Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

References

1. See Sayyid Ja‘far Shahidi, Tarikh-e Tahlili-ye Islam ta Payan-e Umawi {An Analytical History of Islam till the End of the Umayyad Rule}, 6th edition (Tehran: Markaz-e Nashr-e Daneshgahi, 1365 AHS), vol. 2, pp. 137-138.

2. Shaykh at-Tusi, Ikhtiyar Ma‘rifah ar-Rijal (Rijal Kashi), researched by Sayyid Mahdi Raja’i (Qum: Mu’assasah Al al-Bayt at-Turath, 1404 AH), vol. 1, p. 237.

3. Ibid., p. 218.

4. Ibid., p. 222.

5. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, 1st edition (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1414 AH), vol. 2, p. 171.

6. Bihar al-Anwar, vol. 46, p. 357.

7. Abu’l-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn ‘Ali ibn Ahmad ibn al-‘Abbas Najashi, Fihrist Asma’ Musanfa ash-Shi‘ah (Rijal Najashi) (Qum: Islamic Publications Office affiliated to the Society of Teachers of the Islamic Seminary in Qum, 1407 AH), p. 10.

8. Ibn Shahr Ashub Mazandarani, Manaqib Al Abi Talib (Qum: Mu’assasah Intisharat-e ‘Allameh, n.d.), vol. 2, p. 129.

9. Muhammad Husayn Muzaffar, Tarikh ash-Shi‘ah (Qum: Manshurat Maktabah Basirati, n.d.), p. 122.

10. Jabir ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Ansari narrates: “A number of the various tribes of Yemen came to the Holy Prophet (S). The Messenger of Allah (S) said: ‘There shall be a softhearted people with strong faith Mansur (one of the companions of Imam al-Mahdi (‘a)) along with seventy thousand from whom shall rise up to help my successor and the successor of my executor of will {wasi} even while their swords carried (diagonally across the body) with the staple of palm-tree!’ They asked: ‘O Messenger of Allah! Who is the executor of your will?’ He retorted: ‘It is he to whom God, the Exalted, ordered (the people) to hold fast when He said, “Hold fast to the rope of Allah and be not divided among yourselves” (Surah Al ‘Imran 3:103).’

They asked: ‘O Messenger of Allah! Tell us what this ‘rope’ {habl} is.’ He said: ‘This rope is exactly the statement of God when He says, “…save (where they grasp) a rope from Allah and a rope from men” (Surah Al ‘Imran 3:112). The rope from Allah is the Qur’an while the rope from men is the executor of my will!’ They asked: ‘O Messenger of Allah! Who is the executor of your will?’

He answered: ‘It is he about whom God, the Exalted, says, “Lest any soul should say, ‘Alas, my grief that I was unmindful of Allah’” (Surah az-Zumar 39:56).’ They inquired: ‘What is this command of God?’ He responded: ‘He is the executor of my will and the guide of the people toward me after I depart!’

They said: ‘O Messenger of Allah! By He who has sent you down in truth! Point him to us as we are indeed eager to see and know him!’ He said: ‘God has appointed him for the faithful. If you would look at him with the vision of the heart, you shall know that he is indeed the wasi {executor of will} just in the same manner that you recognized your Prophet.

Thus, go and check within the ranks of the people in the mosque. Anyone who shall draw your hearts toward him is the wasi; for, God, the Exalted, says: “So incline some hearts of men that they may yearn toward them” (Surah Ibrahim 14:37).’

As such, Abu ‘Amir Ash‘ari from the tribe of Ash‘ariyyin, Abu ‘Izzah Khawlani from among the Khawlaniyan, Uthman ibn Qays from Banu Qays, Gharyah Dawsi from the tribe of Daws, and Lahiq ibn ‘Alafah rose up and they checked the ranks of the people in the mosque. They took ‘Ali (‘a) by the hand and presented him to the Holy Prophet (S) and said: ‘O Messenger of Allah! This is the person who drew our hearts toward him and inclined toward him.’

The Holy Prophet (S) said: ‘All praise is due to Allah! You recognized the executor of will of the Prophet even before seeing him.’ So, the Yemenis wept and said: ‘O Messenger of Allah! We looked at the people, but our hearts did not get calm with them; when we saw him our hearts experienced tranquility as if we have seen our respective fathers’.” Muhammad Husayn Muzaffar, Tarikh ash-Shi‘ah (Qum: Manshurat Maktabah Basirati, n.d.), pp. 124-125.

11. Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 132.

12. Shahab ad-Din Abi ‘Abd Allah Yaqut Hamawi, Mu‘jam al-Buldan, 1st edition (Beirut: Dar Ihya’ at-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1417 AH), vol. 3, p. 158.

13. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 161.

14. Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 197.

15. Ibid.

16. Abu Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muhammad Thaqafi Kufi, Al-Gharat, trans. Muhammad Baqir Kamare’i (n.p.: Farhang-e Islam, n.d.), pp. 325, 331.

17. Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 199.

