Sadra’s Life
Mulla Sadra was born in Shiraz in 979-980/1571-1572 into a wealthy and influential family, his father reportedly having been the governor of the province of Fars. Following the tradition of classical madrasah education, Sadra was trained first in what is called the transmitted sciences (al-'ulum
al-naqliyyah
), which included such disciplines as grammar (nahw
), Qur'anic exegesis (tafsi
r), jurisprudence (fiqh
), and the science of the sayings of the Prophet and Shiite Imams ('ilm al-hadith
). Sadra's firm training in the transmitted sciences appears to have a lasting impact on his philosophical work as he was to write an incomplete commentary on the Quran. Considering that the majority of Muslim philosophers prior to Sadra were concerned with transmitted sciences only in a secondary way and that very rarely did they compose works in this field, Sadra stands out as a conspicuous exception, a figure who combines both the transmitted-religious and intellectual-philosophical sciences.
Having completed his formal education in Shiraz, Sadra left his hometown for Isfahan that had then become a major center of high culture in arts and sciences primarily thanks to the visionary leadership of Shah Abbas II (1588-1629), known with the honorific title of the ‘Great’.
The vivid intellectual environment of Isfahan was to offer Sadra a unique opportunity to join the line of such Shi’ite philosophers as Mir Damad, Baha’ al-Din ‘Amili, and Mir Abu’l-Qasim Findiriski on the one hand, and to encounter the fierce opposition of many Shi’ite jurists to Sufism and other gnostic tendencies, on the other. When Sadra began his philosophical career in Isfahan, the cultural and religious framework of the Safavid Iran had been to a large extent consolidated, and the process of establishing Twelve Imam Shi’ism as the official religious code of Iran, begun in 1501 by Shah Isma’il, the founder of the Safavid dynasty, had been completed
. The origins of the conflict between the Shi’ite religious authorities and the mystically oriented philosophers go back to the beginning of the Safavid dynasty when Shah Isma’il (1501-1524) and his son Shah Tahmasp (1524-1576) engaged in forcefully promoting Twelve Imam Shi’ism against Sunnism and Sufism
. By the end of the 16th and the middle of the 17th centuries, the Sunni character of the greater Khorasan, the heartland of Persia, was already erased, and such Sufi orders as the Naqshbandiyyah, Khalwatiyyah, Nurbakhshiyyah, Ni’matullahiyyah, and the Qalandariyyah/Malamatiyyah were either completely subdued or driven out of the Safavid Empire.
One of the direct consequences of this policy was the migration of a number of notable Sufi masters to India and other places, and the drastic decline of Persian Sufi poetry in the heartland of Iran.
This process was further invigorated by the revival of Akhbarism by Mulla Muhammad Amin Astarabadi (d. 1627). The akhbari traditionalism, grounded in a strong pietistic anti-intellectualism, was particularly opposed to mystical and philosophical interpretations of the Qur’an and the sayings of the Imams. The followers of this school relied solely on the literal authority of the sayings of the Imams, bolstering the socio-religious status of rulers and scholars who claimed family descent from the Shi’ite Imams. The proponents of the akhbari movement, who had gained the unmistakable favor of the Safavid court until the reign of Shah Safi (1629-1642) and Shah Abbas II (1642-1666), came to be called the ‘people of the exterior’ (ahl-i zahir
) and the ‘scholars of the skin or surface’ (‘ulama-yi qishr
) by their opponents. The mounting tension between the two groups is vividly recorded in contemporary chronicles as well as in Sadra’s fierce and relentless attacks against the exoterist‘ulama’
as we see especially in hisSih asl
. The menacing power of the exoterist Shi’ite‘ulama’
, however, do not appear to have deterred Mulla Sadra and his mentor Mir Damad from pursuing a serious career in either speculative metaphysics or theoretical mysticism.
