• Start
  • Previous
  • 14 /
  • Next
  • End
  •  
  • Download HTML
  • Download Word
  • Download PDF
  • visits: 5201 / Download: 2879
Size Size Size
Imam Al-Mahdi (as) and Opponents: The Dialectic of Complementarily and Contradiction

Imam Al-Mahdi (as) and Opponents: The Dialectic of Complementarily and Contradiction

Author:
Publisher: www.alhassanain.org/english
English

Alhassanain (p) Network for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Imam Al-Mahdi (as) and Opponents: The Dialectic of Complementarily and Contradiction

Author: Islamshia-w.com

www.alhassanain.org/english

Table of Contents

Preface 3

The Establishment of Conflict and Complementarity 3

Contradiction as a General Concept 4

Contradiction within Marxism in the Social Field 4

The Role of Religion in Mobilizing the Masses towards Revolution 9

The Shift of Importance from Ideology-Religion into Civilization-Strategy 13

Introduction of the Dialogue of Civilizations 14

The Ultimate Holistic Theory 18

Islamic Traditions Supporting the Holistic Approach 18

Imam Al-Mahdi (as) and Opponents 22

Conclusion 22

God has designed de soul to be happy 26

II.- The believers attributes at "The Time of Appearance".o Prudence 28

Renunciation and Detachment 28

Trust in God 30

Strength in the face of suffering 30

Humble of Heart 31

Illumination 31

IV.- Final Comments 35

V.- Bibliography 35

VI.- Notes 36

Time is now for actions and courage 38

God has designed de soul to be happy 39

Some conception of heaven and hell 40

Prudence 41

Renunciation and Detachment 43

Trust in God 43

Strength in the face of suffering 44

Preface

" since ancient times, two forces have been struggling to gain control over the globe; the forces of good and evil. The struggle between these two poles will continue until the Day of Judgment. However, this point may appear controversial and should, therefore, be fully discussed and concretely established before delving into the details of the theoretical propositions of this paper.

The Establishment of Conflict andComplementarity

The conflict between evil and good may be traced back to ancient times. Some may presuppose that the struggle between these two poles cannot be tracked to the ancient epochs as it is based, for the main part, on the production tools of the industrial society, as espoused by the Marxist material dialectic;

however , it would be more reasonably realistic to accept that it certainly has existed since the earliest days of the human species on this earth and shall continue until the Day of Judgment.

It may assume different forms, represented by outwardly different figures, but what counts is the essence of these forces rather than their various external manifestations. Also, what we mean by evil is that party which opposes Divine will and the rightly guided party of Almighty God (swt ). Some think this might be summarized in one characteristic, i.e. possession or otherwise of the fear of Allah.

The conflict between good and evil is established in the majority of sacred books, albeit with dissimilar references and terms. TheQur 'an has emphasized the existence of this distinction as well as the fight in the story of Adam's sons after the first division took place between them when Abel, the potential victim, upon hearing his brother's pronouncement of intention to kill him, strongly despising such an act - and despite being fully aware of the risk of being killed for doing so - declared:

".لئن بسطت إلي يدك لتقتلني ما أنا بباسط يدي لأقتلك إني أخاف الله رب العالمين "

"Even if you stretch forth your hand towards me in order to kill me, I will never stretch out a hand towards you to kill you. I fear God, Lord of the Universe!" Qur'an 5:28

By the end of this paper we shall refer to theQur'anic verse which is both linked to the Imam Al-Mahdi (as) and his opponents and to the status of fearing Allah.

The only difference is that the conflict was manifested here in individual representation, while our discussion topic goes beyond, extending the matter to communities, groups and, ultimately, various societies. However, the essence is contradiction between two totally different forces. This shall lead us to a thorough discussion of contradiction and its philosophical definition within the social arena.

Contradiction as a General Concept

One studies contradiction in Aristotelian formal logic in simple concepts, particularly in the propositional. The definition and the conditions are different compared to the social field and political philosophy. It is clearly obvious that the logical definition of contradiction - within Aristotelian frameworks - is not applicable to societies and the principles governing them, as both the concepts and compounds within the formal logic never claimed to apply such rules to the societal field. We, therefore, face two concepts with totally different connotations yet dissimilar meaning.

As this discussion necessitates the study of contradiction and dialectic throughout the latest philosophical discussions, we are forced to discuss the Marxist and the Hegelian models of contradiction, paving the way for analyzing the recent brainchild of Huntington and his clash of civilizations.