18. ‘Abd al-Hamid ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyyah, 1961), vol. 2, p. 17.

19. Al-Gharat, p. 333.

20. Ahmad ibn Yahya ibn Jabir Baladhuri, Insab al-Ashraf, researched by Muhammad Baqir Mahmudi (Beirut: Manshurat Mu’assasah al-A‘lami Li’l-Matbu‘at, 1394 AH), vol. 3, p. 161.

21. ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil at-Talibiyyin (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1416 AH), p. 435.

22. Tarikh ash-Shi‘ah, p. 132.

23. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, p. 162.

24. Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 150.

25. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, p. 161.

26. Ibid.

27. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 126.

28. Rasul Ja‘fariyan, Tarikh-e Tashuyyu‘ dar Iran az Aghaz ta Qarn-e Hashtum-e Hijri, 5th edition (Qum: Shirkat-e Chap wa Nashr-e Sazman-e Tablighat-e Islami, 1377 AHS), p. 71.

29. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. 3, p. 198.

30. ‘Izz ad-Din Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Muhammad Abi’l-Kiram Ibn Athir, Asad al-Ghabah fi Ma‘rifah as-Sahabah (Beirut: Dar Ihya’ at-Turath al-‘Arabi, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 258.

31. Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, vol. 2, p. 189.

32. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 262.

33. Sayyid Husayn Ja‘fari, Tashayyu‘ dar Masir-e Tarikh, trans. Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Ayatullahi, 9th edition (Tehran: Daftar-e Nashr-e Farhang-e Islami, 1378 AHS), p. 125..

34. ‘Ali ibn Husayn ibn ‘Ali Mas‘udi, Murawwij adh-Dhahab, 1st edition (Beirut: Manshurat Mu’assasah al-A‘lami Li’l-Matbu‘at, 1411 AH), vol. 3, p. 73.

35. Tarikh ash-Shi‘ah, p. 67.

36. Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah ibn Muslim ibn al-Qutaybah, Al-Ma‘arif, researched by Tharwah ‘Akkashah, 1st edition (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1415 AH), p. 214.

37. Fakhri has narrated that Muhammad ibn ‘Ali said to his supporters and campaigners: “But there are Shi‘ah of ‘Ali ibn Talib in Kufah and its districts. The people of Basrah gave their loyalty to an ‘Uthmani group, but the people of Mesopotamia were not yet Muslims then. The people of Sham would not recognize anyone except the descendants of Abu Sufyan and not obey anyone except Marwan. But the people of Mecca and Medina were more on following the line of Abu Bakr and ‘Umar. Therefore, it should not be forgotten that from among the people of Khurasan there were many individuals who were active, pure-hearted and had peace of mind. They were neither inclined to this group nor that group, and neither did they adhere to the different sects nor attach to peity. Ibn Tabataba, Al-Fukhara fi Adab as-Saltaniyyah (Egypt), p. 104.

38. Maqatil at-Talibiyyin, pp. 424-431.

39. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 3, p. 233.

40. Abu Ghalib Zurari, Risalah fi Al A‘yan (Isfahan: Matba‘ah Rabbani, n.d.), pp. 2-18.

41. Fihrist Asma’ Musanfa ash-Shi‘ah (Rijal Najashi), p. 230.

42. Ibid., p. 232.

43. Ibid., p. 39-40.

44. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. 2, p. 340.

45. Shaykh al-Mufid, Al-Jamal, 2nd edition (Qum: Maktab al-A‘lam al-Islami (Publication Center), 1416 AH), p. 279.

46. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 237.

47. Al-Gharat, p. 166.

48. Sayyid Muhsin Amin, A‘yan ash-Shi‘ah (Beirut: Dar at-Ta‘aruf Li’l-Matbu‘at, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 590.

49. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 109.

50. Batra’ is the feminine form of abtar which means ‘defective’ and ‘incomplete’. According to the hadith, every statement which does not begin with the name of Allah is called abtar {defective and incomplete}. Since Ziyad began to deliver the said sermon without invoking the name of Allah, it became known thereafter as batra’.

51. Tarikh-e Tahlili-ye Islam ta Payan-e Umawi, p. 156.

52. Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Jarir ibn Rustam Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk (Beirut: Dar al-Qamus al-Hadith, n.d.), vol. 6, p. 132.

53. Maqatil at-Talibiyyin, p. 292.

54. aq-e Kisra: the most famous construction that the Sassanid kings&T built and it is rumored that this palace was built by Khosroe I and still others believe that it was one among other palaces built by Shahpur, the first Sassanid king. {Trans.}

55. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. 7, pp. 221-222; Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 1, p. 267.

56. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 109.

57. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. 7, pp. 222.

