’il al-siyasiya, p.344

[1720]. Tathbit Dala’il al-nubuwwa, p.593. Hasan Basri has said, لقد تصنّع معاويه للخلافة في ولاية عمر بن خطاب Mu‘awiya had been preparing Himself for caliphate since ‘Umar’s tenure Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.24

[1721]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.17,18,20; Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, al-Rasa’il al-siyasiya, p.344

[1722]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.161

[1723]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.15, vol. V, p.114; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.18; once Mu‘awiya was complained at the presence of ‘Umar. ‘Umar said, “Leave us away from reproaching Quraysh’s young man and his son of the prophet’s descendant. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.18. This is most likely to be attributed to ‘Umar

[1724]. al-Ghadir, vol. IX, p.35. From Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.88,90. Djahi³ said, “One of the most significant reasons of the Sufyanids for substantiating Mu‘awiya’s caliphate was his own statement. He stated, “This is a position thereto ‘Umar has designated me. Never did he depose me since he designated me whereas he designated no emir unless he deposed him or at least he was incensed by his actions and summoned him. Neither did he depose me nor was incensed. He did consign Damascus thoroughly to me and succeeding him. ‘Uthman did reinforce me; Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, al-Rasa’il al-siyasiya, p.385

[1725]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.550

[1726]. al-Fakhri, p.77, Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, Vol.XXV, p.30

[1727]. Waq‘at Siffin. P.32; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.30.

[1728]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. IV, p.229; al-Ghadir, vol. VI, p.304; vol. IX, p.373

[1729]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.33; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p. 28

[1730]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XI, p.87; It has been narrated that there were some in Damascus saying; “If Mu‘awiya is not a prophet, he is at least half of a prophet”; See also Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.550. And once one of his devotees met him, he, as a salutation, addressed him, “O Allah’s Messenger!” See also al-Awa’íl, Tustari, p.163; Regarding the person who cursed ‘Ali in front of Mu‘awiya, Ahnaf Ibn Qays asserted, “By Allah if he knew your gratification was in cursing all the prophets, he would certainly do so.”; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.113

[1731]. As an instance, it has been quoted from the Holy prophet as stating, والأمناء عندالله ثلاثة, جبرئيل وأنا ومعاويه “In sight of Allah the trustees are three, Djibri’il (Gabriel), Mu‘awiya and me” Such narations have been discussed in detail by Ibn ‘Asakir; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp. 5-16

[1732]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.81

[1733]. Risalat al-Djahi¨ fi Banu Umayya, p. 124 in al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum

[1734]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.II, pp.393-397; Waq‘at Siffin, p.118, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. III, p.188; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.10; Samt Nudjum al-‘awali, vol. II, p.465

[1735]. al-kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.157. Mu‘awiya definitely intended to prepare the ground for his succession through his coming to Damascus

[1736]. Being requested for an aid by ‘Uthman, Mu‘awiya along with two others came to Medina and went to ‘Uthman overnight. “Have you brought any helper?”, ‘Uthman questioned

[1737]. Nathr al-durr, vol. IV, p.62; Balaghat al-nisa’, p.139; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. VI, p.90

[1738]. al-Gharat, p.70

[1739]. Diwan Farazdaq, Vol.I, p.25

[1740]. Ibid, vol. II, p.210

[1741]. Diwan farazdaq, vol. II, p.210

[1742]. Ibid, vol. I, p.114

[1743]. Diwan Farazdaq. vol. I, p.336; al-Umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, pp.13-15, other verser are mentioned besides the aforesaid poems.

[1744]. Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, al-Rasa’il al-siyasiyya, pp.345-346

[1745]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.28

[1746]. A‘yan al-shi‘a, vol. III, Section 2, p.12

[1747]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.58

[1748]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.121

[1749]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.161.; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.27

[1750]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.82

[1751]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, Vol.I, p.100

[1752]. Waq‘at Siffin, pp.78,80

[1753]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.161

[1754]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. III, p.342; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 25, p.42

[1755]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.39

[1756]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.63

[1757]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.64

[1758]. Nahdj al-balagha, letter 28

[1759]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.237

[1760]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.II, p.216

[1761] al-Fitna wa waq‘at al-djamal, p. 109; from: Min dawlat ‘Umar ila dawlat ‘Abd al-Malik, p. 109

[1762]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, Vol.I, p.300; al-Shuwra fi l-‘Asr al-umawi, p.34; Later on, when two Umayya (‘Abd Allah Ibn ‘Umar Ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz with Sulayman Ibn Hisham) performed their prayers led by one of Kharidjites, an outsider composed,

الم تر انّ الله أظهر دينه وصلّت قريش خلف بكر بن وائل

Not you know Allah’s religion won while Quraysh performed its prayer behind the tribe of Bakr Ibn Wa’il

al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p.343, vol. II, p.265; Shi‘r al-kharidjites, p.208, from Ansab al-ashraf, vol. VIII, p.365, vol. III, p.137; Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.II, p.1913

[1763]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. III, p.318, vol. VI, p95; al-Basa’ir wa l-dhaka’ir, p.35

[1764]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p.148

[1765]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.67

[1766]. al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp.35-36; al-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’, p.302; see: al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. I, p.63

[1767]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.115

[1768]. Tabaqat al-mu‘tazila, p.6; Fadl al-I‘tizal wa Tabaqat al-mu‘tazila, p.143, al-Awa’íl, Abu Hilal Askari, vol. II, p.125

[1769]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. III, p.529

[1770]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.85 (هذه الخلافة أمر من أمرالله وقضاء من قضاء الله )

[1771]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.205, Aswad Ibn Yazid narrated, he enquired ‘Ayisha “Is not it surprising that a man from Tulaqa (the released) is disputing with Muhammad’s companions on caliphate?”

“No need to surprise” ‘Ayisha replied, It is سلطان الله “a Divine power” that Allah grants to both debauchees and the righteous; as Pharaoh ruled Egypt for four hundred years; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XV, p.42

[1772]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.180, al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.49; Tarikh al-tabari, vol,V, p.220; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.449; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Vol.XVI, p.202; Djamharat Khutab al-‘arab, vol. II, p.273; al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p.25

[1773]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.225; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.226; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p.299, No.798

[1774]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.214

[1775]. al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p.65. From al-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’, vol. I, p.544; al-Aghani, vol. 20, p.212; Khazanat al-adab, vol. III, p.59; Shi‘r Miskin, p.33

[1776]. Ibid, vol. V, p.344

[1777]. Ibid, vol V, p.344

[1778]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p.273; vol. V, p.44,50,404; al-Djami‘ al-Sahih (Sunan al-Tirmidhi) أنا اول الملوك وآخر خليفه “I am the first monarch and the last caliph;” Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.55; Kitab al-fitan, No.48

[1779]. Sunan al-Darimi, vol. I, p.6

[1780]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.237-238; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.463, 464

[1781]. Ibid, vol. IV, p.346

[1782]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p.185

[1783]. al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, p.191

[1784]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. V, p.220,221; Tirmidhi has narrated the aforegoing quotation from Sa‘id Ibn Djamhan quoted from "Sufayna";

He quoted from Sa‘id telling Sufayna, “The Umayya is of this opinion that caliphate belongs to them.”

“They are lying, they are the kings and from the worst kinds” he answered.

Al-Djami‘ al-Sahih, vol. IV, p.503; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p.70; Tirmidhi has added that the Umayya had claimed that caliphate was lain among them by the Holy Prophet(s)

[1785]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.429. It merits consideration that those fabricating Hadiths have been trying to be accurate in calculation.

[1786]. al-Djami‘ al-Sahih, Kitab al-fitan, No.49

[1787]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p.273; Kitab Muslim, Kitab al-zuhd, No.4

[1788]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.78

[1789]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. V, p.39

[1790]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 16,46; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.43,45

[1791]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.47

[1792]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.99; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.105

[1793]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.201

[1794]. Hayat al-sahaba, vol. II, p.441

[1795]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XVI, p.48-49

[1796]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VIII, p.210; Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II,.217; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. I, p.291

[1797]. Muntakhabat al-tawarikh li-Dimashq, p.81 quoted from Min dawlat ‘Umar ila dawlat ‘abd al-malik, p.146

[1798]. Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, Rasa’il al-kalamiyya, p.241

[1799]. Tarikh Khulafa’, pp. 196,203

[1800]. Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.232

[1801]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.20

[1802]. Akhbar Isbahan, vol. II, p.255

[1803]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. VI, p.6; Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.232

[1804]. Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.233

[1805]. al-Isaba, vol. III, p.434

[1806]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.230-240

[1807]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.132

[1808]. Khilafat wa mulukiyyat, pp. 118-207

[1809]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.63

[1810]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.184

[1811]. Fadjr al-islam, p.213

[1812]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.303

[1813]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. X, p. 267

[1814]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.61

[1815]. Tarikh Khulafa’, p.247

[1816]. Madjma‘ al-amthal, vol. I, p.651

[1817]. al-Gharat, vol. I, p.251

[1818]. al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. VI, pp.27-28

[1819]. Tarikh Khulafa’, p.243

[1820]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.57; al-Nasa’ih al-kafiya, p.72

[1821]. al-Idah, pp.210-211; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.63 It is probable that this Hadith is attributed to Abu Hurayra and he Himself has not narrated it.

[1822]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid,vol. I, p.361 (the four-volume edition)

[1823]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid,vol. I, p.63

[1824]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p.44

[1825]. Ibid, vol. XI, p.49

[1826]. Ibid, vol. IV, pp. 56-57

[1827]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. II, p.298; Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, pp.66,101-102; Ma‘rifat sahaba, vol. II, p. 236

[1828]. Turathuna, No.10, pp.143-144

[1829]. Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. I, p.148

[1830]. Concerning Mu‘awiya Ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Dja‘far; Ansab al-ashraf, section 4

[1831]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p.44; Bihar, vol. IV, p.125

[1832]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.184

[1833]. al-Madjruhin, vol. I, p.268

[1834]. Tadhkirat al-khawas, Ibn Sa‘d, p.212

[1835]. Usd al-ghaba, vol. II, p.20

[1836]. Ibid.

[1837]. Bahdjat al-madjalis, vol. I, p.99; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p.105

[1838]. Ibid, vol. I, p.550

[1839]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p.115

[1840]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, p.184

[1841]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, vol. V, p.11

[1842]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.22

“Busr also was determined to slay anyone who might have had a hand ‘Uthman’s assassination” Tarikh al-tabari has written. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.134

[1843]. al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp.266, 267

[1844]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 132

[1845]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.379

[1846]. Tarikh al-dhahab, vol. II, p.379

[1847]. Tarikh al-dhahab, vol. IV, p.144

[1848]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.188; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, pp.10,11

[1849]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III. p.559

[1850]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.462

[1851]. Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p.8; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.450

[1852]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.174; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.167; Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p.18; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.450

[1853]. al-Muhabbar, p.479, Muhammad Ibn Habib has written, “Ziyad Ibn Abih executed MuslimM Ibn Zaymur and ‘Abd Allah Ibn Nudja, both Shi‘ite Muslims, at the doors of their houses at Mu‘awiya’s behest.

[1854]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.203; see also Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p.44

[1855]. al-Muhabbar, p.479

[1856]. MukhtasarTarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.88

[1857]. Ibid, p.88

[1858]. MukhtasarTarikh Dimashq, vol. IX, p.86

[1859]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.176, Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p.10; see also Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.217; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.462

[1860]. al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.312

[1861]. Ibid, pp.317,336

[1862]. al-Aghani, vol. XVI, pp.29,30

[1863]. Bahdj al-sabagha, vol. III, pp.179,180; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.57; this sentence has authentically come in Husayn Ibn ‘Ali’s letter which will be discussed later.

[1864]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.150; Bahdj al-sabagha, vol. III, p.180

[1865]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p.45; al-Ghadir, vol. XI, p.29

[1866]. Ibid, vol. XI, pp.44,46

[1867]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.156,158; Bihar, vol. XXXXIV, p.108

[1868]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.104

[1869]. Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. IV, p.22; Bihar, vol. XXXXIV, p.104

[1870]. Risalat Djahi³ fi Umayya published with al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, Miqrizi.

[1871]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.106

[1872]. Mu‘djam Qaba’il al-‘arab, vol. IV, p.999; Waq‘at Siffin, p.104

[1873]. Ibid

[1874]. al-Gharat, vol. II, p.481

[1875]. A‘yan al-shi‘a, vol. XX, pp.60,67

[1876]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.45

[1877]. Ibid, p.47

[1878]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.175

[1879]. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV, p.84

[1880]. al-Kamil

[1881]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, pp.69,101,102

[1882]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.189

[1883]. Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. , p.218; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.134, 135

[1884]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.190

[1885]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.218

[1886]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.189; Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, p.11

[1887]. al-Aghani, vol. 17, p.135

[1888]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.191; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.36

[1889]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV

[1890]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.190; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, p.14

[1891]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.199,200; al-Gharat, vol. II, p.565; al-Kuna wa l-Alqab, vol. I, p.15; al-Aghani, vol. 17, p.146; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, pp.12,13. "Sal‘a’" might refer to ‘Ali (a) who was well-Known as Asla‘ or might mean "intensely"

[1892]. Concerning Abu Barda has come in Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.95 as follows انه النقيه احد الأعه الاثبات “He has been one of the eminent Islamic jurisprudent”

[1893]. al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.146; Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. IV, pp.12,13

[1894]. Waq‘at Siffin, p.381

[1895]. al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.321

[1896]. Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.151

[1897]. al-Irshad, p.280

[1898]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.199

[1899]. Tarikh al-tabari, p.204

[1900]. Ibid, p.203; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.149

[1901]. It is quoted that in conquering Damascus, Hudjr Himself had conquered this area; al-Muhabbar, p. 292 ان حجراً اول من وحد الله عزوجل بمرج عذراء حين افتتحت on conquering Mardj ‘Adhra’, the first one who glorified Allah by saying "Allah Akbar" was Hudjr.