Contradiction within Marxism in the Social Field

In dialectical materialism, contradiction, as derived by Karl Marx from Hegelianism, usually refers to an opposition of conflicting social forces. According to Marx, most prominent is the fact that capitalism promotes a social structure which has contradictions because the social classes have conflicting collective goals.

These contradictions stem from the lethargic social function of the society's structure and inherently lead to class conflict, economic crisis, and eventually revolution, the existing order's overthrow and the formerly oppressed classes' ascension to political power.

Thus for formal societal approaches, the main predication of 'dialectical opposition or contradiction' must be understood as 'some sense' opposition between the objects involved in a directly associated context. 'Dialectical contradiction' is not reducible to simple 'opposites' or 'negation'.

According to Marxist thinkers, dialectics is the science of the general and abstract laws of the development of nature and society. We are going to introduce their ideas based on Friedrich Engels. These principal features might be introduced as four, which are:

1. The universe, far from being a disconnected mixture of separate isolated entities, is an integral whole, with resultant universal interdependency. To sum it up: The law of unity and conflict of opposites.

The first of Engel's laws or expressions was seen by Hegel as the central feature of a dialectical understanding of things. Hegel wrote: "It is in this dialectic as it is here understood, that is, in the grasping of oppositions in their unity, or of the positive in the negative, that speculative thought consists. It is the most important aspect of dialectic."

This principle may be easily acceptable as Muslim social philosophers have repeatedly emphasized this very point; however, astute thinkers may distinguish between various groups co-existing within a society, and reach different conclusions regarding each individual community. We cannot, therefore, accept this principle in its vague formulation.

2. Nature - the natural world or cosmos - is in a state of constant motion. Some have formulated these changes to occur either generally or in the particular form of quantitative into qualitative. Friedrich Engels, the German philosopher, wrote in his 'Dialectics of Nature':

"All nature, from the smallest thing to the biggest, from a grain of sand to the sun, from theprotista to man, is in a constant state of coming into being and going out of being, in a constant flux, in a ceaseless state of movement and change."

While the second principle is widely accepted within the milieu of Muslim philosophers - in particular theSadrian (Al-Harakah Al-Jawhariyyah ), it is nevertheless unclear how this could be applied within the social field. The exception is where it could be used to prove the need for Divine power and guidance, something which the materialistic dialectic has rejected since its establishment. We find ourselves forced to discuss the other part of this principle as a separate issue.

3. Development is a process whereby insignificant and imperceptible quantitative changes lead to fundamental, qualitative changes. The latter occur not gradually, but rapidly and abruptly, in the form of a leap from one state to another. A simple example from the physical world might be the heating of water: a one degree increase in temperature is aquantitive change, but at 100 degrees there is a qualitative change - water to steam.

This principle is probably taken by Hegel from Aristotle, and is equated with what scientists call "phase transitions". In each case, the phase transition of water is one of the main expositions of quantity into quality and vice versa. Karl Marx has also emphasized this law in his Capital. "Merely quantitative differences, beyond a certain point, pass into qualitative changes."

As regards this principle, we may view the case from a specific angle as, within the social field, we found it difficult to adopt as a constant clear-cut rule where conditions supposedly bring about transformation from quantitative to qualitative, as societal factors are flexible and depend on many varying factors that can affect the destiny and future of the whole society. One is also able to defend an approach where contradiction may tend to affect the human societies within themselves, i.e. individuals whereby parts of the whole shall reach perfection towards elevated positive levels, and others may descend to ultimate lower levels.

4. All things contain within themselves internal dialectical contradictions, which are the primary cause of motion, change, and development in the world. This principle might be formulated as: The law of the negation of the negation.

The principle of the negation of the negation is Hegel's distinct expression. It was the expression through which, amongst others, Hegel's dialectic became fashionable during his life-time, notwithstanding his vague formulation; interpretation will be a difficult task. There is much related literature and many philosophical theories - amongst which one has, oneself, developed an innovative theory though we are not going to discuss it in this article.

However, speaking critically and briefly - and interpreting solely from a materialistic context - one can straightforwardly reject the need for internal contradiction in order to perpetuate motion and to keep things changing and moving towards different levels. Further explanations might be needed in the next few paragraphs to elaborate upon this idea and to strengthen its depth.

Before concluding, there is a need, at this point, toemphasise that dialectical materialism is often defined by reference to two claims by Marx:

first that he "put Hegel's dialectics back on its feet" and second, that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." See (The Communist Manifesto, 1848).