It was against this background that Sadra gave himself completely to the thorough study of intellectual sciences in Isfahan. He studied with the most celebrated teachers of the time, among them especially Sayyid Baqir Muhammad Astarabadi, known as Mir Damad (d. 1040/1631) and Baha’ al-Din Muhammad al-Amili known more popularly as Shaykh-i Baha’i (d. 1031/1622). Some sources add Mir Abu'l-Qasim Findiriski (d. circa 1050/1640-1) to the list of the masters with whom Sadra studied in Isfahan even though no direct historical connection between the two has been established in a satisfactory manner. The life spans of the two, if we can trust Findiriski’s date of death, which is the same as that of Sadra, suggest that the two must have been colleagues rather than student or mentor for one another. Furthermore, Sadra does not mention Findiriski’s name when he speaks of his masters in his autobiography in theAsfar
. The fact that the traditional sources associate Sadra with Findiriski in one way or another is nevertheless interesting for Findiriski is considered to be a mystic, even a somewhat ‘eccentric’ one, with such habits as mixing with the low caste vagabonds, dressing up poorly, and having alchemical and mystical powers. Mir Findiriski’s extant works reveal him as a follower of the Avicennan school. This, however, is not sufficient to qualify him as a Peripatetic in the ordinary sense of the term.
Mir Findiriski is also known for his travels to India where he is reported to have met a number of Hindu sages and ascetics.
One of the fruits of these travels is his Persian commentary on the Hindu mystical and philosophical textYoga-Vasishtha
, which is an important text from the point of view of both comparative philosophy and cultural history during the Safavid era.
Among Sadra’s teachers, Mir Damad occupies a special place. It is apparent from his writings as well as personal letters that Sadra had an intimate relation with Mir Damad in addition to his having studied under his tutorship. Mir Damad is best known for hisal-Qabasat haqq al-yaqin fi huduth al-‘alam
(“Firebrands: The Certain Truth Concerning the Temporal Origination of the World”), which is an attempt to recast some of the central problems of traditional philosophy from the point of view of Peripatetic philosophy with some influences from the School of Illumination. Mir Damad's prominence as a philosopher and teacher is shown by the honorific title given to him as the 'third teacher' (al-mu'allim al-thalith
) after Aristotle and Farabi..
Sadra seems to have made his first full-fledged introduction to formal philosophy under Mir Damad’s generous tutelage. This is evinced by the fact that he mentions, in his short autobiographical essay at the beginning ofAsfar
, that he was once an upholder of the fundamental primacy of quiddity (asalat al-mahiyyah
) over being (wujud
), a doctrine which sums up the Illuminationist ontology of Suhrawardi and Mir Damad and from which Sadra was shortly thereafter to depart once and for all. Sadra became so successful in mastering the intellectual sciences under Mir Damad that he eventually outshone his teacher. Today, Mir Damad is virtually unknown in the West and outside of Persia.
Even though the difficult language and structure of Mir Damad's works is admitted by both classical and modern authors, his destiny of remaining a background figure in the annals of Islamic philosophy is without doubt related to the overpowering fame and dominance of his most celebrated student.
In addition to the study of intellectual sciences, Sadra continued his education of the transmitted sciences in Isfahan under Baha' al-Din al-Amili, one of the most famous jurists and theologians of the Safavid era.
Al-Amili was not, however, an ordinary scholar of religious sciences. He was a polyvalent par excellence: he was at once a philosopher, theologian, jurist, mathematician, architect, Sufi, and poet. This must have had some effect on Sadra's intellectual upbringing as he wrote works in nearly all branches of the intellectual and transmitted sciences. The influence and presence of transmitted sciences in the Sadraean corpus can be seen at two interrelated levels. The first level pertains to the works dealing specifically with such traditional disciplines as Qur’anic commentary and Hadith. Sadra’s thorough knowledge of these and other related sciences are easily visible in his writings. His commentaries on certain Qur’anic verses and philosophical glosses upon the famous Shi’ite book of Hadith collectionUsul al-kafi
are the two examples that show Sadra’s deep grounding in the transmitted sciences. The second level concerns the fact that many of Sadra’s ideas, especially those on cosmology, psychology, and eschatology, are always presented as a synthesis of purely religious language and philosophical terminology. Sadra’s writing style easily moves between Greek philosophical terms, long domesticated by the previous Muslim philosophers, and a verse from the Qur’an debated by theologians and jurists over the centuries. Sadra’s unfailing derisive remarks against the theologians (mutakallimun
) seem to derive partly from his confidence in his traditional education.