58. A‘yan ash-Shi‘ah, vol. 1, p. 25.

59. Tarikh ash-Shi‘ah, p. 149.

60. Kird-‘Ali, Muhammad. Khatat ash-Sham, 3rd edition (Damascus: Maktabah an-Nuri, 1403 AH/1983), vol. 6, p. 246.

Lesson 20: The Shi‘ah-Populated Places during the Second Century Hijri

At the beginning of the second century AH, Shi‘ism extended beyond the frontiers of the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq as it encompassed the entire Muslim domain. In view of the scattering of the Shi‘ah and ‘Alawis in the Muslim territories, this matter can be discerned. From the time of Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, the migration of the Shi‘ah and ‘Alawis to the other regions had begun.

These migrations were further expedited during the second century AH with the beginning of the propaganda and movements by the ‘Alawis. After the failure of the uprising of Zayd in Kufah, his son Yahya along with a number of his supporters went to Khurasan.1 After him, the uprising of ‘Abd Allah ibn Mu‘awiyah, a descendant of Ja‘far ibn Abi Talib at-Tayyar, covered the regions such as Hamedan, Qum, Rey, Qirmis, Isfahan, and Fars, and ‘Abd Allah himself lived in Isfahan.

Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani says, “The notables of Banu Hashim went to him and he designated each of them to rule over a district. Even Mansur and Safah (who later became the first two ‘Abbasid caliphs) had connivance with him and this continued till the time of Marwan Himar and the emergence of Abu Muslim.”2

During the ‘Abbasid period, the ‘Alawi movements always emerged, one definite consequence of which was the scattering of the ‘Alawis in the different regions. For example, after the uprising of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah during the reign of Mansur and his defeat, the descendants of Imam al-Hasan (‘a ) were scattered in the different places. In this regard, Mas‘udi thus says:

The brothers of Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah (Nafs az-Zakiyyah) were scattered in the different places. His son, ‘Ali ibn Muhammad, went to Egypt where he was killed later. His other son, ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad, went to Khurasan and from there proceeded to Sind where he was killed. His third son, Hasan ibn Muhammad went to Yemen where he was put behind bars and passed away while in prison. His (Nafs az-Zakiyyah’s) brother, Musa, went to Mesopotamia.

Another brother of Nafs az-Zakiyyah, Yahya, went to Rey and from there he proceeded to Tabaristan. Another brother of his, Idris, went to Maghrib. Yet another brother, Ibrahim, went to Basrah where he formed an army composed of men from Ahwaz, Fars among other cities, but his uprising ended in failure.3

Although most of them were pursued by the ‘Abbasid agents and were unable to€ remain in one place and were later killed, their impact remained. Sometimes, their children lived in those places. For example, ‘Abd Allah, son of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah, as narrated by Mas‘udi, was not able to remain in Khurasan and thus, he went to Sind.4 Yet, the author of the book,Muntaqilah at-Talibiyyin , narrates that the son of ‘Abd Allah, Ibrahim, remained in Khurasan and had two sons named Qasim and Muhammad.5

Similarly, there was a group in Transoxiana which was tracing itself back to Irahim ibn Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah.6

Now, we shall survey the condition of the cities and regions in which the Shi‘ah lived in large number during the second century AH.

a. Khurasan

At the beginning of the second century AH, the movement of the campaigners of Banu Hashim7 commenced in Khurasan and many people there embraced Shi‘ism. Ya‘qubi narrates,

When Zayd was martyred, the Shi‘ah in Khurasan were in great commotion and expressed their faith in Shi‘ism. The preachers were openly stating the atrocity and tyranny of the Umayyads against the descendants of the Prophet (S).8

It remained so until such time that Yahya ibn Zayd went to Khurasan and lived there in disguise for sometime. And when he rose up, many people gathered around him.9 Mas‘udi narrates, “On the year when Yahya was killed, every infant that was born in Khurasan was named Yahya.”10

Of course, due to the presence of Zaydis and ‘Abbasid campaigners, Shi‘ism of the people of Khurasan had more Zaydi and Kaysani color. This is particularly true in view of the fact that in the beginning, the ‘Abbasids laid the foundation of their legitimacy upon the succession of Muhammad ibn ‘Ali to Abu Hashim, son of Muhammad al-Hanafiyyah. As Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani writes in describing ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad al-Hanafiyyah:

He is the same person whom the Shi‘ah of Khurasan were thinking to be the heir of his father whom they thought was the Imam. His heir in turn was Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas while Muhammad ibn ‘Ali designated Ibrahim as his successor. In this manner, succession among the Abbasids was institutionalized.11

The Khurasanis had always been supporters of the ‘Abbasids, and when the dichotomy between the ‘Alawis and ‘Abbasids occurred, they sided with the latter. For example, during the battle against Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah most of the ‘Abbasid soldiers were Persian-speaking Khurasanis.

Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani narrates:

When Khudhayr Zubayri, one of the commanders of Muhammad Nafs az-Zakiyyah, was coming to the battlefield from Medina, the Khurasanis were saying in Persian, “Khudhayr amad; Khudhayr amad ” {Khudhayr came; Khudhayr came}.12

b. Qum

Qum has been one of the most important Shi‘ah-populated cities since the second century AH. This city, apart from being founded after the advent of Islam, has been founded by the Shi‘ah and Shi‘ah resided in and populated it from the very beginning. It is Shi‘ah Imamiyyah that has always been there without experiencing any deviation. Not only haveSinyan ever lived there but also theGhulat did not find their way there, and even if they had, the people would have rejected them.13 Many of the people there used to come to the pure Imams (‘a ) to learn from these great personages, always maintaining contact with their Imams.