Dialectical materialism is essentially characterized by the belief that history is the product of class struggle obeying the general Hegelian principle of philosophy of history that is the development of thesis into its antithesis which issublated by the "Aufhebung " (~synthesis, a word that Hegel was loathe to use) - which conserves thesis and antithesis while simultaneously abolishing it. Thus the conflict of society's classes is a necessity for history's development, and adheres to the Hegelian principles of history.

In conclusion, within this dialectic, the process of modification through the conflict of opposing forces, whereby a given contradiction is characterized by a primary and a secondary aspect, the secondary succumbing to the primary is then transformed into an aspect of new contradiction. Ayatollah S. M. B. As-Sadr differs from Marx regarding the origin of social contradiction.

Marx relates contradiction to the growth of means of production. Although As-Sadr pictured the rise of contradiction in social relations due to the changing economic conditions of society, he regarded the real cause behind it not as consisting of external-environmental conditions, but rather as resting within man, himself.

Man is not always the product of his environment, which itself is shaped by his mentality, thoughts and activities. The development of economic conditions is his doing, and social relationships are developed and organized to meet his needs. It was his intellectual and physical capabilities that made it possible for man to enhance his living conditions.

Without these faculties, the external conditions would have remained the same since the dawn of history. The reason behind the rise of the social contradiction is that man deviated from the way of God. Changes in the conditions surrounding man would only serve as instigators of man's mental capabilities. They act as 'raw material' for promoting and stimulating the appetite for the human brain to work. Change of environmental condition gives man the ability to develop new tools or means of production to counteract the effects of the changing conditions. He states:

'...the natural forces of production do not, by themselves, reach their [state of] perfection and growth, or quicken their development and maturation, but rather they only instigate the senses and the thinking of man. Their natural development, thus, is not [the result of a] dialectical process, and the positive effect [i.e., the emancipation of life] does not emerge from this development. Rather, the forces of production are governed by an historical factor that is superior to them.'

That superior factor, according toSadr , is the human ego of mankind, himself. Hence, the primary factor behind the contradictions that exist in society is, according toSadr , not changing economical conditions (forces of productions) but rather the contradictions within man himself. The Holy Qur'an made it explicitly clear:

"كلا إن الإنسان ليطغى، أن رآه استغنى ."

"However man acts so arrogant, for he considers he is self-sufficient." Qur'an 96:7

"إن الله لا يغير ما بقوم حتى يغيروا ما بأنفسهم ."

"God does not change what any people may have until they change whatever they themselves have." Qur'an 13:11

Thus the historical process can be defined between two poles of political thinking; those who would like to protect their interests and retain the existing system of alienation indefinitely, and those who would like to revolt and replace the existing oppressive system of social relations with a just one.

The natural course of action for the deprived and weak has always been to lead a revolution against corrupt oppressive political regimes. The history of revolutions, according toSadr , has taken two different routes to confront unjust social structures. The first is revolution that advocates the elimination of materialistic forms of societal oppression, considered as forms of alienation, encountered by the downtrodden on a daily basis.

These feelings of exploitation by the masses lead them first to silent opposition. When oppression continues, they organize their effort in vocal political movements that give voice to their demands upon the system. These groups eventually resort to violent actions when all else fails. Revolutions of this type of movement mobilize masses on the basis that a new system would distribute wealth and resources to all members of society and eliminate privilege for the upper dominate class.

However, such revolutions, while concerned about certain kinds of social needs, are short-sighted. The masses would continue to face other forms of alienation in the post-revolutionary system. The oppressed of yesterday would become the masters, and thus, the oppressor of today. The whole historical process would repeat itself with new players.

Thus, "the revolution would only change the position of exploitation, but would not accomplish its elimination." That is probably why Marx considered the existence of a historical dialectic process whereby each rising class resorts to oppressive means and measures to protect its interests against other groups, i.e., every thesis gives rise to an antithesis.

The second type of revolutionary process is one that tries to eliminate the source of alienation rather than merely emphasizing elimination of its materialistic contradictions. It is a revolution that would resort to the creation of new social values that would see an end to all sources of exploitation.

The revolution that would advocate the values of justice, righteousness, and equality that stem from belief in God is the only revolution that would secure man from the domination and exploitation of other powers. It is the total surrender of man to God that would free him from surrendering to others. When the revolution advocates the equality of all people,

it must be on the basis that all are equal before God and no single group has special rights with respect to others. When such revolutionaries try to eliminate the means of control of the dominate group, it is not because of a belief that they have no right to reign, but because all people have equal right to govern before God and act as His representative on earth.Sadr called the latter type of revolution the '(Divine) real revolution' and the former the '(Taghuti ) relative revolution.'