[1902]. al-Irshad, p.169; Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.101

[1903]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.205,206; al-Aghani, vol. XVII. pp.151, 152, 153

[1904]. al-Isaba, vol. I, p.315, A‘yan al-shi‘a, vol. 20, p.61 (From Mustadrak and Tabaqat al-kubra)

[1905]. Futuh al-buldan, pp.400,401

[1906]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.219; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.208; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.154

[1907]. al-Isaba, vol. I, p.315

[1908]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.208; al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.154

[1909]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.208

[1910]. Ibid..

[1911]. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. IV, p.84

[1912]. al-Mustadrak, vol. III, p.469

[1913]. A‘yan al-shi‘a, vol. XX, p.58

[1914]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.220

[1915]. al-Aghani, vol. XVII, p.13

[1916]. Tarikh Ibn Khaldun, vol. III, p.10

[1917]. al-Aghani, vol. XVII, pp.143-144; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.197; al-Daradjat al-rafi‘a, p.343; al-Muhabbar, p.292

[1918]. al-Daradjat al-rafi‘a, p.432

[1919]. al-Munammaq, p.490

[1920]. al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p.46; al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.301

[1921]. Fi l-tarikh al-kamil, vol. IV, p.461

[1922]. Fi l-tarikh al-Kamil, vol. III, p.465

[1923]. Fi l-tarikh al-Kamil, vol. IV, pp.193-197; Futuh al-buldan, pp.401,402

[1924]. Ibid, vol. III, p.446

[1925]. Ibid, vol. III, p.456

[1926]. But one time some groups of the Kharidjites believed in Taqiyya. See also al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III. pp. 516, 518

[1927]. They talked at availing themselves of "Taqiyya"; l-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, p.201; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.181

[1928]. Because they had no proof for combating ‘Ali; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.210

[1929]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. III, p.276

[1930]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.126 (The events in 41)

[1931]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, pp.412,417

[1932]. Ibid, vol. III, pp.409,420

[1933]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.173-174

[1934]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.175

[1935]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.165-166; al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, pp.195-196

[1936]. al-Kamil fi l-lughat wa l-adab, vol. II, pp.198-212; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp.163-186

[1937]. Nahdj al-balagha, sermon 61

[1938]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.142; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p. 427

[1939]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.143; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p. 429

[1940]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 144

[1941]. From the view point of fiqh (jurisprudence) Imam had stated, ان خرجوا على امام عادل او جماعة فقاتلوهم وان خرجوا على امام جائر فلا تقاتلوهم Kill those who rise up against a just Imam and people, but never kill those rising up against an unjust ruler.

Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. XI, unit 26, Hadith 3

[1942]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.431

[1943]. Ibid, vol. V, p. 193

[1944]. Ibid, vol. V, p.191

[1945]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.172

[1946]. Ansab al-ashraf, p.463; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 177

[1947]. Ibid, vol. III, pp.515,517

[1948]. Ibid, vol. III, p.519

[1949]. Andishih siyasi dar Islam mu‘asir, p.150

[1950]. Tarikh al-Khulafa’, pp.196,203

[1951]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.233; vol. V, p.101; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.506, such governorship was left as inheritance for Muslims’ future. This approach was exercised not only for the ‘Abbasids and Fatimids in Egypt but also even from the Safawids on in Shi‘ites Iran.

[1952]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.209; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.175; what is narrated in al-Futuh is that ‘Amr Ibn ‘As had been the stimulater. By the some token since ‘Amr Ibn ‘As had passed away in 43 A.H., it cannot be correct.

[1953]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.187

[1954]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.224; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.165; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p. 503

[1955]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 224,225

[1956]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.225,226; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.508

[1957]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.28; al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.231; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.166-169

[1958]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.187-194

[1959]. Ibid, vol. I, p.171; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. I, p.182

[1960]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.182

[1961]. Ibid, vol. I, p.177

[1962]. Ibid, vol. I, p.178,179,180,181

[1963]. Mentioning the name of Imam Hasan does not seem incorrect because this narration referes to the year after his martyrdom.

[1964]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp.194-196

[1965]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.236

[1966]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.183; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.508

[1967]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.240,241

[1968]. Ibid, vol. IV, pp.243,244; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, Vol.I, p.188

[1969]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.205

[1970]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.208; later on Sufyaniyya also in order to substantiate the legitimacy of Mu‘awiya’s caliphate and although there existed some having previous record in Islam, had narrated that ‘Umar had preferred Abu ‘Ubayd Ibn Mas‘ud to forty participants of Badr; Rasa’il al-Djahi¨, al-Rasa’il al-siyasiyya, pp.391-392

[1971]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.209

[1972]. Ibid, vol. I, p.210; Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, pp.213-214

[1973]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.212

[1974]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.214

[1975]. Tarikh Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.228

[1976]. Ibid, vol. IV, p.240

[1977]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp.248,249

[1978]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.191; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. III, p.511

[1979]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.245

[1980]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.204

[1981]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.37; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. VI, p.8

[1982]. al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, p.73; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, part 2, p.5; Tabaqat Futuh al-shuwra, p.626; Nasab Quraysh, p.129

[1983]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, p.336

[1984]. Amali, Abu ‘Ali al-Qali, p.175; Tathbit Dala’il al-nubuwwa, p.575

[1985]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.24-25

[1986]. Tarikh khalifat Ibn khayyat, p.218

[1987]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp.16-17

[1988]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.255

[1989]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p.257

[1990]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.135

[1991]. Ibid. p.136

[1992]. Ibid. p.131

[1993]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.137; see Fara’id al-simtayn, a precious reference, for more information concerning these two Imams. Among the recently published books in "Fada’il al-khamsa fi Sihah al-Sitta", Ahl Bayt’s virtues are compiled from Sunnites’ famous books.

[1994].Ibid. Ibn Sa‘d, p.146

[1995]. Ibid. p.149

[1996].Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.145

[1997]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXII, p.405

[1998]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXIV, p.266

[1999]. al-Futuh, vol. III, p.35

[2000]. It is refereed within this very text that it must be "هم ".

[2001]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.154-155, footnote; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.224; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.180-181; al-Ihtidjadj, vol. II, p.20; pp.48,49; al-Daradjat l-rafi‘a, p.434; Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, vol. II, p.121; a part of the letter in al-Muhabbar, p.479. therein the names of the two from Hadram whose martyrdom was mentioned by Imam are referred to as Muslim Ibn Zaymur and ‘Abd Allah Ibn Nudja.

[2002]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.198

[2003]. al-Daradjat al-rafi‘a, p.429; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.231-232

[2004]. Tarikh Madinat Dimashq, Taradjim al-nisa’, pp.469-470

[2005]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, Ibn Sa‘d, pp.145-146.

[2006]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, Ibn Sa‘d, p.149.

[2007]. Ibid. p.150.

[2008]. Akhbar al-tiwal,p.227.

[2009]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.11.

[2010]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.17.

[2011]. Dinwari, p.228.

[2012]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.16; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.15.

[2013]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.37

[2014]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.260-261; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.46. This emphasis was because they were infamous for not supporting ‘Ali and his son, Hasan.

[2015]. The letter is fullyread in al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.20

[2016]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.49,50

[2017]. Ibid. vol. V, p.53.

[2018]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.263-264. Some researchers deny such events. Mab‘uth al-Husayn, p 90.

[2019]. al-Shahid Muslim, p.104; these sentences are not in historical books but Muqarram by availing Himself of narrations related to allegiance of ‘Aqaba and Yawm al-fath has referred approximately to them.

[2020]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.59,60.

[2021] Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 271

[2022]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 273; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.28.

[2023]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.265; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.21.

[2024]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.267; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, pp.24, 25.

[2025]. Tadhkirat al-khawas, p.242. Later on Shurayh had said, “As Ibn Ziyad had appointed an agent to watch me, I scared to give Hani’s message to the members of the tribe that he was under duress.”

[2026]. al-Kmail fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.31

[2027]. al-Irshad, p.210, Around 4000 people is reported.

[2028]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.277; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.87; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.31.

[2029]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.227.

[2030]. al-Irshad, p.212.

[2031]. Al-Futuh, vol. V, p.98.

[2032]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.35.

[2033]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.98,99; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.283.

[2034]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.57; Maqtal al-Husayn, vol. I, p.197; Mab‘uth al-Husayn, p.123.

[2035]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.27.

[2036]. Mab‘uth al-Husayn, pp. 152, 153

[2037]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.249.

[2038]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.164; Akhbar al-tiwal,.245; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 289-290.

[2039]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.245

[2040] Akhbar al-tiwal, p.247

[2041]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 120

[2042]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.300

[2043]. The message was that Imam Husayn should return to Hidjaz as soon as possible.

[2044]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 247, 248

[2045]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.169

[2046]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.248

[2047]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.169

[2048]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 300, 301

[2049]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.300

[2050]. See, Acquaintance with the people of Kufa at the beginning of discussion about Imam Hasan’s Caliphate.

[2051]. Men such as ‘Amr Ibn Hadjdjadj and Shabath Ibn Rib‘i who were commanders of Ibn Ziyad’s army in Karbala were among those writing letters to Imam Husayn. See al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 50-51.

[2052] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 185; al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 169.

[2053]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 277, Ibn A‘tham, writing the letter was a trick against me and for becoming nearer to Yazid.

[2054]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.59

[2055].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.178; Akhbar al-tiwal, pp. 245, 255

[2056]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.179

[2057]. It was noticed, in Iraqi war against Iran, how it compelled Iraqi people to combat Iranian Muslims. By the same token, such people are culprit and we do never intend to acquit the people of Kufa this way, But there is a vast difference between the one who goes freely and the one going under duress. However, many chiefs and nobles and those affiliated with the Umayya whom later Zaynab and Umm Kuthum blamed went to Karbala willingly.

[2058]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.290; al-Futuh vol. V, pp.120,124; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.245; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.165

[2059]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, p.171; Tardjamat al-Husayn, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.206

[2060]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.48

[2061]. Tashayyu‘ dar masir tarikh, p.160

[2062]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.179

[2063]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.254

[2064]. Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.70

[2065]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.172

[2066]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, p.178

[2067]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.7

[2068]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.73

[2069]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, pp.178-179

[2070]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.243

[2071]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.263; Imam had already asked some of the Shi‘ites distinguished in Basra for help in a letter, vol. IV, p.23.

[2072] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.173,179; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.295

[2073]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.180; al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.159,160

[2074]. al-Muhabbar, p.303

[2075]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.157

[2076]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, p.178

[2077]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.226

[2078]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.28; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.61. (Even this one is not mentioned either).

[2079]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, Ibn ‘Asakir, p.197; Akhbar al-tiwal pp.222-224

[2080]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.36,37; Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.228,246; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.19. on p.41 Imam’s meeting with Ibn Muti‘ eroute from Mecca to Kufa is referred.

[2081]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.224; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.113; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.287; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.161; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.39

[2082]. Ibn A‘tham, vol. V, p.32

[2083]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.161; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.110; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.287

[2084]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.163; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.39; Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, p.166

[2085] Ibn A‘tham, vol. V, p.116; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.291; Ibn Athir, vol. IV, p.40

[2086]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn of Ibn Sa‘d, p. 167

[2087]. Ibid. p. 167

[2088]. Ibid. p.166

[2089]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.165

[2090]. As mentioned earlier, this matter is beyond the scholastic aspect of Imamate.

[2091] Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.164; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.289; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.113; Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, the first Ibn ‘Asakir, p.190; al-Ma‘rifat wa l-tarikh, vol. I, p.541; Madjma‘ al-Zawa’id, vol. I, p.192; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.55; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.38

[2092]. loc.cit.

[2093]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.116; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.38

[2094]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.290

[2095]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.124

[2096]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.163-165

[2097]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.173

[2098]. Ibid. p.181

[2099]. Ibn ‘Asakir,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 192

[2100]. Ibid. pp. 209, 210

[2101]. See, al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 46, 49, 50, 51; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.262

[2102]. See, al-Futuh, vol. V, p.52; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.262

[2103]. See, al-Futuh, vol. V, p.68, see also Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 259; Ibn ‘Asakir, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, 207; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p54, (The number recorded was 12000); see also, al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.5 (The recorded number was 30000)

[2104]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.174; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.281; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.77

[2105]. Ibid. p. 174

[2106]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, pp. 54, 55

[2107]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.281

[2108]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.281

[2109]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.5.