In 82 AH when the revolt of Ibn Ash‘ath against Hajjaj was crushed and he fled to Kabul,14 a number of his soldiers were also Shi‘ah such as ‘Abd Allah, Ahwas, Na‘im, ‘Abd ar-Rahman, and Ishaq, sons of Sa‘d ibn Malik

ibn ‘Amir al-Ash‘ari, who went to the districts of Qum after the defeat of Ash‘ath. There were seven villages there one of which was known as “Kamandan”. After these brothers’ stay in this village, their kith and kin joined them and resided in all the seven villages. Gradually, these seven villages merged together and they all become “Kamandan”. Kamandan was Arabized and shortened into “Qum”.15

From then on, Qum has become one of the most important concentration centers of the Shi‘ah, and the ‘Alawis in particular, who arrived and resided there from everywhere.16 At the end of the second century AH, the arrival of Lady Fatimah al-Ma‘sumah (Imam ar-Ridha’s (‘a ) sister) is considered the turning point in the history of this city, bringing about ample blessings to it.

c. Baghdad

Baghdad was founded during the second centuryhijri , 145 AH in particular, by Mansur, the second ‘Abbasid caliph, and soon became one of the demographic concentration centers of the Shi‘ah.17

This fact was unambiguously proved in Imam al-Kazim (‘a ) burial procession. The huge number of attendants seriously alarmed the ‘Abbasids so much so that Sulayman ibn Mansur, Harun ar-Rashid’s uncle, participated in it barefooted just to appease the people.18

Baghdad was founded in Iraq and most of the people of Iraq were Shi‘ah. Although Baghdad at the beginning was a military and political city, with the passage of time the intellectual center of the Muslim world was also transferred there and Shi‘ah of the neighboring cities such as Kufah, Basrah, Mada’in among others took residence there and very quickly constituting a large population. After the minor occultation {ghaybah as-sughrah }, Baghdad became the intellectual and religious center for the Shi‘ah who flourished there by virtue of the Shi‘ah government of Al Buyah (Buyeds), until such time that Shaykh at-Tusi transferred the Shi‘ah center to Najaf.

The Shi‘ah-Populated Places during the Third Century Hijri

The geographical expansion of Shi‘ism in the third century AH can be discussed and studied in two ways; the first is through the formation of the Shi‘ah states in the Muslim territories. In 250 AH the ‘Alawis in Tabaristan formed a government.19

During the latter part of the third century AH, descendants of Imam al-Husayn (‘a ) set up a Zaydi government in Yemen. In 296 AH the Fatimid state was established in the north of Africa.20 These governments were not based on Shi‘ah Imamiyyah fundamentals, but their existence showed the extent of Shi‘ism and indicated the fertile ground for its acceptance in the Muslim territories—an opportunity which had been utilized by the Isma‘ilis and Zaydis.

The second way is through the list of regions where the pure Imams (‘a ) designated proxies. The institution of deputyship {wikalah } had been founded since the time of Imam as-Sadiq (‘a ), and during the time of Imam al-Hadi and Imam al-‘Askari (‘a ) the activity of this institution had reached its climax. The regions where the Imams’ (‘a ) deputies were dispatched

included Ahwaz, Hamedan, Sistan, Bust, Rey, Basrah, Wasit, Baghdad, Egypt, Yemen, Hijaz, and Mada’in.21

Of course, Kufah, Qum, Samarra, and Nayshabur were considered as the most important Shi‘ah-dominated cities till the end of the third century AH, and the Shi‘ah jurisprudence based on the traditions of the pure Imams (‘a ) was taught there. After the third century, nevertheless, Kufah declined in importance being gradually replaced by Baghdad, and with the arrival of the Al Buyah and the presence of distinguished figures such as Shaykh al-Mufid, Sayyid Murtadha, Sayyid Radhi, and Shaykh at-Tusi, the religious seminary in Baghdad flourished.

Regarding the Shi‘ah influence in Baghdad during the fourth century AH, Adam Mitch (?) thus writes:

But in Baghdad which was the capital of Islam in its true sense and where the waves of all intellectual currents were strong, all schools of thought had followers. Of all these schools of thought, two were the strongest and most uncompromising—Hanbali and Shi‘ah.

The followers of Shi‘ism were particularly concentrated around the market of Karakh and only at the end of the fourth, this direction to the major bridge in Bab at-Taq was also populated. In places west of Dajlah, especially Bab al-Basrah, Hashimis (‘Abbasidsadat ) constituted a strong community with intense enmity toward the Shi‘ah.