These few sentences have been an attempt to establish a correction of the theoretical Marxist approach, and while touching on the theoretical version of social contradiction, they should suffice to lead us to profoundly study and extensively examine the new approach, including its relation to Real Practiced Life.

The Role of Religion in Mobilizing the Masses towards Revolution

The last few decades of the last century witnessed a new phenomenon, namely the Islamic revolution of Iran, where religion demonstrably played a major role in mobilizing the masses for the purpose of a national cause, simultaneously inspiring aspirations of International proportions with regard to the oppressors happily hogging their way around the globe. However, there are some politically observant and strategic analysts who have tried totrivialise or belittle the role of religious ideology in forming and motivating the forces of the revolution.

In his book: 'Six theories of the Victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran',Haghighat edited an article entitled: 'The Role of Ideology, Leadership and People in the Islamic Revolution' byManoochehr Mohammdi that states that religion was the main factor for the victory of the Islamic revolution. Analyzing the main ideologies that could and eventually did influence the destiny of the revolution, we read in the article byMohammadi :

'In Iran, since long ago and from the early years of the present century, three different eastern and western ideologies have attracted different social groups. These are Nationalism, Marxism-Leninism, and Islam. Their advocates haveendeavoured to gather a following by painting their own picture of ideal society. Nationalism, in the minds race, incorporates historical background,

language , culture and traditions of people, who have gathered inside a set of geographical boundaries as anundissociatable unit, and considering such,honour it as friendly and otherwise as alien and enemy. The Marxist movement, despite the extensive efforts made, was less successful than nationalism in Iran for two reasons:

The atheistic structure and materialistic nature of Marxism-Leninism contradicted the Iranian society's nature and their deep religious beliefs. Thus, it could not find popular acceptability.

The extensive affiliation of Marxists to Moscow resulted in their becoming regarded "as a result of the bitter experiences of Iranian-Russian relation",

or as a group of Russian puppets. However, Islam as a divine school of thought had historical roots in the minds of various classes of people. A society with 98% of its members being traditional Muslims, and most of them adhering to their divine book's commands, is well prepared to accept revolution.'

Many have rejected the idea that religion, and in particular Islam could have played a strong role in the people's motivation towards revolting against the Shah.Mohammadi writes:

'Among the main arguments against this ideology being used as the ideology of the revolution are:

Many years of western imperialist propaganda had inspired the notion that, "Religion should be separated from politics and have no relationship with socio-political problems". This program of insinuation had affected various classes of people and even some of the clergy and religious authorities. The ideal society that Islam intended to establish belonged to 14 centuries in the past and many believed it impossible to establish its orders in the modern era. Doubts existed whether it could answer the present epoch's conundrums.

Reliance on some of the Islamic principles, such as dissimulation and waiting for the advent of the 12th Imam in Shi'ah tradition and obeying the designated guardian among the Sunnis, had left no room, not even in the minds of some true Muslims, for the idea that Islam could be wielded as a revolutionary ideology for changing the prevailing values.'

After discussing many of the abovementioned points he insists:

'The evidence in all of these popular and mass movements proves that the essential accelerating factor in the revolution had a purely religious aspect and was related to the insulting article as follows:

From January 10, 1978 till the victory of the revolution, all of the demonstrations had a religious aspect and were performed using religious traditions, ceremonies and festivities, (likeAshura , the 40th daymourning ceremony, and religious festival), and had no other distinguishing traits.

The starting and ending points of the demonstrations were at mosques and the regime showed its enmity to religion by attacking the Great Mosque of Kerman,Habib Mosque in Shiraz, andLonradeh Mosque in Tehran, trying to stop these gatherings.

Invitation for the gatherings for street marches and leadership of the demonstrations were accomplished by the scholars. Non-religious leaders never had any role in administering and leading the demonstrations. Even when the National Front, trying to test its power, declared a strike and street march on the 40th day of mourning for the martyrs of Black Friday, it was unsuccessful.

These initiatives had no relationship with the more open political atmosphere or Carter's human rights, policy, but they were brutally and ruthlessly answered. Even American so-called human rights supporters encouraged and supported the Shah in these acts of brutality.

People's slogans and requests were religious and political, and were based on two axes: Firstly the Shah's leaving and the fall of the Pahlavi regime, and secondly, establishing an Islamic state. Non-religious groups had no choice but to join the Muslim masses and were thus forced to abandon their own slogans so as not to face popular objection.