In this regard, Sadra’s style of philosophical writing differs considerably from that of the Peripatetics and comes rather close to such mystical writers as Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi, Dawud al-Qaysari, and Mulla Jami, all of whom are the members of the school of Ibn al-‘Arabi.
In his autobiographical essay, Sadra states that after mastering the views of the previous philosophers and “whatever he was able to find in the books of the Greeks”,
he was confronted with the fierce opposition of some simple-minded scholars of the Shari’ah, i.e., theakhbari
s, whom he compares to the Hanbalite scholars of Hadith, known in Islamic history for their strict literalism and anti-intellectualism.
He uses a strong language in describing the feeble-mindedness of such people, and admonishes them for failing to understand the grand philosophical system that he calls 'transcendent wisdom' (al-hikmat al-muta'aliyah
). This opposition seems to have been a major factor in Sadra's decision to retreat from the public life of both Isfahan and his hometown Shiraz.
Sadra, however, gives his own reasons and explains his retreat on the basis of his philosophical vocation whose ultimate end cannot be reached by mere study and learning.
As it is repeated throughout his autobiographical essay, such spiritual practices as the cleansing of the soul, finding the inner calm in oneself, and asking God's help in resolving the difficult problems of metaphysics are asine qua non
of the realization or verification (tahqiq
) of what one learns from written and oral sources. Thus he says that
“I refrained my thoughts from dealing with people and mixing with them, and abstained from their companionship and friendship. Then the turning of cycles [i.e., the passing of days] and the obstinacy of the people of the present time became easier for me. I released myself from their repudiation and acceptance, and their praise and harm became equal for me. Then I turned my face to the Cause of all causes, and humbled myself before the One who makes all difficult matters easy. I stayed in this state of secrecy, retreat, obscurity, and withdrawal for a long time. I busied myself with long moments of spiritual exercise as a luminous work, and my heart burned with the desire of attaining more spiritual discipline in a very strong way. Then the lights of the angelic world (anwar al-malakut
) began to emanate upon my heart, the secrets of the world of Dominion (jabarrut
) were unfolded, the light of the One reached it, the Divine subtleties came upon it, and I obtained the secrets of which I was not aware before. The symbols were unveiled to me, and this unveiling (inkishaf
) was not a result of logical demonstration (burhan
). On the contrary, with a plenitude of direct witnessing and seeing of the Divine mysteries, I witnessed everything that I had learned before through logical demonstration.”
That Sadra’s retreat was in tandem with his philosophical pursuit is attested by numerous other passages in his writings. In one such passage, Sadra, after quoting various views on the soul and its faculties all the way from Aristotle to Ibn Sina, admonishes speculative philosophy and insists on the necessity of spiritual practice:
“Know that [the meaning of] this subtle point and its likes that belong to the study of beings cannot be obtained except through esoteric unveilings (mukashafat batiniyyah
) and the witnessing of secrets and with the help of being. In these matters, it is not sufficient to memorize the principles of speculative philosophy and essential and accidental concepts. These unveilings and witnessings cannot be reached except through spiritual practice and effort in spiritual retreats by abstaining completely from the companionship of people and cutting oneself off from the lures and false desires of the world, its delusive arrogance, and its illusionary security. Most of the words of this philosopher [i.e., Plotinus, the author of the ‘Uthu
lu
jiya
, thought to be Aristotle] testify to the prowess of his unveiling, the light of his inner reality, and the proximity of his station [to the Divine in the spiritual path].”
Sadra's physical and spiritual retreat to Kahak, a small village near Qom, constitutes the second phase of his life, during which time he continued his studies in solitude and completed the groundwork for the composition of his major works. After terminating his solitary years in Kahak and upon the request of Shah Abbas II, Sadra returned to Shiraz to teach at the Khanmadrasah
built by Allahwirdi Khan. The third phase of Sadra's life begins here in the Khanmadrasah
, whose building is still extant in its original form in the city of Shiraz, Iran. It was here that Sadra taught, composed his major works, and trained his choice students. As a devout philosopher-sage, he went on pilgrimage on foot to Mecca seven times, and died in Basra in 1050/1640 on his way back from his seventh pilgrimage.