Yaqut thus writes: “The residents of the district of Bab al-Basrah, between Karakh and Qiblah, were all Hanbali Sunnis, and those on the left and western parts of Karakh were also Sunnis. But the people of Karakh were entirely Shi‘ah and no Sunni could be found among them.”

…As recorded by historians, the first time the Shi‘ah of Baghdad gathered in Baratha Masjid in 313 AH, it was reported to the caliph that a group is gathering there to collectively curse the caliphs.

The caliph ordered for it to be besieged on Friday at the time of congregational prayer, and thirty worshippers were arrested and searched. Baked clays {muhr } with the name of the Imam engraved therein were found on them… In 321 AH, ‘Ali ibn Yalbakh, the Turkish commander, ordered for the cursing of Mu‘awiyah and Yazid on the pulpits.

The public made a hullabaloo, and Barbahari, the leading Hanbali, and his supporters were identified as the ones responsible for the unrests. On account of the seditions and attitudes of the Hanbalis toward the people in 323 AH, it was ordered that two Hanbalis should not be seen together anywhere in Baghdad, and the ‘Abbasid caliph Radhi issued an order in which the offenses to be committed by the Hanbalis and their corresponding punishments were indicated.22

Lesson 20: Summary

During the ‘Abbasid period, the ‘Alawi movements constantly emerged, a definite consequence of which was the diaspora of the ‘Alawis in the different regions. As such, during the second century AH, Shi‘ism transcended beyond the frontiers of the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq.

The journey of the ‘Abbasid campaigners to Khurasan began at the beginning of the second century AH, where many people initially embraced Shi‘ism though Shi‘ism with more Kaysani influence.

Since the second century AH, Qum has become one of the most important Shi‘ah-dominated cities. This city was founded by the Shi‘ah and Shi‘ism there has always been Ithna ‘Ash‘ari Imamiyyah. Although Baghdad was the capital of the ‘Abbasid caliphate, by the transfer of Shi‘ah from the neighboring cities such as Kufah, Basrah and Mada’in, it became one of the demographic concentration centers of the Shi‘ah.

During the third century AH, Shi‘ism was extended in many regions in the Muslim territories. This fact is clearly illustrated from the list of the regions where the pure Imams (‘a ) had their representatives. It was for this reason that the Shi‘ah governments in Tabaristan, Yemen and Africa were set up.

Up to the end of the third century AH, Kufah, Qum, Samarra, and Nayshabur were regarded as the most important Shi‘ah-populated cities.

Lesson 20: Questions

1. Name the regions populated by the Shi‘ah during the second century AH.

2. In what periods did Shi‘ism in Khurasan start?

3. Which type of Shi‘ism has been in Qum?

4. How did Baghdad become one of the Shi‘ah-populated cities?

References

1. ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn Abu’l-Faraj al-Isfahani, Maqatil at-Talibiyyin (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1416 AH), p. 146.

2. Ibid., p. 157.

3. ‘Ali ibn Husayn ibn ‘Ali Mas‘udi, Murawwij adh-Dhahab, 1st edition (Beirut: Manshurat Mu’assasah al-A‘lami Li’l-Matbu‘at, 1411 AH), vol. 3, p. 326.

4. Ibid.

5. Abu Isma‘il ibn Nasir ibn Tabataba, Muntaqilah at-Talibiyyin, trans. Muhammad Rida ‘Ata’i, 1st edition (Mashhad: Intisharat-e Astan-e Quds-e Radhawi, 1372 AHS), p. 207.

6. Ibid.

7. It must be noted that the term, “Banu Hashim” or “Hashimiyan” at the time also included the ‘Abbasids as they were also grandchildren of Hashim.

8. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya‘qubi, 1st edition (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1414 AH), vol. 2, p. 171.

9. Maqatil at-Talibiyyin, p. 149.

10. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, p. 336.

11. Maqatil at-Talibiyyin, p. 123.

12. Ibid., p. 238.

13. Rijal ibn Dawud (Qum: Manshurat ar-Radhi, n.d.), pp. 240, 270.

14. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 149.

15. Shahab ad-Din Abi ‘Abd Allah Yaqut Hamawi, Mu‘jam al-Buldan, 1st edition (Beirut: Dar Ihya’ at-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1417 AH), vol. 7, p. 88.

16. Muntaqilah at-Talibiyyin, pp. 333-339.

17. Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. 2, p. 361.

18. Sayyid Muhsin Amin, A‘yan ash-Shi‘ah (Beirut: Dar at-Ta‘aruf Li’l-Matbu‘at, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 29.

19. Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Jarir ibn Rustam Tabari, Tarikh at-Tabari, 2nd edition (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1408 AH), vol. 5, p. 365.

20. Jalal ad-Din ‘Abd ar-Rahman Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa’ (Qum: Intisharat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1411 AH), p. 524.