He concludes at the end of his article:

'The greatest role in the victory of the revolution in Iran was played by religion and the school of martyrdom. Any attempt to relate it to issues such as Carter's human rights policy, the coalition of various forces, nationalistic movements, and so on, is distortion of reality and disagrees with documented historical facts.'

This fact is also shared and confirmed by sharp and astute Western writers, such as FredHalliday who, in an article titled: The Contradictory Legacies of Ayatollah Khomeini: The Iranian Revolution at Twenty presented in a London International Conference in 1999, wrote describing the above mentioned elements as follows:

"Khomeini had built a regime that combined religious and ideological authority with strong security system….The Iranian revolution claimed to be a novel kind of revolution, and many outside Iran agreed with this: this was a revolution made in the name of religion, and led by the clergy. This has never happen before in the history of modern revolutions.

There were indeed other elements of novelty: this… Its ideological character was evident in the fact that it did not seek to invoke a long set of predecessors: Khomeini insisted…. The only model was that of the Prophet in the seventh century.

It is explicitly emphasizing that the Islamic revolution produced a new model for revolution in modern history that was both ideological and religious. Two factors combined to demonstrate infavour of Islam at the beginning of the third millennium.

The revolution faced many challenges and succeeded instabilising and dynamically carrying out its functions. What was remarkable to observe was the domino effect collapse of the Communist states which had for so many years served as staunch rivals to the capitalist model. This has provided an extremely significant opportunity to revive the role of religion and the Divine values within the everyday life of the human being.

The transformation or the influence of Divine values on the International arena was witnessed by politicians and strategists. Referring to this remarkable change,Shirin Hunter wrote the following in an article entitled: "The Post-Soviet International System and the Dialogue of civilizations":

- "Between 1950s and 1970s, these efforts (referring to the United Nation Charter and the activities of other countries struggling to achieve independence within the International arena) were related mostly to issues of political and economic independence and to trying to [become part] of the International political system.

In the 1980s, however, cultural and value-related issues acquired greater importance, and this trend was strengthened in the 1990s, following the Soviet Union collapse. Today, cultural andcivilisational issues are key elements of the International discourse and inter and intra-state relations."

While ideology and religion - especially Islam in the case of the Soviet failure in Afghanistan - provided an indispensable service in effecting the failure of communism, one could have possibly prognosticated the ideology, in general, and Islam in particular, to be central to the mind of strategists and theoreticians alike were it not for the number of remaining doctrinaires who were either not vigilantly engaged in scrutinizing the International arena, or whowilfully ignored this enormous ideological role, preferring to jettison the importance of religion.

Some leading political figures espoused the idea of a "New World Order" with the existence of a single world Mega Power. However, they felt less at home with the resulting un-confrontational vacuum; having an adversary served well for uniting inner fronts in the face of a (real or imagined) major external enemy.

In order to groom the everyday minds of leaders, minions and masses actively in the same direction, it was assumed that Islam could fill the void and become the perfect alternative bogeyman. Speaking about a 'New World Order' was a politically motivated vague formulation and an attempt to present American Western hegemony over the rest of the world. It was not, however, shaped as an intellectual theory nor received as a well formulated theorem from a charismatic individual.

The reason should be intrinsically clear as simply highlighting a fact is not an exceptional accomplishment, nor a great task entrusted to a magnificently charismatic global leadership.

Again, it was left to an American thinker to produce a theory to serve as TrojanHorse , saving ship, and dynamic vehicle within the 'New World Order'. The theory of the 'Clash of Civilizations' was introduced in a book by Samuel Huntington. He, a US political scientist, was "the director of security-planning for the National Security Council" in the White House regime of Jimmy Carter. Huntington has had access to a lot of very interesting behind-the-scenes data denied to lesser mortals.

The ideas in this book were first presented in a lecture at the Washington "American Enterprise Institute." One of the crucial purposes and motivation for Huntington's brainchild lay in this factor, as, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, some considered the world could finally be able to breathe a sigh of relief due to the death of the cold war.

According to the ideas in Huntington's book, however, one should not take that breath of relief as humanity's destiny has been ensnared, once again, by a huge, profound and wider global Clash. As he put it, paving the way for presenting his brainchild, namely 'The Clash of Civilization': true friends require true enemies:

"For peoples seeking identity and reinventing ethnicity, enemies are essential, and the potentially most dangerous enmities occur across the fault lines between the world's major civilizations." (p. 20)

Within and between these lines one is able to discern a crucial insidious factor, i.e. a shift from emphasis on ideology to something rarely, if ever, discussed within the circles of strategists, due to its fluid character the very nature of which escapes clear definition based on solid background: civilization.