[2110]. Ibn Badjdal refers to Yazid.

[2111]. Akhbar al-tiwal, see also Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.170; Al Futuh, vol. V, p.135

[2112]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.247 it is narrated that two people belonging to Banu Asad who were coming from Kufa informed them. That the one giving the news of Muslim’s martyrdom was either Farazdaq or Hurr is not true. See Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.61; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.125.

[2113]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.168; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.292;Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.176; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.6

[2114]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.300; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.42

[2115]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.304

[2116]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.170; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.139; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, pp.47, 48

[2117]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.170; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.135; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.250

[2118]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.311; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.155

[2119]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.323

[2120]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II, p.182

[2121]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.54

[2122]. Ibid. p.173; in footnote, this tradition is declared untrue by Editor.

[2123]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.26

[2124]. Ibn Sa‘d,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.192

[2125]. Ibid. p.250

[2126]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.250; al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.130, 141; vol. II, p.170

[2127]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.307; Baladhuri, vol. II, p.173 the tribe of Banu Tayy was the tribe of Hatam Tayi whose son, Adi, was from among the Prophet’s and later ‘Ali’s companions and now his son, Tirimmah, made such a suggestion for his Shi‘ism.

[2128]. Akhbar al-tiwal, pp.250, 251

[2129]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.176;Akhbar al-tiwal, p.251

[2130]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.172

[2131]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.252

[2132]. Ibid. p.253

[2133]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.61

[2134]. Hurr with one thousand, Husayn Ibn Numayr with tour thousand, Shabath Ibn Rib‘i with one thousand, Shimr Ibn Dhi l-Djawshan with four thousand, ….; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.159

[2135]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.179

[2136]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.254

[2137]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.178

[2138]. Sharaf al-imam al-Husayn, p.178

[2139]. Imam sent an envoy to dissuade Ibn Sa‘d but the response given to him was رفي ابن سعد أن يقتلك بملك اسري Ibn Sa‘d to battle against you in return Riy. Al-Futuh, vol. V, p.173

[2140]. al-Irshad, p.229

[2141]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.166; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III,, p.183 فانظر فإن نزل الحسين واصحابه على الحكم فابعث بهم اليّ سلماً وإن أبوا فازحف إليهم حتى تقتلهم وتمثل بهم فانهم مستحقون لدنك

[2142]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.254

[2143]. This order was given three days after Imam’s arrival. See also, Akhbar al-tiwal, p.255; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.180, what Ibn Ziyad has stated about ‘Uthman was on no accounts true because when ‘Uthman was under opponents’ pressure, it was Imam ‘Ali (a) who provide water for him. Earlier, we have discussed this in this regard.

[2144]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.162; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.311. Reaction to some objections as saying because with digging two or three metersof water could be found in Karbala and there was no need for the water of the Euphrates; there fore, no one suffered from thirst. It is absolutely evident that Ibn Ziyad’s army was so ruthless that it did not allow them to sink wells. Nevertheless, Imam’s army could take water from the Euphrates several times until a couple of days prior to Ashura.

[2145]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.184; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.168

[2146]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.182

[2147]. Ibn Sa‘d,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn,, p.178; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, pp.58,59

[2148]. Ibn Sa‘d,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, pp. 179, 180

[2149]. Ibid. pp. 178, 181; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.7

[2150]. Those who had been described well by Imam ‘Ali (a) as

خذلوا الحق ولم ينصروا الباطل

They have not only forgotten the gospel truth but also they never back the credal error

[2151]. Notorious of being Kharidjites

[2152]. Ibn Sa‘d,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn,, p.178

[2153]. Ibn Sa‘d,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.181. see also al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, pp. 60, 61

[2154]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.182

[2155]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p. 63

[2156]. Ibid. vol. IV, pp. 64-65

[2157]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p. 73

[2158]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.326; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.183

[2159]. Tarkih Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 331; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.67

[2160]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.184; see also Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.63. It has been the true historical narration and consistent with the status quo at that time and the mutual manners.

[2161]. See Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, pp.154-161 and the footnotes of the pages.

[2162]. Ibid. vol. V, p.51

[2163]. Ibid. vol. V, p.116; see also Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.291, he had written the same to ‘Abd Allah Ibn Dja‘far as well. See also Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 202

[2164]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.122

[2165]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.253

[2166]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.177; al-Futuh, vol. V, p.123

[2167]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 175-176

[2168]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p.181

[2169]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.82

[2170]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 137

[2171]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 171; al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 144-15; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.304; elsewhere, Imam had stated, الا ترون أن الحق لا يعمل به وأن الباطل لا يتناهي عنه Not you see how the gospel is not practiced but the credal error is endlessly practiced?

Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.305; Ibn ‘Asakir, Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn,p. 214. Also Imam had said, فان السنة قد أميتت وان البدعة قد أحييت The Prophet’s Sunnah is dissolved while heresies are revived

Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 266

[2172]. al-Futuh, vol. IV, p. 237; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 183

[2173]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p.197; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, Lisan al-mizan, vol. III, p.151 (Al-Humayr al-saqqa’at)

[2174]. al-Futuh, bol.5, p.98

[2175]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 289; such adverse publicity had made, the majority of people specially those from Damascus to consider Imam Husayn as an outsider (the one seceding) and to accuse him of heresy.

[2176]. Tarikh al-tabari, p. 275

[2177]. Ibid. p. 331

[2178]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 167, as described by Mu‘awiya, Ibn ‘Umar was a coward (Ibn A‘tham, vol. IV, p. 260). He advised Imam Husayn saying “Do not rise up, be patient, compromise as others did. See also al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 39; Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 166.

[2179]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p. 17

[2180]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 167

[2181]. al-Awa’íl, Askari, vol. II, p. 125

[2182]. Fadl al-I‘tizal wa tabaqat al-mu‘tazila, p. 143

[2183]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp. 183, 187

[2184]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 188

[2185]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p. 148

[2186]. Ibn ‘Asakir,Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, p. 193

[2187]. Tarikh Islam, Cambridge University, vol. I, p. 81 (Englisht text); See also al-Ikhtilaf fi l-laf¨, pp. 47-49

[2188]. In "Tarikh tashayyu‘ dar Iran" we have discussed in detail.

[2189]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 170; al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 135

[2190]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 137

[2191]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 144-145

[2192]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 98

[2193]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 194

[2194]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 199

[2195]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 201

[2196]. Ibid. vol. V. P. 206

[2197]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 331, 336

[2198]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol IV. pp. 16, 17

[2199]. Ibid. p.17

[2200]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 285; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp. 19, 20, 21

[2201]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 23

[2202]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 285, 286; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV. P.28

[2203]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.30

[2204]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 277

[2205]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 220; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 374, 380; Ashraf, vol. IV, p.41

[2206]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 251; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 42

[2207]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 374 mentioned as untrue.

[2208]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 31

[2209]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. III, p.156

[2210]. al-Aghani, vol. I, pp. 21-24

[2211]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 250

[2212]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.206

[2213]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 368; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.31

[2214]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp. 206, 207

[2215]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 367

[2216]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 369; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 32

[2217]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 208

[2218]. Ibid. vol. I, p. 210

[2219]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp. 37, 38

[2220]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 292-293

[2221]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.250

[2222]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p.209; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. III, p. 372

[2223]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.23; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 371

[2224]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 211

[2225]. Some had already predicted the inefficiency of the people of Medina (Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 210) and some others and amazed at their submission (Al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, pp. 216, 217).

[2226]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.37; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 250; al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 295

[2227]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.378

[2228]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 213

[2229]. Ibid. vol. I, p. 215

[2230]. Ibid. vol. I, pp. 216, 220

[2231]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 42

[2232]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 70

[2233]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 295

[2234].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.37. As it can be perceived, Muslim Ibn ‘Uqba’s atrocities have been to the extent that Tabari, Ibn Qutayba, Baladhuri, etc. have explicitly enumerated them. But can it be justified why Wellhausen defended him and starved to acquit him, (Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.156). Afterwards, he tried to introduce the discord between Damascus and Medina as purely political; nonetheless, it is clear that such an outlook was solely for exonerating both Damascus and the Umayya. We do never intend to totally define the people of Medina but it ought to be borne in mind that religious motivations could have by no means be ineffective, (Ibid. p.161). Under other circumstances, also his defen of Damascus is noticeable, (p.162). Supporting Hadjdjadj as well as denying the charges laid on him are among the cases (pp. 247, 248). He had also described sensual Sulayman as a pious man (p.256).

[2235]. Abu l-Faradj al-Aghani, vol. I, p.14

[2236]. Abu l-Faradj, al-Aghani, vol. I, p.14

[2237]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p. 267; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.42

[2238]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 208

[2239]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 41

[2240]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 122

[2241]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 373, 375

[2242]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 40; Ibn A‘tham, vol. V, p. 301

[2243]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.41

[2244]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 42; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.382; previously, we discussed it entitled "Religious Deviation in Karbala".

[2245]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 301; Akhbar al-tiwal, p.268

[2246]. al-Futuh, vol. V, p. 306

[2247]. al-Muhabbar, pp.480-481

[2248]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp.268, 269

[2249]. Ibid. vol. VI, p.47

[2250]. Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, pp.97, 98

[2251]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.432; see also Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.97

[2252]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.432; See also Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.97

[2253]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.428

[2254]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.206; Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.96; al-Futuh, vol. VI, p.50

[2255]. Baghara, 54

[2256]. Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.96

[2257]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.430, 431; See also Ansab al-ashraf. vol. V, p.206; Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p.97; al-Futuh, vol. VI, p.52, a similar letter was also written to Basrian Shi‘ite Muslims led by Muthanna Ibn Makhraba.

[2258]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.433

[2259]. See Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 438; Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p. 99; vol. IV, p. 207

[2260]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 208; Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, p. 99

[2261]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 353-354

[2262]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, pp. 65-66

[2263]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 499. See also Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 207; Tadjarib al-Uman, vol. II, p.98

[2264]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.208

[2265]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, pp. 452-453; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 208

[2266]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 450

[2267]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 453

[2268]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.III, p.455

[2269]. Ibid. Vol.III, p.459; See Tadjarib al-umam, Vol.II, p.103

[2270]. Some one thousand went back; See Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, p.209, as narrated by Ibn A‘tham, they were 3300 when encountering, Vol.VI, p.8

[2271]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.89

[2272]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.464; Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, p.210; Tadjarib al-umam, Vol.II, p.109 and Ibn A‘tham has said, هلم الي طاعة اهل بيت النبوة “Hasten to obey the Prophet’s Household” Al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.82

[2273]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.460

[2274]. Tadjarib al-umam, vol. II, pp.111, 112; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.470

[2275]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 211

[2276]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.469

[2277]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.469

[2278]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 83

[2279]. Ibid. vol. VI, P. 84

[2280]. Ibid. vol. 5I6, p. 85

[2281]. Ibn Sa‘d,’Asakir Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, p.154; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.441

[2282]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p.214

[2283]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.440; Mab‘uth al-Husayn, p.98; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, Vol.IV, p. 22; Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, p.215

[2284]. Ibn Sa‘d, Tardjamat al-imam al-Hasan, p.154; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.441

[2285]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.441-442. Ya‘qubi has written, وكان مختار أقبل في جماعة يريدون نصر حسين بن علي (ع) فاخذه عبيد الله بن زياد فحسبه “Since Mukhtar was the vanguard of those desiring to help Husayn Ibn ‘Ali; ‘Ubayd Allah imprisoned him” Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.58

[2286]. al-Muhabbar, p.303

[2287]. Tarikh al-tabari,vol. IV, p.446

[2288]. Ibid. vol. IV, p.443

[2289]. Ibid. vol. IV, pp.434 -449

[2290]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p.56

[2291]. al-Futuh, Vol.V, p.74; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.488

[2292]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 471, 478; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 212

[2293]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p. 88; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp. 220-221

[2294]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 399; al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 91, 92, 93

[2295]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 221

[2296]. See al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p. 95; describing his father, he had said, وهو سيد الناس في محبة اهل البيت (ع) “His affection for the Household was the strongest among people”

[2297]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p. 99. the Umayya and later pro-Zubayr people’s intention of calling the Shi‘ite Muslims "Turabiya" was usually disparaging them.

[2298]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.105

[2299]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.498

[2300]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.103

[2301]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.106; Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.VI, pp.108, 109

[2302]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.503; al-Futuh, Vol.VI, pp.108,109

[2303]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.507

[2304]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.501; al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.107; "Daylamites" was a title for Iranian non-Muslims though the masters were Muslims mostly. This term was used by Muslim Arabs describing them as disbelievers in order to disdain them.