21. See Sayyid Majid Pur Aqa’i, Tarikh-e ‘Asr-e Ghaybat (Qum: Markaz-e Jahani-ye ‘Ulum-e Islami, n.d.), p. 19.

22. Adam Mitch, Tamaddun-e Islami dar Qarn-e Chaharum-e Hijri {Islamic Civilization in the Fourth Century Hijri}, trans. ‘Ali Rida Dhakawati Qaragzelu (Tehran: Mu’assaseh-ye Intisharat-e Amir Kabir, 1364 AHS), pp. 85-86.

Lesson 21: Shi‘ism among the Different Tribes

Basically, ‘Ali (‘a ) had more Shi‘ah and sympathizers from the ‘Adnanis from among the Qahtani tribes, and Shi‘ism among the Qahtanis had enormously expanded. The main Shi‘ah who constituted the historians and soldiers of the Commander of the Faithful (‘a ) were Arab tribes from the south (Yemen) and Qahtanis. For instance, the Imam (‘a ) thus said in Rajzi, one of the battle arenas in Siffin:

أنا الغلام القرشي المؤتمن الماجد الأبيض ليث كالشّطن

يرضى به السّادة من اهل اليمن من ساكني نجد و من اهل عدن

I am a Qurayshi youth—trustworthy, great, pure, and like a lion—with whom the distinguished men of the people of Yemen from among the residents of Najd and ‘Aden are pleased .1

Similarly, after the demise of the Prophet of Islam (S), most of ‘Ali’s (‘a ) supporters among the companions of the Prophet (S) wereAnsar who were Qahtani in origin, and constituted most of those who accompanied ‘Ali (‘a ) from Medina up to the Battle of Jamal.2 In the same vein, when Imam al-Husayn (‘a ) set off toward Kufah, ‘Abd Allah ibn al-‘Abbas said to him:

If the people of Iraq like you and want to assist you, you write to them, “The enemy shall expel you from your city. Then, you come here.” Instead, you move toward Yemen where there are mountains, strongholds and forts that Iraq does not have. Yemen is a vast land and your father have Shi‘ah there. You go there and then send your preachers to the neighboring places to invite the people to come to you.

The companions of Imam al-Husayn (‘a ), with the exception of Banu Hashim and some Ghaffaris, also belonged to Yemeni tribes.3 As Mas‘udi has said, “From among the companions of the Prophet (S), only four persons attained martyrdom at the lap of the Prophet (S) and these four were from theAnsar .”4

The descent of theAnsar to Yemeni tribes is also obvious.

In contrast, the chiefs and nobles of Quraysh were hostile to ‘Ali (‘a ) and his descendants (just as they were hostile to the Prophet (S)), while the sympathizers of the Imam (‘a ) among them were few. Even the tribes that had close relations with the Quraysh, such as the tribe of Thaqif and the people of Ta’if who were supporters of Mu‘awiyah during and after the Battle of Siffin, had always been in the ranks of those who opposed ‘Ali (‘a ).

For example, when Mu‘awiyah dispatched Busr ibn Artat to pillage the cities of Hijaz and Yemen, as Busr was approaching Ta’if, Mughayrah ibn Shu‘bah went to welcome him, saying: “May God give you pleasant reward! I heard the news of your harshness toward the enemies and benevolence toward the friends.” Busr said, “O Mughayrah! I want to put pressure on the people of Ta’if so as for them to pledge allegiance to the Commander of the Faihtful Mu‘awiyah.” Mughayrah said, “O Busr! Why do you want to do to your friends what you did to your enemies? Do not do it lest everybody turned into your enemy.”5

There were also very few besides the Banu Hashim from among the Quraysh, such as Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr and Hashim Mirqal, who were on the Commander of the Faithful’s (‘a ) side although from among the clans of Quraysh and opponents of ‘Ali (‘a ), there were also some who accompanied him. For instance, Khalid ibn Walid was one of the Commander of the Faithful’s (‘a ) adversaries, but his son, Muhajir ibn Khalid was among the soldiers of the Imam in the Battle of Siffin. Another case is that of ‘Abd Allah ibn Abi Hudhayfah, Mu‘awiyah’s maternal cousin, who was one of the sincere Shi‘ah of ‘Ali (‘a ), and in the end attained martyrdom at the hands of Mu‘awiyah’s agents.

‘Ali (‘a ) had followers and supporters from among all the Yemeni tribes such as the tribes of Kindih, Naka‘, Azd, Juhaynah, Himir, Bujaylah, Khath‘am, Khuza‘ah, Hadhramut, Mudhhaj, Ash‘ar, Tay, Sadus, Hamdan, and Rabi‘ah.6 But among them, the two tribes of Hamdan and Rabi‘ah were leading.