Among the students whom Sadra trained, Mulla Muhsin Fayd Kashani (d. 1680) and 'Abd al-Razzaq ibn al-Husayn Lahiji (d. 1662) are particularly significant. Fayd Kashani is best known for hisal
-Kalimat al-maknunah
, an important work of philosophy-cum-theology. Lahiji, Sadra’s second important student, played an important role in the spread of his master’s ideas by writing Persian summaries of his works, among whichShawariq al-ilham
is to be noted. In addition to their intellectual lineage, both Kashani and Lahiji married Sadra's daughters, carrying their master-disciple bond to a personal level. In addition to these two immediate students, Sadra had a long list of followers after his death as his ideas continued to influence the Persian and Indian worlds in the post-Safavid era. Aqa Muhammad Bidabadi (d. 1783), Qadi Sa’id Qummi, Mulla ‘Ali ibn Jamshid Nuri (d. 1830), Mulla Muhammad Isma’il Isfahani (d. 1860), Mulla ‘Abdullah Zunuzi, Mulla Muhammad Ja’far Langarudi, Mulla Isma’il Khaju’i, Mulla Hadi Sabziwari (d.1873), Mulla ‘Ali Mudarris Zunuzi (d. 1889), Aqa Muhammad Rida Qumsha’i (d. 1888-1889), Mirza Mahdi Ashtiyani, and most recently Muhammad Husayn Tabataba’i are among the most prominent figures of the school of Mulla Sadra.
In addition to these philosophers, Sadra also influenced a number of prominent scholars and philosophers of other schools during and after the Safavid period. Among these, we can mention Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (d. 1111/1699-1700), the great Shi’ite theologian and the author of monumentalBihar al-anwar
, Mulla Haydar Khwansari (d. 1099/1688), the author of theZubdat al-tasanif
, Mulla Salih Mazandarani (d. 1080/1669), and Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa’i (d. 1241/1826). The most important figure in this list is Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa’i, the founder of a school known as Shaykhism. Ahsa’i wrote commentaries on Sadra’sKitab al-Masha’ir
andal-Hikmat al-‘arshiyyah
but also criticized two principal ideas of his ontology, namely the primacy of being (asalat al-wujud
) and the idea that a simple being contains in itself all levels of reality (basit al-haqiqah kull al-ashya’
). Ahsa’i’s connection to Sadra, however, is more interesting for the role it played in the rise of Babism and, later, Bahaism. Babism, a controversial and heterodox Shi’ite movement, branched out from Shaykhism when Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad of Shiraz, considered to be the founder of Babism, claimed in 1844 that he was thebab
, i.e., the ‘gate’ through which the hidden Imam of Shi’ism spoke to his followers. This was a major claim with tremendous implications for the Shi’ite religious and political life, and in 1852 Nasir al-Din Shah was forced to take action against the political activities of the Babis.
In the wake of the persecution of the followers of the Bab, Mirza Husayn ‘Ali Nuri Baha’ullah (d. 1892), an ardent follower of Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad al-Bab, established Baha’ism by declaring himself the Bab’s successor and later claiming to be a prophet and to have received revelation from heaven. In the history of the rise of both Babism and Baha’ism, the highly questionable link that some scholars have established between Mulla Sadra and these movements goes back to the fact that Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad Bab, the founder of Babism, was a follower of Shaykh Ahmad Ahsa’i. Considering this historical link and Ahmad Ahsa’i’s commentaries on Mulla Sadra’s works, Muhammad Iqbal,
E. G. Browne
, and Carl Brockelmann
have claimed a philosophical continuity between Sadra’s ideas and the doctrines of Babism and Baha’ism. Even though Henry Corbin rejects any direct link among the three, he argues that “Mulla Sadra’s text have furnished the Shaykhi school with an occasion to formulate and clarify its proper positions”.
In light of available evidence, however, it is not possible to verify any of these claims. No compelling evidence has been presented as to how Sadra’s ideas might have influenced or contributed to the foundation of the Shaykhi school. Furthermore, there is no direct reference to Sadra, his works or his school either in the current literature of Babism or Baha’ism.