[2305]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.502; al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.108

[2306]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.502

[2307]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.293, see also p.306

[2308]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.516

[2309]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.138

[2310]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, p.294; Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.577

[2311]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, p.223

[2312]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.508

[2313]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.508; Ibn A‘tham, Vol.VI, p.115

[2314]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.508

[2315]. Ibid. Vol.IV, p.509

[2316]. Narrated by Ibn A‘tham, Vol.VI, p.139; following its clash with Mukhtar, the army of Damascus returned and again in order to conquer Iraq, it set out to Djazira and then to Musil.

[2317]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.518

[2318]. Ibid. Vol.VI, p.146

[2319]. Ibid. Vol.VI, p.146

[2320]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.518

[2321]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.VI, p.149

[2322]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.343 (‘Izz al-din publication) أمّا أمان المختار لعمر بن سعد الا أن بحدث حدثاً فأنّه كان يريد به أذا دخل الخلاء واحدث …

[2323]. Ibid. Vol.VI, p.139

[2324]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.123

[2325]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, Vol.II, p.259

[2326]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.53

[2327]. al-Futuh, Vol.VI, p.120

[2328]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.V, pp.228-229; Maqidasi narrated that Mukhtar had done his best to absorb as many people as possible. See also, al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, Vol.VI, p.22.

[2329]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.531

[2330]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, pp.536, 537

[2331]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.542

[2332]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.III, p.282

[2333]. Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.III, p. 282

[2334]. Ibid. Vol.II, p. 283; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.250

[2335]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.282

[2336]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.IV, p.455; Murudj al-dhahab, Vol.III, p.99; Ansab al-ashraf, Vol.III, p.285; Vol.V, p.231, it has been said that they had taken the logs being repaired for burning Ibn Hanafiyya and others from the Hashimites by Ibn Zubayr.

[2337]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 559

[2338]. Tarikh al-tabari. vol. IV, p. 559

[2339]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 560

[2340]. See ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. V, p. 300

* Hadgson, How did the early shia become sectarian?, p. 3.

[2341].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.287; Vol.V, p.265

[2342]. Ibid. Vol.V, p.267

[2343]. Ibid. Vol.V, p.270

[2344]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p. 125; for other hadiths in this regard, refer to Bahjat al-amal, vol. VII, p.

[2345]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p. 291

[2346]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 574; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 264; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 99

[2347]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp. 233, 235, 236

[2348]. An example was a narration about "throne". Mukhtar has been quoted as telling his followers a lie, "Bring ‘Ali Ibn Abi Talib’s throne". Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp.241,242

[2349]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV. P.577

[2350]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p.148

[2351]. al-Ithaf bi hubb al-ashraf, p. 143; the date of martyrdom reported by Mas‘udi is 95; see also Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 160

[2352]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 229 (‘Izz al-din publication)

[2353]. Ibid. vol. V, p.231

[2354]. Ibid. vol. V. P.231

[2355]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid,Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XV, p.236

[2356]. ‘Ali Ibn al-Husayn, Sayyid Dja‘far Shahidi, pp. 32, 33

[2357]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.222; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p.256; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p.191. Not only can Djabir’s demise be a cogent reason for Imam Baqir’s birth before the event of Karbala, although it weakens the probability of his birth after Karbala. Waqidi’s reasoning has been the report of Imam Baqir’s birth not his visit with Djabir.

[2358]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p.230

[2359]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq. p.231

[2360]. al-Kafi, vol. II, p.369

[2361]. Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, p.266

[2362]. See a concise paper about the relation between Shi‘ism and Iran, Isfahan, 1365.

[2363]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. I, pp.486, 488

[2364]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid,Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XV, p. 274

[2365]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.222

[2366]. Tuhaf al-‘Uqul, p. 200

[2367]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IV, p. 102

[2368]. For instance see Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VIII, p. 172; Hilyat al-awliya’, Vol.III, p. 86; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 103

[2369]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. III, p. 135

[2370]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p. 214

[2371]. Zayn al-Abidin, Sayyid al-Ahl, p. 43

[2372]. Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 258

[2373]. Tadhkirat al-khawas, p. 186; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 80

[2374]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p. 193

[2375]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. III, p. 141; Kashf al-ghumma, Vol.II, p. 80; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 236; Tahdhib al-tahdhib, vol. VII, p. 305; Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. IV, p. 391

[2376]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XV, p. 273

[2377]. Tahdhib al-tahdhib, vol. VII, p. 305

[2378]. Ibid. Vol.I, p. 27

[2379]. Mu‘djam al-udaba’,, vol. XI, p. 103

[2380]. al-thiqat, vol. V, p. 160

[2381]. al-imam al-Sadiq, p. 22

[2382]. Sifat al-safwa, vol. II, p. 55; Nur al-absar, p. 127; Tabaqat al-kubra, Vol.V, p. 216; al-Ithaf, p. 136; al-Fusul al-muhimma, p. 201, al-‘Iqd al-farid, Vol.III, p. 114

[2383]. Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 258

[2384]. Ibid. vol. III, p. 263

[2385]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. III, pp. 160, 163

[2386]. A’immatuna, vol. I, p. 263, Manaqib Ibn Shahr Ashub, vol. II, p. 255

[2387]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. X, p. 159

[2388]. Hilyat al-awliya’, Vol.III, p. 136; Kashf al-ghumma, Vol.II, pp. 78; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, Vol.XVII, p. 238.

[2389]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 238

[2390]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p. 117

[2391]. Makarim al-Akhlaq, p. 58; Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. II, p. 364; It is also narrated that he occasionally wore impressive dress lest people might assume that he acted contrary to what Allah had ordered, قُلْ مَنْ حَرَّمَ زِينَةَ اللَّهِ الَّتِي أَخْرَجَ لِعِبَادِهِ وَالطَّيِّبَاتِ مِنْ الرِّزْقِ “Say, who has prohibited the embellishment of Allah which he has brought forth for these servants?” See Tafsir al-ayyashi, vol. II, p. 15, the second hadith; Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. III, p.203

[2392]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 246

[2393]. Ibid. vol. XVII, p. 238

[2394]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 239; Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, pp. 261-262 (His name is mentioned Zayd Ibn Usama Ibn Zayd in the second one)

[2395]. Dirasat wa Buhuth fi l-tarikh wa l-islam, Vol.I, p.61 (lst edition) the paper of al-imam Sadjdjad Ba‘ith al-islam min djadid

[2396]. See Imam Baqir’s remarks in Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Vol.XI, p.44; al-imam al-Sadiq of Abu Zuhra, pp.111-112

[2397]. Tashayyu‘ dar masir tarikh, p.286

[2398]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.126

[2399]. Hilyat al-awliya’, Vol.III, p.136

[2400]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, Vol.XVII, p.242

[2401]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.102; Tabaqat al-kubra, Vol.V, p.214; Nasab Quraysh, Mus‘ab Zubayri, p.58

[2402]. Tabaqat al-kubra, Vol.V, p.213

[2403]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.127

[2404]. Tabaqat al-kubra, Vol.V, p.285

[2405]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, Ibid. p.128

[2406]. Ibid. p. 126

[2407]. Ibid. p. 124

[2408]. Ibid. p. 124

[2409]. Ibid. p. 124

[2410]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal. p. 116

[2411]. Ibid. p. 115; In another narration, they are ntroduced three, ارتد الناس بعد قتل الحسين ثلاثة, يحيى بن ام الطويل، ابو خالد الكابلي، جبير بن مطعم، ثم ان الناس لحقوا وكثروا “After Husayn’s murder all people apostatized but three, Yahya Ibn Umm al-Tawil, Abu Khalid al-Kabuli and Djubayr Ibn Mut‘im. People joined them then…” see also Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p. 123

[2412]. Ridjal al-Tusi, pp. 81-102

[2413]. al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. I, p. 215 (published in India).

[2414]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p. 104; Bihar, vol. XXXXVI, p. 143; al-Gharat, p. 573

[2415]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 231 (published by ‘Izz al-din); Nasab Quraysh of Mus‘ab Zubayri, p. 58

[2416]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 131

[2417]. Tarikh al-tabari, Vol.V, p. 245; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. I, p. 208

[2418]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. III, p. 259; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p. 215; Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 107; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, Vol.II, p. 25

[2419]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, pp. 70, 71

[2420]. The unseen knowledge is consistent with the duty mentioned not separated from it.

[2421]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p. 214; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. III, p. 140

[2422]. al-Dhari‘a, vol. XV, pp. 18-21

[2423]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XI, p. 192; vol. VI, pp. 178-186; vol. V, p. 113

[2424]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XIII, p. 220; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p. 184

[2425]. al-sahifat al-Sadjdjadiyya, prayer 6, item 24

[2426]. Tarikh Djurdjan, p. 188

[2427]. Tarikh Djurdjan, prayer 47, item 56

[2428]. Ibid. prayer 48, items 9-10

[2429]. Tarikh Djurdjan. prayer 34

[2430]. Ibid. prayer 47

[2431]. loc.cit.

[2432]. Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 89

[2433]. al-Futuh, vol. V, pp. 242-243

[2434]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 239

[2435]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp. 196, 212, (published by ‘Izz al-din)

[2436]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p. 24; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 140

[2437]. Zayn al-Abidin, Sayyid al-Ahl, pp. 7, 47

[2438]. A‘yan al-shi‘a, vol. IV, p. 468 (First Edition)

[2439]. Al Imran, 134

[2440]. Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 260

[2441]. Kashf al-ghumma, vol. II, p. 101; al-Ithaf, pp. 137, 138; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XVII, p. 243

[2442]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p. 526; Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III, p. 260

[2443]. Hudjdjati, Muhammad Baqir, Si Maqalih dar tarikh tafsir wa nahw. (three papers n history of Interpretation and Syntax), from p. 27 on (Tehran, 1360)

[2444]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. I, p. 243

[2445]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XI, p. 28. He had been one of the bravest in the Hashimites; Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XV, p. 285

[2446]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, p. 245

[2447]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IX, p. 111

[2448]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 63

[2449]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 105

[2450]. Ibid. vol. IV, p. 105

[2451]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, pp. 239, 240.

[2452]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 29.

[2453]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. IV, p. 62; pp. 127, 129; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 161.

[2454]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XX, p. 128.

[2455]. Ibid, vol. IV, p. 62; vol. XX, p. 148.

[2456]. Ibid, vol. XX, p. 102

[2457]. Ibid, vol. XX, p. 107

[2458]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XX, p. 110

[2459]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 261; They were 17 in another narration; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, pp. 123, 124

[2460]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p. 147; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 86

[2461]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XX, p. 128

[2462]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 262

[2463]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 252

[2464]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, pp. 240-253

[2465]. Ibid, vol. VI, p. 253

[2466]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 262

[2467]. al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 234, It is reported that later Sayyid Himyari changed his beliefs and became Imam Sadiq’s disciple and composed,

تجعفرت باسم الله والله اكبر وأيقنت بالله يعفو ويغفر

“In the name of Allah, the Great, I became Dja‘far’s follower while certain of Allah’s forgiveness” Although some expressed doubt about his conversion from the Kissanids, al-Aghani, vol. VII, pp. 231, 235, 241-242

[2468]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, pp. 133, 134; Sharh al-akhbar, vol. III. P. 297

[2469]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p. 131.

[2470]. Madhahib Ibtada‘atha al-siyasia fi l-tarikh, ‘Abd al-wahid al-Ansari, published in Beirut 1973; Qamus al-ridjal, p. 452

[2471]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VII, pp. 149, 150

[2472]. al-Hayat al-siyasiyya li l-Imam al-Rida, from p. 37 on

[2473]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp. 248, 250; the letter is fully in al-Ma‘rifat wa l-tarikh, by Fasawi, vol. I, pp. 531-533

[2474]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 18

[2475]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 238

[2476].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 196

[2477]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, pp. 134, 148

[2478]. See al-Ziwadj al-muwaqqat fi l-islam "Al-Mut‘a", pp. 99, 103 by Kitab Muslim, vol. IV, p. 133; Nasb al-raya, vol. III, p. 180; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p. 130

[2479]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, pp. 125, 126

[2480]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 149

[2481]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 254

[2482]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 254

[2483].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 72

[2484]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 85; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 387

[2485]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 255

[2486]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.16; the seed of discord between these two groups was sown when Mu‘awiya married a woman from Kalb. The tribe of Qays not least Zhahhak Ibn Qays felt that their social reputation was blackened. The Kalbids turned to the Umayyads and the Qaysids took position against them; Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p. 177

[2487]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p. 177

[2488]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp. 138, 141

[2489]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 86

[2490]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 218

[2491].Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, pp. 144, 145; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 257; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 146

[2492]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 153; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p. 181; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 151

[2493]. Tardjamat al-imam al-Husayn, Ibn Sa‘d, p. 143 عن عمير بن اسحاق، كان مروان اميراً علينا ستّ سنين فكان يسبّ عليا في كل جمعة علي المنبر… ثم اعيد مروان فكان يسب عليا “‘Umayr Ibn Ishaq narrated, “Marwan who was our ruler for six years insulted ‘Ali every Friday on the pulpit… »

[2494]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p. 17

[2495].’Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 372; Tarikh al-khulafa’ of Ibn Sa‘d, p. 216

[2496]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 217

[2497]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 599; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp. 137, 138; vol. V, p. 150

[2498]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.144

[2499]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp. 155, 157

[2500]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 256

[2501]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 98; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 300

[2502]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 269; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 98

[2503]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 29

[2504]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 197

[2505]. ’Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 197

[2506]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha of Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p. 147

[2507]. Ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 261; al-Aghani, vol. II, p. 277

[2508]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. I, p. 252

[2509]. al-‘Iqd al-Farid, vol. V, p. 158

[2510]. ’Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 333

[2511]. Loc.cit

[2512]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 6; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. V, p. 344

[2513]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 266

[2514]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 5; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, pp. 161, 162-163

[2515]. Suyuti had said that since he secured allegiance as his father’s successor during Ibn Zubayr’s caliphate, his caliphate was not rightful. Once in power in Damascus and Egypt, later he seized power in Iraq until Ibn Zubayr was killed in 73. From then on his caliphate was right; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 215.