The Hamdanis who embraced Islam during the time of the Prophet (S), through ‘Ali’s (‘a ) efforts, had always been sympathetic to him, and were considered as among the Imam’s sincere Shi‘ah. Mas‘udi says, “During the Battle of Siffin, not a single person from among them was in the army of Mu‘awiyah.”7

Regarding Hamdan, ‘Ali has said:

ولو كنت بوّاباً على باب الجنّة لقلت لِحَمْدان أدخلوا بسلام

If I were the gatekeeper of paradise, I shall say to the tribe of Hamdan, “Enter in peace!” 8

Mu‘awiyah held a great grudge against the Hamdanis. One day during the Battle of Siffin, he went to the battle arena and recited this poem:

لا عيش الاّ فلق الهام من أرحب و يشكر شبام

قوم هم اعداء اهل الشام كم من كريم بطل همام

وكم قتيل و جريح ذام كذاك حرب السّادة الكرام

I shall not live unless I rip the heads of those of (the clans of) Arhab, Yashkar and Shabam (from the tribe of Hamdan).

They are people who are enemies of the people of Sham. So many of them are great, heroic and brave men.

So many they have killed, injured and handicapped. Yes, such is the battle of the gallant noblemen.

Then, by reciting this epic verse:

اللهم رب الحلّ والحرام لا تجعل الملك لاهل الشام

O Lord of hall and haram! Do not bestow the rule to the people of Sham,

Sa‘id ibn Qays Hamdani attacked Mu‘awiyah while holding forward his spear, and Mu‘awiyah fled from him toward the center of the army of Sham. And he sent Dhu’l-Kala‘ (one of the commanders of Sham) to confront Sa‘d ibn Qays and the ensuing combat lasted till night. In the end, the people of Sham accepted defeat and fled. At this juncture, the Commander of the Faithful (‘a ) recited this poem to encourage the Hamdanis:

فوارس من حمدان ليسوا بعزل غذاة الوغى من شاكر و شبام

يقودهم حامى الحقيقة ماجد سعيد بن قيس و الكريم محام

جزى الله همد ان الجنان فانهم سهام العدى في كلّ يوم حمام

Horsemen of Hamdan from (the tribes of) Shakir and Shabam do not slacken in the morning battle.

The advocate of truth and great man, Sa‘id ibn Qays, leads them. The kind people themselves shall also be protected.

May Allah grant the reward of paradise for (the tribe of) Hamdan as they are all arrows to the hearts of the enemies during battles.9

As such, we can see poems composed by the army of Sham against Hamdan especially during the Battle of Siffin. For instance, ‘Amr ibn al-‘As addressed the tribe of Hamdan on one of the days of the Battle of Siffin, saying:

الموت يغشاه من القوم الانف يوم لهمدان و يوم للصّدف

و في سدوس نحوه ما ينخرف نضربها بالسّيف حتى ينصرف

و لتميم مثلها او يعترف

It shall receive death from this tribe; one day, Hamdan is victorious while another day it is just a shell.

The tribe of Sadus is also like them; as if it is not becoming old, but we shall strike them with the sword so as to restore the condition.

We shall treat (the tribe of) Tamim in the same manner, unless they confess submission.10

A number of women of the tribe of Hamdan had also incited the supporters and soldiers of the Commander of the Faithful (‘a ) during the Battle of Siffin against Mu‘awiyah. Among these women were Sawdah Hamdaniyyah and Zurqa’ Hamdaniyyah, daughters of ‘Addi ibn Qays.11 Sawdah addressed his father saying:

شعر كفعل ابيك يابن عمارة يوم الطّعان و ملتقى الاقران

وانصر عليّاً و الحسين و رهطه واقصد لهند و ابنها بهوان

ان الإمام اخا النّبي محمّد علم الهدى و منارة الإيمان

فقد الجيوش و سره امام لوائه قدماً بأبيض صارم و سنان

Given this, Mu‘awiyah nursed a grudge against them. And after the martyrdom of ‘Ali (‘a ) they were summoned to Sham. They were asked to explain about their poems and they were reproached.12

The second Yemeni tribe which had many Shi‘ah of ‘Ali (‘a ) among its members was the tribe of Rabi‘ah. For example, in enumerating the Shi‘ah of ‘Ali (‘a ) Burqa has allocated a certain part to the companions of ‘Ali (‘a ) from the tribe of Rabi‘ah while allocating the rest of the Yemeni Shi‘ah in another part.13

When ‘Ali (‘a ) heard that a number of the tribe of Rabi‘ah in Basrah attained martyrdom at the hands of the army of ‘A’ishah, he said:

يا لهف نفسي على ربيعة ربيعة السّماعة المطيعة

I pity the Rabi‘ah, the obedient and submissive Rabi‘ah! 14

Mas‘udi also says, “‘Ali (‘a ) had many talks about Rabi‘ah and eulogies to them because they were his helpers and supporters as well as his pillar among pillars.” Among ‘Ali’s (‘a ) statements about Rabi‘ah is the poem below which he recited during the Battle of Siffin:

لمن راية سوداء يخفق ظلها إذا قيل قدمها حضين تقدماً

فيوردها في الصف حتى يعلها حياض المنايا تقطر الموت و الدّما

جزى الله قوماً قاتلوا في لقائه لدى الموت قدماً ما اعروا كرماً

واطيب أخباراً و اكرم شيمةً اذا كان اصوات الرجال تغمغما

ربيعة أعنى إنَّهم أهل نجدة و بأس إذا لاقو، خميساً عرمرما

The one who has the black banner and it is hoisted—once it is said to him to bring forward the banner,

He will then join the ranks so as to bring forth the spears for death and blood drop from them.

May Allah bestow reward to the community that fought in the battle, welcomed death, and never opposed goodness.

They are the most well-dressed and beautiful-faced of people, when the voices of men at the battlefield are winded together.

I am referring to (the tribe of) Rabi‘ah. When confronting a huge army, they are brave and powerful.15

It was one of the chiefs of Rabi‘ah, Jamil ibn Ka‘b Tha‘labi who was considered one of the Shi‘ah and supporters of ‘Ali (‘a ). When he was captured by Mu‘awiyah, the latter told him: “Which blessing is greater than this that God made us prevailed over a man who within an hour killed a large number of our supporters!”16

Shaqiq ibn Thawr Sudusi also said during the Battle of Siffin while addressing the tribe of Rabi‘ah: “O group of Rabi‘ah! Once ‘Ali is killed, there will be no excuse for even a single person from you to remain alive.”17 Also, after the death of Yazid, the people of Kufah expelled the Umayyad governor from their city and wanted to install somebody in his stead.

Some people suggested ‘Amr ibn Sa‘d to be theamir . Mas‘udi narrates that at that moment, the women of Hamdan, Kahlan,Ansar , Rabi‘ah, and Nakha‘ entered the central mosque. While weeping for Imam al-Husayn (‘a ), they were saying: “Is it not enough that ‘Amr ibn Sa‘d killed Husayn and now he wants also to be ouramir ?”

With this statement, they made the people weep and persuaded them to abandon ‘Amr ibn Sa‘d.18

Lesson 21: Summary

Most of the supporters and Shi‘ah of the Commander of the Faithful were from the Qahtani and Yemeni tribes.

Among the companions of the Prophet (S), most of ‘Ali’s (‘a ) sympathizers were from among theAnsar who had Yemeni origin.

Imam al-Husayn’s (‘a ) main supporters were from among the Yemeni tribes, with the exception of the Banu Hashim and some Ghaffari men.

In contrast, the chiefs and nobles of Quraysh were inimical to ‘Ali (‘a ), and his descendants and supporters among them were very few.

Among the Yemeni tribes, the two tribes of Hamdan and Rabi‘ah were leading in Shi‘ism.

Lesson 21: Questions

1. Name the tribes in which Shi‘ism was more dominant.

2. Among the Yemeni tribes, which tribes are leading compared to the rest in Shi‘ism?

References

1. Ibn Shahr Ashub Mazandarani, Manaqib Al Abi Talib (Qum: Mu’assasah Intisharat-e ‘Allameh, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 178.

2. Ahmad ibn Yahya ibn Jabir Baladhuri, Insab al-Ashraf, researched by Muhammad Baqir Mahmudi (Beirut: Manshurat Mu’assasah al-A‘lami Li’l-Matbu‘at, 1394 AH), vol. 3, p. 161.

3. Kalbi, Jumhurah an-Nasab (Beirut: ‘Alam al-Kutub, n.d.), p. 88.

4. ‘Ali ibn Husayn ibn ‘Ali Mas‘udi, Murawwij adh-Dhahab, 1st edition (Beirut: Manshurat Mu’assasah al-A‘lami Li’l-Matbu‘at, 1411 AH), vol. 3, p. 84.

5. See Sayyid Ja‘far Shahidi, Tarikh-e Tahlili-ye Islam ta Payan-e Umawi {An Analytical History of Islam till the End of the Umayyad Rule}, 6th edition (Tehran: Markaz-e Nashr-e Daneshgahi, 1363 AHS), p. 137.

6. Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khalid Burqa, Rijal al-Burqa (n.p.: Mu’assasah al-Qayyum, n.d.), pp. 37-40; ‘Abd al-Hamid ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah (Cairo: Dar Ihya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabi, 1961), vol. 3, p. 193.

7. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 99.

8. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 322.

9. Manaqib Al Abi Talib, vol. 3, pp. 170-171.

10. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 323.

11. Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Rabbih al-Andalusi, Al-‘Aqd al-Farid (Beirut: Dar Ihya’ at-Turath al-‘Arabi, 1409 AH), vol. 1, pp. 335-337.

12. Ibid., p. 335.

13. Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Khalid Burqa, Rijal al-Burqa (n.p.: Mu’assasah al-Qayyum, n.d.), p. 37.

14. Zubayr ibn Bakkar, Al-Akhbar al-Muwaffaqiyyat, researched by Dr. Sami Makki al-‘Ani (Qum: Manshurat ash-Sharif ar-Radi, 1416 AH), p. 159.

15. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, vol. 3, p. 59.

16. Ibid., p. 60.

17. Insab al-Ashraf, vol. 2, p. 306.

18. Murawwij adh-Dhahab, pp. 98-99.

Part 6: The Rifts within Shi‘ism