[2516]. al-Idah, p. 34; al-mustarshid fi l-Imama, p. 16; concerning his political votes we have discussed in detail in. "the History of Caliphate from Islam’s Emergence to the Sufyanids’ fall". (Tarikh tahawwul dawla wa khilafat)

[2517]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. III, p. 73

[2518]. al-Futuh, vol. VI, p. 276

[2519]. Ibid, vol. II, p. 486; ‘Uqala’ al-madjanin, p. 178 cited form al-Sahih Min Sirat al-nabi (s), vol. I, p. 23

[2520]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 35; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 215

[2521]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 90 وكان له اقدام علي الدماء وكان عمّاله على مثل مذهبه “He was bloodthirsty and so were his agents.

[2522]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 218

[2523]. Ibid, pp. 218, 219

[2524]. Ibid, p. 220

[2525]. Ibid, p. 220; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p. 58

[2526]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p. 425

[2527]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 147. The same narration has been asscribed to Khalid Ibn ‘Abd Allah Qasri, Mecca governor in 89. Comparing Walid Ibn ‘Abd al-Malik with Prophet Ibrahim (a) on the pulpit, he introduced Walid as the superior one. He said that when Ibrahim asked for water, Allah offered him salty water while He offered fresh water to Walid. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 225.

[2528]. al-Nasayih al-kafiya li-man Yatawalla Mu‘awiya, p. 81; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. .IX, p. 136

[2529]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 228

[2530]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p. 52

[2531]. al-Futuh, vol. VII, p. 3

[2532]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.32

[2533]. al-Futuh, vol. VII, p.8; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.43; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.132; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.273

[2534]. al-Futuh, vol. VII, p.4

[2535]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.142

[2536]. Shadharat al-dhahab fi Akhbar Min dhahab, vol. I, p.107

[2537]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p.30; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.132

[2538]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p.31

[2539]. Ibid, p.30

[2540]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.183; Mu‘djam al-buldan, vol. V, p.349

[2541]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.166

[2542]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.221

[2543]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.274, 275

[2544]. al-‘Iqd al-Farid, vol. V, p.149

[2545]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. II, p.44

[2546]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.144; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IV, p.61.

[2547]. Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. I, p.144

[2548]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. III, p.175

[2549]. Ibid, vol. VI, p.147

[2550]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.99

[2551]. Nasab Quraysh, Mus‘ab Zubayr, pp.47, 48

[2552]. Nasab Quraysh, Zubayr Ibn Bakkar, p.83

[2553]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p.426

[2554]. Ibid, vol. VII, p.106

[2555]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.46

[2556]. Ibid, vol. V, pp.108, 109

[2557] Ibid, vol. V, p.108

[2558]. Ibid, vol. V, p.113

[2559]. Ibid, vol. V, p.115

[2560]. In recent years, (1405 A.H) a book entitled "al-Hadjdjadj Radjul al-dawlat al-Muftara ‘Alayh" was published in Iraq for defending Hadjdjadj.

[2561]. Rawda al-kafi, p.245

[2562]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p.60

[2563]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.149

[2564]. Ibid. vol. v, p.149

[2565]. Ibid. vol. v, p.155

[2566]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 6, p.293

[2567]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. 1, p.58

[2568]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.158

[2569]. Ibid. vol. v, p.157

[2570]. Ibid. vol. v, p.163; It has been told in a quotation in ‘Umdat al-talib, he had paid allegiance to one of the ‘Alawites.

[2571]. Ibid. vol. v, p.163

[2572]. Tarikh al-tabari. vol. v, p.182

[2573]. Tarikh al-Dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.225

[2574]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. 3, p.364

[2575]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.169; al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. 2, p.47

[2576]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. 2, p.54; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.156

[2577]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.133; Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 4, p.67; Wafayat al-a‘yan vol. 2, p.35

[2578]. Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p.218, It is uncertain whether he had mint coins or not.

[2579]. Ibid. p.223

[2580]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.216; Ansab al-ashraf, p.243

[2581]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.225

[2582]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 2, pp.1285,1261; quoted from Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya p.247

[2583]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.173

[2584]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, vol. v, p.250

[2585]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. 2, p.463

[2586]. Ibid. vol. 2, (the footnote), al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.49

[2587]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. 1, p.403

[2588]. Ibid. vol. v, p.65

[2589]. Ibid. vol. v, p.62; Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, No.7, p.589, vol. v, p.117

[2590]. al-Aghani, vol. 9, p.273

[2591]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. v, p.121

[2592]. Ibid. vol. v, p.123

[2593]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 4, p.56

[2594]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. 5, p. 117

[2595]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. v, p.42; It was written in one of the footnotes of the book entitled "Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya that Wellhausen who was a researcher was doubtful about it but he had no reason for being so, see, p. 299

[2596]. See, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 4, p.56; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.305; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 184

[2597]. Dhahabi, Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. 4, p.147; al-Aghani, vol. 9, pp.258,259; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.305; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. v, p.42; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. 4, p.59

[2598]. Shrah Nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid vol. 6, p. 72

[2599]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. 3, p. 401

[2600]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p.278

[2601]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XIII, pp.77-78

[2602]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p. 287 (و معني هذا انه لم يكن يتبعهما اتباعاً تاما )

[2603]. al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. 2, pp.224, 225; See, also vol. 3, p. 63

[2604]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p. 184

[2605]. al-Aghani, vol. 9, pp. 262-264

[2606]. Ibid. vol. 9, p. 263

[2607]. Ibid. vol. 9, p.264

[2608]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 4, p.60

[2609]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.310, 311

[2610]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, pp.193-191; Ibn Athir also quoted the same statement in addition to some other remarks, see al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. v, pp.46-48

[2611]. Akhbar al-tiwal, p.331; Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vo.5, p.129; al-Aghani, vol. 9, p.255

[2612]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.306

[2613]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.102

[2614]. Musnad al-imam al-Ka¨im (a), vol. I, pp.51-52

[2615]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.129

[2616]. Ibid. vol. v, p.314

[2617]. See Wellhausen, Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.285; Futuh al-buldan, p.233

[2618]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.315, 316, 320, 322; al-Aghani, vol. 9, pp.266, 269

[2619]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. v, p.142

[2620]. ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. 9, p.337

[2621]. Djami‘ Bayan al-‘ilm, vol. 1, pp,88, 91

[2622]. Djami‘ Bayan al-‘ilm, vol,1. P,92

[2623]. Sunan al-darimi, vol. 1, p.126; Taqyid al-‘ilm, pp.105,106

[2624]. Sunan al-darimi, vol. 1, p.126; Akhbar Isfahan, vol. I, p.312; Tadrib al-rawi, vol. I, p.312

[2625]. Muqadami’i bar tarikh tadwin hadith (An introduction to History of Hadith Compilation), Qum

[2626]. Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p.246

[2627]. al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p. 277

[2628]. al-Kharadj, p.132

[2629]. al-Kharadj, p.131

[2630]. An Iranian woolen garment that was used by the learned and nobles

[2631]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol,1, p.53

[2632]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 313

[2633]. al-Nudjum al-zahira, vol. 1, p.239

[2634]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 5, p. 355

[2635]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 5, pp. 362-366

[2636]. Ibid. vol. v, p.508

[2637]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, pp.198-199; Tarikh Gudhidih, p.283; Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, pp.115-116

[2638]. Al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p.277

[2639]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p. 3

[2640]. Ibid. vol. 8, p. 5

[2641]. Ibid. vol. 8, pp.7, 21

[2642]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.335; See, al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.8

[2643]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.335

[2644]. Ibid. vol,5, p.336

[2645]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.9

[2646]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.14; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.341

[2647]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.337; al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.13

[2648]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.14

[2649]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.19

[2650]. Ibid. vol. 8, pp.20-22

[2651]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.24

[2652]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 1, pp.233, 312

[2653]. al-Aghani, vol. 14, pp.277-278

[2654]. al-Aghani, vol. 14, p.279

[2655]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.359; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. v, p.101

[2656]. See, Nudjum al-zahira, vol. 1, p.245

[2657]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.205, See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp 515-520; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.192, about his interest in wearing clothes.

[2658]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.328

[2659]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. v, p.352

[2660]. Ibid.

[2661]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.516

[2662]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.515

[2663]. Ibid. vol. v, p.516

[2664]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.195

[2665]. al-Aghani, vol. 7, pp.5-6

[2666]. Tarikh al-Djahmiyya wa l-mu‘tazila, p.17

[2667]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.516

[2668]. al-Idah, p.91

[2669]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. v, p.449

[2670]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.116

[2671]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.558

[2672]. al-Aghani, vol. 22, p. 18

[2673]. Ibid. vol. 22, pp 16-17

[2674]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.314

[2675]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.458

[2676]. al-Aghani, vol. 22, p.16

[2677]. Ibid. vol. 22, p.21

[2678]. al-Aghani, vol. 22, p.21

[2679]. Ibid. vol. 22, p.24

[2680]. Ibid. vol. 22, pp.15-18

[2681]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.468

[2682]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.541,543, 559-561

[2683]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp. 463-464

[2684]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.515; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.263

[2685]. al-‘Araq fi l-’Asr al-umawi, p.230

[2686]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.109

[2687]. Ibid. vol. 4, p.116

[2688]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa

[2689]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.403

[2690]. Ibid. vol. 4, p.436; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.58

[2691]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.94; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. v, p. 131

[2692]. See, Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.273; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p. 267

[2693]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. 3, p. 312; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 4, pp.146,181

[2694]. al-Futuh, vol. 7, p.44

[2695]. Ibid. vol. 6, p.19

[2696]. Ibid. vol. 6, p.31-46

[2697]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.125-126

[2698]. Ibid. vol. v, pp.121-122; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.276

[2699]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.77

[2700]. Ibid. vol. v, p.85

[2701]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.130

[2702]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. 2, p.212l; al-Aghani, vol. l4, p.244

[2703]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. v, p.83

[2704]. al-hayawan, vol. I, from page 41on

[2705]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.19

[2706]. Ibid. pp.91-92

[2707]. Ibid. p.91

[2708]. Ibid. p.94

[2709]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.19

[2710]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.56

[2711]. al-Aghani, vol. 20, p.97, vol. 6, p.149; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. v, p.106

[2712]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. v, p.114, See, also pp.117,118,119

[2713]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.262; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. 3, p.373

[2714]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. 3, p.314; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 4, p.147

[2715]. The credibility of this statement is subject to debate since, for instance, there is a quotation about Shabib regarding his intention of joing the Kharidjites indicating that he was a financial motive. ‘Allama Dja‘far Murtada also remained dubious about their asceticism. In his book which has not published yet, there is a chapter under the title of "al-Kharidjites Tami‘un am Zuhhad" in which he touched upon this despite the fact that some of which are not quite valid. In addition, there have been several quotations indicating their piety in their personal lives which were not written in that book. Undoubtedly, regarding those things what the writer has said seemed quite true.

[2716]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. II, p.149; al-‘araq fi l-’asr al-umawi, pp.227,230; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 4, p.89; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. v, p.106

[2717]. al-‘araq fi l-’asr al-umawi, p.242

[2718]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. 1, p.106; Tabsirat al-‘awam, p.46

[2719]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. 1, p.106

[2720]. Ibid. vol. 1, pp.109,140; al-Aghani, vol. 6, p.142

[2721]. Nuh, 26,27

[2722]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. 1, p.112

[2723]. Ibid. vol. 1, p.107

[2724]. Tabsirat al-‘awam, p.41; al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.122

[2725]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. v, p.393-394

[2726]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.487

[2727]. al-Aghani, vol. 22, from p.15 on.

[2728]. Shadjarat al-dhahab, vol. 1, p.221

[2729]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. I, p.441

[2730]. al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. 3, p.221

[2731]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 6, p.306

[2732]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 2, p.181

[2733]. al-Mawdu‘at, vol. 2, p.15, vol. 1, p.304

[2734]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.484- 485

[2735]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 1, p.212

[2736]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, pp.82-83

[2737]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.84

[2738]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.95

[2739]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.124

[2740]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.588

[2741]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. 2, p.410

[2742]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 11, p.44; al-imam al-Sadiq, Abu Zuhra, pp.111-112

[2743]. Somewhere else, cruelties imposed on Ahl Bayt as well as the Shi‘ite Muslims have been mentioned. See, Tarikh tashayyu‘ dar Iran, pp.38-44

[2744]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. 2, p.245

[2745]. See, Maqtal ‘Ali Ibn Abi Talib (a) (Turathuna Magazine, No.12), p.121

[2746]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 2, pp.166,181

[2747]. Ibid. vol. 2, p.142; Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXXVIII, p.112 (In footnote of "Ansab" for the meaning of "Dabbat al-ard", See, Lisan al-‘arab, vol. 1, p.370, There this term was said to be a sign of the arrival of the Day of Judgement.

[2748]. Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. III, p.136

[2749]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.102

[2750]. ‘Ilal al-sharayi‘, pp.225-227; Bihar al-anwar, v.XXXXIV, pp.269-271

[2751]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 4, p.566, 567; I‘lam al-nisa’, vol. V, p.252

[2752]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, pp.566,567; al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.157; he has mentioned his ideas as to analogy

[2753]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.321

[2754]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.223 on.

[2755]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.151

[2756]. In some books it is mentioned "Banan" while in some others such as Tabari, it is "Bayan" which the latter one is apparently true.

[2757]. al-Maqalat wa l-firaq, p.33

[2758]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p. 302

[2759]. Ibid. p. 305

[2760]. Once he said, one of the Kharidjites had blamed the Shi‘ite Muslims for thinking that they were needless of taking righteous actions and that they were spared from pain because of their evil deeds, See, al-Aghani, vol. XX, p.107, quoted from al-‘Aqidat wa l-shari‘a fi l-islam, p.203

[2761]. See, Ukdhubat Tahrif al-qur’an Bayn al-shi‘a wa l-Sunna, p.66

[2762]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, hadith,525; Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. 12, p.315

[2763]. al-Ghayba, p.177; Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. 12, p.315

[2764]. al-Amali, Shiykh Tusi, vol. 2, p.246

[2765]. Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. 12, p..315; Misbah al-shari‘a, p.389

[2766]. Turathuna Magazine. No.12, pp.17-18, article, "Ahl Bayt fi ra’y sahib al-Milal wa l-nihal" quoted from Masabih al-asrar.

[2767]. Masabih al-asrar, Ibid. p.26, Turathuna Magazine, No.12, p.18

[2768]. Tarikh Djurdjan, pp.322, 323

[2769]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.300

[2770]. Ibid. p.301

[2771]. Ibid. p. 300

[2772]. Ibid. p.302

[2773]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal. p. 219

[2774]. Ibid. p. 297

[2775]. Ibid. p. 297

[2776]. al-Kafi, vol. 4, p.464

[2777]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p. 530

[2778]. Ibid. p.295

[2779]. Ibid. p.136

[2780]. Ibid. p.224

[2781]. Ibid. p.225

[2782]. Shiykh Mufid, al-Amali, p.27

[2783]. al-‘Aqidat wa l-shari‘a fi l-islam, p.207

[2784]. This was scrutinized under the title of "Political Shi‘ism" in Tarikh tashayyu‘.

[2785]. Regarding his religion, we have an article in the book entitled "Djughrafiyay Insani shi‘a".

[2786]. Shadjarat al-dhahb, vol. 1, p. 221

[2787]. This title "The successor of the successors (Wasi al-awsiya’) was referred to Imams by ideological Shi‘ism when Djabir Ibn Yazid Dju‘fi quoted from Imam Baqir (a) he said, حدثني وصي الاوصياء O, the successor of the successors tell traditions for us

This was what dispersed the Sunnites narrators of hadith from him. As Sufyan al-Thawri said he had disparaged them by his work. See, al-Ma‘rifat wa l-tarikh, vol. 2, p.716; Mizan al-i‘tidal, vol. 1, p.383; Tahdhib al-tahdhib, vol. 2, p.49

[2788]. Ridjal al-nadjashi, p.12, under the biography of Aban Ibn Taghlib.

[2789]. Regarding Imam’s behavior towards Zurara Ibn A‘yan, one of the Sunnites, see, al-Ma‘rifat wa l-tarikh, vol. 2, p.672; Mizan al-i‘tidal, vol. 2, p.69.

[2790]. See, Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 1, pp.7,10,11,12,17,18

[2791]. Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 6, p.374

[2792]. See, al-Hukumat al-islamiyya fi Ahadith al-shi‘at al-imamiyya, pp.84-88

[2793]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.238; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.489

[2794]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.292; al-Aghani, vol. IX, p.3

[2795]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.202; al-Aghani, vol. IX, p.14; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.78; Sayyid Himyari has composed similar piece of poem; al-Aghani, vol. VII, p.245

[2796]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.289

[2797]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. II, p.246; al-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’´, p.316; Tarikh al-adab al-‘arabi, al-’asr al-islami, p.323; This poem is quoted from Sayyid Himyari in Aghani, vol. VII, p.276,277

[2798]. al-Aghani, vol. 12, p.174

[2799]. Ibid. vol. 9, p. 37

[2800]. Ibid. vol. 9, p.14; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.202; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.79

[2801]. al-Aghani, vol. 7, p.213; see, Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.79

[2802]. al-Aghani, vol. 7, p.213; see, Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.79

[2803]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.288

[2804]. Ibid. p.245

[2805]. al-Aghani, vol. 7, pp.273-274

[2806]. Ibid. vol. VII, pp.243-244

[2807]. Ibid. vol. 7, pp. 242,277

[2808]. Ibid. p.245

[2809]. Ibid. p.257

[2810]. Our knowledgable friend, Mr.Sadiq A’iniwand talks in detail about biography of the Shi‘ites poets and the men of letters and the role in preserving values revolutionary Shi‘ism, in his book titled Adabiyat Inqilab dar shi‘a (Literature of Revolution in Shi‘ism)

[2811]. Ridjal al-tusi, p.102-142

[2812]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, pp.209-210; al-Kafi, vol. 1, p.399; Basa’ir al-daradjat, p.9

[2813]. al-Kafi, vol. I, p.51; Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 18, p.42

[2814]. al-Kafi, vol. 1, p.399; Basa’ir al-daradjat, p.12

[2815]. Tafsir al-ayyashi, vol. 1, p.86; Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 18, p.9

[2816]. al-mizan, vol. 3, p.176 from Kafi

[2817]. al-Kafi, vol. 1, p.478

[2818]. Dala’il al-imama, p.104; Bihar al-anwar, vol. 46, p.306

[2819]. Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 18, pp.23,61; Rawdat al-kafi, p.5

[2820]. Wasa’il al-shi‘a, vol. 18, p.48

[2821]. al-Kafi, vol. 1, p. 241

[2822]. al-Ma‘rifat wa l-tarikh, vol. 2, p.759

[2823]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.86

[2824]. Akhbar al-tiwal p.328

[2825]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.258

[2826]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. 9, p.328

[2827]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 7, p.165

[2828]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.258

[2829]. al-Tanbih wa l-ishraf, p.279

[2830]. ‘Umdat al-talib (quoted by Waqidi) p.121; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 326; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p. 482; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.206, (he has mentioned narration 122)

[2831]. See, Sirih wa qiyam Zayd Ibn ‘Ali, p.24

[2832]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.231

[2833]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.482,483,487; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.90-91; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.231; al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.110; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.325

[2834]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.472

[2835]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 3, p.286-287; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.486; Riyad al-‘ulama’, vol. 2, pp. 319-323

[2836]. Taysir al-matalib, p.109

[2837]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.286; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. v, p.225, vol. 7, p.139, vol. 4, p.117; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 3, p.287; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.206; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.255; al-Hur al-‘ayn, p.189; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.325

[2838]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. 1, p.212; Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 7, p.132. vol. 3, p. 286; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.194

[2839]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.325

[2840]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XV, p.275

[2841]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.236

[2842]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.488

[2843]. Ibid. vol. v, p.487; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.91

[2844]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p.326

[2845]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.111

[2846]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.488

[2847]. Ibid. vol. v, pp.488,489; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 2, p.233

[2848]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.11; al-Fakhri, p.132; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.91

[2849]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.287

[2850]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.91

[2851]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.504

[2852]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.92; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.273; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.256

[2853]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.237; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.492

[2854]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.231

[2855]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.114

[2856]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.112

[2857]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.492; al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.113

[2858]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.292; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, pp.237,238; Baladhuri instead of saying "Iqfal al-mudjammar" had said "Ifdal al-muhammara". Mahmudi, a researcher, in a footnote wrote, “If this word is right, it signifies the restortion of the Non-Arabs’ rights, since "Muhmara refers to Hamra’" whose rights had been violated. See, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.238

[2859]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.113

[2860]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.116

[2861]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.238

[2862]. Ibid. vol. II, p.238

[2863]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.99

[2864]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.240

[2865]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.100

[2866]. Djami‘ Bayan al-‘ilm, vol. 2, p.182; Tarikh Djurdjan, p.111; al-Madjruhin, vol. 3, p.63; al-Ma‘arif, p.268. There is a detailed discussion in this regard in the book entitled "Murdji’a, Tarikh wa Andishih".

[2867]. Tarikh Baghdad, vol. II, p.179; Tarikh Djurdjan, p.225

[2868]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.87

[2869]. Nur al-qabas, p.308

[2870]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.99

[2871]. al-Kashshaf, p.232

[2872]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.239

[2873]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.99-100

[2874]. Loc.Cit.

[2875]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.143

[2876]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.337

[2877]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.239

[2878]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.97-98

[2879]. Ibid. p.99

[2880]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.239

[2881]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.100; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.239

[2882]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.491; al-Fakhri, pp.132-133; Maqatil al-talibiyyin p.92

[2883]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.207

[2884]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.237

[2885]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.256

[2886]. al-Hur al-‘ayn, pp.185,186

[2887]. Ibid. p.187

[2888]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.244; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.505

[2889]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.232

[2890]. Ibid. vol. 2, p.243; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.92; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.499

[2891]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.100

[2892]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.117; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.243; see, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.499

[2893]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.243

[2894]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.118; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.500; they are numbered 218 in this source, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 2, p.244

[2895]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.257

[2896]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.249

[2897]. loc.cit.

[2898]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.95

[2899]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 14, p.133

[2900]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.92; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.246; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.499; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 2, p.106

[2901]. Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, p.161

[2902]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.93

[2903]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.94; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.247; al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.119; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, pp.500 –501

[2904]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.120; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.94

[2905]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.247

[2906]. Ibid. vol. 2, p.246

[2907]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.119

[2908]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.119

[2909]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.95

[2910]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.257

[2911]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.248

[2912]. Ibid. vol. 2, p.247

[2913]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.96

[2914]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.246; Isfahani in his book "Maqatil" called them "Nadjdjariyya".

[2915]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p. 248

[2916]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.121

[2917]. Ibid. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.250

[2918]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.88

[2919]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.251

[2920]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.257; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.207; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.503; al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.122; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.97; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, pp.250-252

[2921]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.122

[2922]. Ibid. vol. 8, p.123; see, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.504

[2923]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.123; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.255

[2924]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.255

[2925]. Ibid. vol. II, p.255

[2926]. Loc.Cit.

[2927]. Ibid. vol. II, p.256

[2928]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.207; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.258; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.257; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.538

[2929]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.258

[2930]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.124; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.259

[2931]. al-Aghani, vol. VII, p.22

[2932]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. VII, p.165

[2933]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. v, p.326

[2934]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p.125

[2935]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. 2. p.326

[2936]. According to Ash‘ari, وجميع فرق الزيدية مذاهبهم في الاحكام ووالفرائض والمواريث مذاهب العامة “Religions of all Zaydyids sects in rules are obligations and inherited religion of all people” al-Maqalat wa l-firaq, p.19

[2937]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.498

[2938]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. v, p.498; al-Hur al-‘ayn p.185

[2939]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, pp.116-117

[2940]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.240

[2941]. ‘Abd al-Djalil Razi Qazwini (al-Naqd, p.375) this quotation is from "Ba‘d Fada’ih al-rawafid". The very same statements being uttered out of prejudice is also in "Minhadj al-Sunna", vol. II, p.126

[2942]. Tarikh Baghdad, vol. 2, p.89

[2943]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.257; Nasab Quraysh, p.61; Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, p.116; al-Muhabbar, p. 483; Lisan al-‘arab, vol. 7, p.158; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.246

[2944]. Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. 7, pp.161,162

[2945]. al-’Uyun wa l-hada’iq, p.197

[2946]. Tabsirat al-’awam, pp.34,35 from the book "al-Alfa¨" by ‘Abd al-Rahman Hamadani

[2947]. al-Hur al-‘ayn, p.185

[2948]. Lisan al-‘arab, vol. VII, p.157

[2949]. Maqalat al-islamiyyin, vol. 1, p.89; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. 2, p.245; al-Khitat al-miqriziyya, vol. 4, p.73

[2950]. Mizan al-i‘tidal, vol. 3, pp. 249,268,324,325; al-Shi‘r wa l-shu‘ara’, p.316

[2951]. Tabsirat al-‘awam, p.32

[2952]. al-Fusul al-mukhtara, pp.61-63

[2953]. al-Maqalat al-firaq, pp.76,77; al-Firaq al-shi‘a, p.63

[2954]. al-Mahasin wa l-masawi, p.213. In this quotation, ‘Abd al-malik was used instead of Hisham.

[2955]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. 2, p.250; see, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 7, p.186

[2956]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. 1, p. 60

[2957]. See, Sirih wa qiyam Zayd Ibn ‘Ali, p.216; al-Idah, p.473 (printed in Tehran University) and see, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. v, p.320

[2958]. al-Idah, p.475

[2959]. Mizan al-i‘tidal, vol. 3, p.237. It is said that its validity because of Hadjdjadj Ibn Tamim is subject to debate; see al-Ilmam, vol. 1, p.33; al-Sawa‘iq al-muhriqa, the first preface

[2960]. Tafsir Furat Kufi, p.139 (Nadjaf); Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXXXVIII, p.97-98

[2961]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXXXVIII, pp.156,157

[2962]. al-Idah, p.303 (Tehran University), for looking into this matter, refer to, Ta‘liqat (suspensions) of the late Urmawi in al-Idah and also in the book of Naqd

[2963]. ‘Uyun Akhbar al-Rida, vol. 1, p.195

[2964]. Ibid. See, Kifayat al-athar, p.327; Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.285; as it was mentioned by Ibn Zuhra in Ghayat al-ikhtisar, فهذا الخبر هو الذي سلم زيداً منهم وجعلهم يترحّمون عليه “It was the same report that kept Zayd immune from all harnms and caused him to be pitied by them” This news had made the Twelve-Imam Shi‘ite Muslims praise him; as a result, Zayd was secured from their harm. See, Ghayat al-ikhtisar, p.128

[2965]. ‘Uyun Akhbar al-Rida, vol. 1, pp.194-197; Kifayat al-athar, p.328

[2966]. Saduq, al-Amali, section,10, p. 40

[2967]. Qamus al-ridjal, vol. 4, p. 261

[2968]. About the non-credibility of Abu l-Djarud; see, Qamus al-ridjal, vol. 4, pp.228,230

[2969]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, pp.231,232

[2970]. Ibid. p.231; Qamus al-ridjal, vol. 4, p.266; Tanqih al-maqal, vol. 1, p.468

[2971]. al-Hur al-‘ayn, pp.188-189

[2972]. Ibid. p.189

[2973]. al-Futuh, vol. 8, p.125

[2974]. Tanqih al-maqal, vol. 1, p.467

[2975]. Ibid. vol. 1, pp.460-461, Ibn Nadim quoted Imam Sadiq as saying, لعنه الله، فانه أعمى القلب، أعمى البصر Muhammad Ibn Sanan said about him, ابو الجارود لم يمت حتى شرب المسكر وتولى الكافرين al-Fihrist, pp.226-227

[2976]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.149; al-Maqalat wa l-firaq, p.74, No.144

[2977]. al-Fihrist, p.227

[2978]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. 5, p.499; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. 3, p.240

[2979]. Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq, vol. 6, p.18; Fawat al-wafayat, vol. 1, p.210; al-Khitat al-miqriziyya, vol. 4, p.307

[2980]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. 3, p.206

[2981]. al-Kafi, vol. 1, p.357

[2982]. Riyad al-‘ulama’, vol. 2, p.337

[2983]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.258; Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.338

[2984]. ‘Uyun Akhbar al-Rida, vol. 1, pp.194-195

[2985]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.152

[2986]. Nathr al-durr, vol. 1, p.353

[2987]. Ridjal al-nadjashi, p.130; see, Tanqih al-maqal, vol. II, p.57

[2988]. Ridjal al-Tusi, p.207; Ridjal al-‘Allama Hilli, p.77, ‘Allama Hilli brought a quotation form Sa‘d’s book saying, “He had joined Zayd, but was saved” فمن الله عليه وتاب ورجع عن ذلك “When God faored him, he repented and avoided doing that” so in the view of some of the Shi‘ites scholars, his participation in that uprising was not right because of the word "repentance" in this quotation.

[2989]. al-Amali, Shiykh Mufid, p.33

[2990]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.153 فلما خرج، قال ابو عبدالله (ع),‌ اخذته من بين يديه ومن خلفه وما تركت له مخرجاً

[2991]. al-Kafi, vol. I, p.174

[2992]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.186

[2993]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.376. Qamus al-ridjal, vol. IV, p.267

[2994]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.416

[2995]. Ibid, p.351

[2996]. Tafsir Furat, p.182

[2997]. Ibid, p.152

[2998]. al-Kafi, vol. I, p.357

[2999]. al-Hur al-‘ayn, p.188

[3000]. Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifat al-ridjal, p.361; Qamus al-ridjal, vol. IV, p.267

[3001]. Tanqih al-maqal, vol. I, p.469

[3002]. Tanqih al-maqal, vol. I, p.468

[3003]. Riyad al-‘ulama’, vol. II, pp.352-353

[3004]. Mirat al-‘Uqul, vol. IV, p.120

[3005]. Perhaps it’s said that Saduq’s opinion indicates that Shi‘ites scholars rejected all the slanderous narrations. In this regard, it demands mentioning that what Saduq said, can’t be ascribed to all Shi‘ite Muslims while most of his opinions are rejected by Shiykh Mufid in Tashih al-i‘tiqad.

[3006]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.326; see, Bahth fi nash’at ‘ilm al-tarikh ‘ind al-‘arab, p.53

[3007]. al-Irshad, p.268; A‘lam al-wara, p.257

[3008]. al-Mudjdi, pp.156-157; see, Ghayat al-ikhtisar, pp.128-129

[3009]. Mustadrak al-wasa’il, vol. III, p.599

[3010]. Dirasat fi wilayat al-faqih, vol. I, p.208 and the rest

[3011]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.104; see, Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.326

[3012]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.259; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.506

[3013]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.127

[3014]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.256

[3015]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.127; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.259; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.104

[3016]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.260; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.104

[3017]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.261

[3018]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.128

[3019]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.105; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.356; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.261

[3020]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.129

[3021]. Ibid, vol. VIII, p.131, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.261; Tarikh Gudhidih, p.186

[3022]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.105

[3023]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.537

[3024]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.261; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.106

[3025]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.537; Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.230-231

[3026]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.133

[3027]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.262; al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.132

[3028]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, pp.230-231

[3029]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.262

[3030]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.260

[3031]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.262; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.107

[3032]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.231

[3033]. ‘Umdat al-talib, p.266; Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.212; al-Hur al-‘ayn, p.189

[3034]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.136; Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.263

[3035]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p.213

[3036]. Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. II, p.264

[3037]. al-Muhabbar, p.484; Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.102

[3038]. See, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, Ibn Abi l-Hadid,, vol. VII, p.143

[3039]. al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.223

[3040]1. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. XII, p.223

[3041]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.601-604

[3042]. See, Ansab al-ashraf, vol. I, p.63; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.38; al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.229

[3043]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.63; Tarikh Isbahan, Abu Nu‘aym,, vol. II, p.42; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.38

[3044]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.66

[3045]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.428; al-Bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, pp.85-86

[3046]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.66

[3047]. al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.230

[3048]. Nathr al-durr, vol. I, p.427; al-Maqalat wa l-firaq, p.39; Firaq al-shi‘a, p.33

[3049]. Ibn ‘Inaba mentioned it to be happened in 133. quoting in Harat, he said that his tomb was people’s shrine … in the year 976; ‘Umdat al-talib, p.38

[3050]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.144-116

[3051]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, pp.40-41

[3052]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.112; al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.251

[3053]. al-Aghani, vol. XII, p.233; see: Lisan al-mizan, vol. III, p.364

[3054] al-Mudjdi, p.297

[3055]. Some said that he called to satisfaction of the Household (Nathr al-durr; vol. I, p.427} and the other stated that he invited to Himself, ‘Umdat al-talib, p.39

[3056]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.603

[3057]. Ibid, vol. V, p.604

[3058]. Ibid, vol. VI, p.40

[3059]. al-Wafi Bi l-wafayat, vol. XVII, p.63; Farhang firaq Islami, p.142

[3060]. al-Maqalat wa l-firaq, p.38

[3061]. See, Farhang firag Islami, pp.147-149

[3062]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.76

[3063]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. II, p.74

[3064]. al-Kamil fi l-adab, vol. I, p.349; Nathr al-durr, vol. IV, p.56; Balaghat al-nisa’, p.111

[3065]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, pp.40-41; al-Irshad, p.277; Kashf al-ghumma, vol II, pp.172,173

[3066]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. III, p.79

[3067]. Maqatil al-talibiyyin, p.233; see, Tarikh tashayyu‘ dar Iran, p.139-143

[3068]. Yazid Ibn Muhallab’s riot, as it was touched on before, was a political one, emanating from his opportunism.

[3069]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, pp. 2-3

[3070]. al-Futuh, vol. VIII, p.106; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 429

[3071]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 429

[3072]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 430; The word "farmers" here refers to the owner of big farms who had great power locally.

[3073]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 438

[3074]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 443

[3075]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 493

[3076]. Ibid. vol. V, pp. 494-495

[3077]. Ibid. vol. V, pp. 591-592

[3078]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 428; Van Vloten in "Al-siyadat al-‘arabiyya" (p.62) said that he was inclined towards the Prophet’s Sunna. He also referred to an article in Madjallat al-asiwiyyat al-Firansiyya (october, 1835, p.327) in which the same matter had been pointed out But in "Tabari", the main source for Harith’s riot, this matter was told by no means. This was told probably because of the condition of Khurasan at that time. A piece of poem being quoted from Kumayt Ibn Zayd Asadi in Harith’s praise in “Tabari” also can be an evidence in this regard. Although in this poem it was not told that Harith was a Shi‘ite, but the phrase Rayat Sud (The black Flags) was used and based on some narrations "Malahim wa Fitan" regarding a riot in Khurasan and using black flags there was used. The use of the phrase “Black Flags” indicates that Kumayt wanted to liken the uprising of Harith to a shi’i uprising. It is mentioned in a report that Harith considered himself as “the man of the black flags.” (Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p. 3) However, thereis no evidence that Harith was a Shi’i.

[3079]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 606

[3080]. loc.cit.

[3081]. Ibid. vol. VI. p.IV.

[3082]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.X

[3083]. Ibid. vol. V, pp. 429-430. He especially had taken into account the farmers of Djuzdjan.

[3084]. al-siyadat al-‘arabiyya, p.66

[3085]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p. 6

[3086]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p. 2

[3087]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 340

[3088]. To know about the beliefs as well as scholastic theology of the Murdji‘ites, refer to a book entitled "The Murdji‘ites, Tarikh wa Andishih" from the writer of the very same lines.

[3089]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya. pp. 441, 442

[3090]. al-siyadat al-‘arabiyya, pp. 64, 65

[3091]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.433

[3092]. Tarikh al-tabari,. vol. VI, p.2

[3093]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.3

[3094]. Ibid. vol. VI, p.6; al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p.79

[3095]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 538

[3096]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 213; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 197; See, Tarikh Mukhtasar al-duwal, p. 118; al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 46

[3097]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 216; Tarikh Gudhidih, p. 286; al-Hur al-‘ayn, p.190; Bahdj al-sabaqa, vol. V, p. 339; al-Aghani, vol. V, p. 49; Nudjum al-zuhra, vol. I, p. 299

[3098]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 216; al-Hur al-‘ayn, p. 190; Bahdj al-sabaqa, vol. V, p. 239

[3099]. Tarikh Gudhidih, p. 286; al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 47

[3100]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.335; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 521. He wanted to take wine to that room. Bahdj al-sabaqa, vol. V, p. 340

[3101]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 533

[3102]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 555

[3103]. Ma’athir al-inafa fi Ma‘alim al-khilafa, vol. I, p. 156

[3104]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 521; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 206

[3105]. al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 2

[3106]. al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 72, see, 74

[3107]. Ibid. p.73

[3108]. al-Aghani. vol. VII,. 80

[3109]. Ibid. p. 82

[3110]. al-Aghani, p. 83

[3111]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 336; Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 581; Tarikh Gudhidih, p. 287

[3112]. al-Firaq Bayn al-firaq, p.117; al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p. 51

[3113]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p.516

[3114]. al-firaq Bayn al-firaq, p.205

[3115]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 539

[3116]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 253; Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. V, p. 376

[3117]. See, Tarikh al-djahmiyya wa l-mu‘tazila, p. 70 from Abu Bakr Kharazmi

[3118]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 221

[3119]. Ibid. vol. III, p. 226. Because the residents of Mizza had paid allegiance to Walid before his death; al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 75

[3120]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. V, p. 376

[3121]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 433

[3122]. Ma’athir al-inafa, vol. I, p. 163; Nudjum al-zahira, vol. I, p. 322

[3123]. al-Milal wa l-nihal, vol. I, p. 93; see also, p. 106

[3124]. Maqdamat Ibn Khaldun, p. 415; see Buhuth ma‘a Ahl al-Sunna wa l-sulafiyya, pp. 76-91

[3125]. Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. V, p. 433

[3126]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. X, p. 19

[3127]. See, Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, vol. V, p. 432 (footnote)

[3128]. Ibid. vol. VI, p. 27

[3129]. Ibid. vol. VI, p. 27

[3130]. Tarikh al-djahmiyya wa l-mu‘tazila, p.16

[3131]. al-akhbar, vol. II, p. 249; al-bayan wa l-tabyin, vol. II, p. 70

[3132]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 576

[3133]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 553

[3134]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 565

[3135]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 545

[3136]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 335

[3137]. ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. II, p. 249

[3138]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 592, 591

[3139]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 593

[3140]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 314

[3141]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 455; see also p.581

[3142]. al-Aghani, vol. VII, p. 73

[3143]. Ibid. vol. VII, p. 79

[3144]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 35

[3145]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 529-532

[3146]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 595

[3147]. Ibid. vol. V, p.596; Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, p. 377; Ma’athir al-inafa, vol. I, p. 161

[3148]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 341

[3149]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 234

[3150]. Muhammad Ka¨im Khadjawiyan has listed different attitudes of this kind in an article of the magazine of Mashhad’s Faculty of Literature year, 19. pp. 503-530.

[3151]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p. 338

[3152]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 232

[3153]. Mawardi, al-ahkam al-sultaniyya, p.13 (Sulayman Ibn ‘Abd al-malik is regarded here).

[3154]. Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, pp. 10-11

[3155]. al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, pp. 19-21

[3156]. Farazdaq was among those poets. Despite his well-known poem in praising Imam Sadjdjad, he had composed many verses in praising both the Umayyads’s rulers and their relatives. By taking a glance at his poems, one can understand his great rule in the Umayyads stabilization. There are many verses in sanctifying the Umayyads caliphs in his Diwan. See, Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, pp. 261-268. There are some verses in praising Sulayman Ibn ‘Abd al-malik. Some of his poems regarding the stabilization of the Umayyads were mentioned before.

[3157]. Diwan Akhtal pp.21-24; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p. 30

[3158]. Diwan Akhtal p.37; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p. 30

[3159]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.95; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa

[3160]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.295

[3161]. Ibid. vol. II, p. 620

[3162]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, p.24

[3163]. Ibid. vol. II, p. 210

[3164]. al-Aghani, vol. I, p. 299

[3165]. Shi‘r al-ahwas, p. 193

[3166]. Ibid. p. 173

[3167]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. II, p.100

[3168]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.145; Regarding the poets of these verses, see al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p. 31-35

[3169]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.349

[3170]. Diwan Djarir, vol. II, p. 737

[3171]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. II, p.125; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p. 36. The second line is about camels. They put their bellies and necks on the ground as a sign of obedience.

[3172]. Quoted from Dawlat wa hukumat dar Islam "Government and Ruling in Islam" written by Lambton, p. 110, vol. III. Montigomeri Watt also had quoted some verses regarding the meaning of the time, Allah’s Viceroy during the Umayyads’s time. See Watt, God’s caliph, Qur’anic Interpretations and Umayyads claims in Iran and Islam, Edinburgh, 1971, pp.571-572, see also. Watt. Islamic Political Thought, Edinburgh, pp. 33, 137, No.5, see also, Khalifa wa Sultan, pp. 16-17.

[3173]. Prior to this Hassan Ibn Thabit had used the term "Allah’s viceroy" in his poem written in 36 about ‘Uthman. Diwan Hassan Ibn Thabit, p.96, quoted from Government and Ruling in Islam, p.110. the third part of the footnote No.7.

[3174]. Ansab al-ashraf, vol. IV, p. 345

[3175]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p. 222

[3176]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, p. 40

[3177]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p. 25; al-Shuwra fi l-’Asr al-umawi, p. 35

[3178]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 235

[3179]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. VI, p. 76

[3180]. Ibid. vol. VI, p. 214

[3181]. Ibid. vol. VI, p. 214; See al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p. 69; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya vol. IX, p. 136; al-Nasa’ih al-kafiya li man Yatawalla Mu‘awiya, p. 31; Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. I2, p. 228

[3182]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. III, p. 147

[3183]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p. 567; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. V, p. 60; al-Shuwra fi l-’Asr al-umawi, p. 35

[3184]. Murudj l-Dhahab, vol. III, p. 212; al-Shuwra fi l-’asr al-umawi, p. 35

[3185]. Farazdaq in praising Hisham Ibn ‘Abd al-malik said (Diwan, vol. I, pp.89- 88)

ابي الله الا نصركم بجنوده وليس بمغلوب من الله صاحبه

فما قام بعد الدار قواد فتنه ليشعلها الا ومروان ضاربه

ابی الله الا ان ملککم الذی به نيت الدين الشديد نصابه

Somewhere else he composed (Diwan, vol. I, p.215)

غلبتم الناس بالحق اذا ضربوا عليهم وبضرب غير تعذير

[3186]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, p.62

[3187]. Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, p.53

[3188]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, p.80; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa. P.22

[3189]. Ibid. vol. II, p.99

[3190]. Ibid. vol. I, p.262

[3191]. Diwan Djarir, vol. II, p.771

[3192]. See, Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.333; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. IX, pp.196, 192; Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. I, p.119; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p.23; Tarikh al-khulafa’, pp.235, 234, 233

[3193]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.416

[3194]. Diwan Djarir. vol. I, p.228

[3195]. Diwan Farazdaq, vol. I, p.281; al-umawiyyun wal al-khilafa, p.24

[3196]. al-Fakhri, p.122

[3197]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.219

[3198]. Ansab al-ashraf(manuscript) vol. I, p.1164 quoted from al-umawiyyun wa l-Khilafa, pp.120, 122; al-Kamil fi l-tarikh, vol. IV, p.522; Fawat al-wafayat, vol,II. P.404

[3199]. Amali Qali, vol. I, p.11; See also al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, p.316; al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p.122

[3200]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.273

[3201]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.218

[3202]. Tarikh al-ya‘qubi, vol. II, p.280-281; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.220

[3203]. Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh nahdj al-balagha, vol. XV, p.243; and see al-umawiyyun wa l-khilafa, p.128

[3204]. al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. IX, p.139

[3205]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. IV, p.343; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p.78; Ansab al-ashraf al-djuz’ al-rabi‘, al-Qism al-Awwal, p.495, No, 1278; al-Bad’ wa l-tarikh, vol. V, p.208 (There, the word "Mardiyy" was used instead of "Radiyy") al-Kamil fi l-tarikh vol. III, p.123, Ka‘b al-Ahbar was one of the advisors and companions of ‘Uthman; see Ansab ul Ashraf, al-ajuz’ al-Rabi‘, al-Qism al-Awwal, p.542

[3206]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, pp.216-217

[3207]. Ibid. p.233

[3208]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.233

[3209]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p.352

[3210]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VI, pp.393-94

[3211]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p.245

[3212]. Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. II, p.843-844, see also About Muhammad Ibn Ka‘b to, Qissikhanan dar tarikh Islam, (Story-tellers in the History of Islam), pp.69-68

[3213]. al-Nuqud al-islamiyya, p.11, there is much to say in this regard, see al-‘Iqd al-munir fi ma yata‘alluq bi l-dirham wa l-dananir.

[3214]. Diwan Djarir, vol. I, p.349

[3215]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. VII, pp.219-224 (a report like translation)

[3216]. Compare with the verse, اليوم اكملت لكم دينكم “This day have I perfected for you, your religion” According to some traditionists and in the view of Shi‘ites Imams and Imamiyya scholars, refers to Imam ‘Ali (a) Imamate. Perhaps that’s because of a sort of apposition, that they have put aside the stipulated Imamate which is indicative of religion integrity and replaced it with heirapparentship.

[3217]. al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. IX, p.221

[3218]. Murudj al-dhahab, vol. II, p.146; al-Idah, p.182

[3219]. See, al-Ahkam fi Usul al-ahkam, vol. II, p.131; Nadrat ‘Amma fi tarikh al-fiqh al-islami, p.10; al-imam al-Baqir (a), vol. I, pp.215-216; Dirasat wa buhuth fi l-tarikh wa l-islam, vol. I, p.56-57

[3220]. See, Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, whenever confronted by a reciter, Dhahabi counted the number of his traditions, and in this way the number increased.

[3221]. See, Dirasat wa buhuth fi l-tarikh wa l-islam, vol. I, p.56

[3222]. al-Imama wa l-siyasa, vol. II, pp.108-109

[3223]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.109;al-Madjruhin, vol. I, p.40; Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. II, p.162

[3224]. loc.cit.

[3225]. Ansab al-ashraf(footnote), vol. I, p.26

[3226]. Shadharat al-dhahab, vol. I, p.163

[3227]. See, al-Idah, p.210; Abu Hurayra; Sayyid Sharaf al-Din, pp.42-45

[3228]. In this regard and other information concerning Zuhri see, Tarikh Abi Zar‘at al-dimashqi, vol. II, p.538, Turathuna magazine, No.23, pp.9-27

[3229]. al-tarikh al-‘arabi wa l-mu’arrikhun, vol. I, p.173

[3230]. al-Madjruhin, vol. I, p.258

[3231]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.72

[3232]. Ibid, vol. I, p.135

[3233]. Ibid, vol. I, p.145

[3234]. Ibid, vol. I, p.78

[3235]. Djami‘ bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I, p.146

[3236]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.118

[3237]. Ansab al-ashraf, p.209; qtd in, Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, Wellhausen, p.209

[3238]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, pp.256-257

[3239]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, al-Musannaf, vol. I, pp.229-230

[3240]. Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p.223

[3241]. Ibid. p.246

[3242]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.95

[3243] Tarikh Baghdad, vol. II, p.61

[3244]. al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, p.135

[3245]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. VI, p.342

[3246]. Previously we’ve discussed this in noting the mental life of the second caliph

[3247]. Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. II, p.358

[3248]. Ibid, vol. II, p.370

[3249]. Tadhkirat al-huffa¨, vol. I, p.101

[3250]. loc. cit

[3251]. loc.cit.

[3252]. Mizan al-i‘tidal, vol. IV, p.353, Mu‘djam al-udaba’, vol. XIX, p.259

[3253]. loc.cit.

[3254]. Shadjarat, vol. I, p.150; Mu‘djam al-udaba’, vol. XIX, p.259; Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. V, p.543

[3255]. Shadjarat, vol. I, p.150

[3256]. al-Madjruhin, vol. I, p.176

[3257]. Tarikh al-Khulafa’, pp.233-235

[3258]. al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. V, p.141

[3259]. Ibid, vol. V, p.148

[3260]. See, Tarikh al-tabari, vol. I, pp.205-228 (Leiden); al-Tanbih wa l-Ishraf, pp.302-307 (Leiden) quoted in Tarikh al-Dawlat al-‘arabiyya

[3261]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. II, p.261; al-Bidaya wa l-nihaya, vol. VIII, pp.280, 281; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p.66

[3262]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. III p.72

[3263]. Tarikh al-dawlat al-‘arabiyya, p.206

[3264]. Wafayat al-‘ayan, p.206

[3265]. Ibid. vol. VII, pp,681-781

[3266]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp.184,185

[3267]. Tarikh al-tabari vol. V, p.191

[3268]. Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p. 229; concerning ruining the minarets see Rabi‘ al-abrar, vol. I, p. 328

[3269]. al-Aghani, vol. V, p. 17; Wafayat al-a‘yan, vol. II, p. 230

[3270]. al-Muwaffaqiyyat, p. 292

[3271]. Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 245

[3272]. Ibid. p. 224

[3273]. al-Nuqud al-islamiyya, al-Miqrizi, p.11

[3274]. Djami‘ bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I, p. 72

[3275]. Bihar al-anwar, vol. II, p. 108

[3276]. al-Idah, p. 311 (published by Tehran University).

[3277]. Qissi khanan dar tarikh Islam, p. 46

[3278]. Ibid. pp. 86-96

[3279]. Ibid. pp. 65-72

[3280]. Futuhat a‘rab dar asiyay markazi, p. 41

[3281]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 400

[3282]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp. 21, 22; Futuh al-buldan, p. 405

[3283]. Futuh al-buldan, pp. 404, 405

[3284]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 139

[3285]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp. 186, 187

[3286]. Ibid. vol. V, p. 191

[3287]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, the events during 88-95; Futuh al-buldan, pp. 409-411

[3288]. Futuhat a‘rab dar asiyay markazi, from p. 52 on

[3289]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 415

[3290]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 263

[3291]. Futuhat a‘rab dar asiyay markazi, p. 65

[3292]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 390, 391

[3293]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, pp. 141-142; Futuh al-buldan, p. 391

[3294]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 392

[3295]. Tarikh al-tabari, vol. V, p. 257

[3296]. Impiraturiyyat al-‘arab, p. 260

[3297]. Imbiraturiyyat al-‘arab, p. 214

[3298]. Futuh al-buldan, p. 197

[3299]. Ibid. p. 203

[3300]. Ibid. pp. 207-208