Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

2- Madrasahs In Pakistan

Madrasahs and the Pakistan Movement

The Aligarh Movement, which had been basically an educational movement, gradually became a political movement when Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, its founder, initiated the demand for reservation of seats for the Muslim community in elected bodies and the representation of Muslims through a separate electorate. Not satisfied with the performance of the Indian National Congress as representative of all communities of India, the supporters of the Aligarh Movement set up their own political organization, the Muslim League, with the explicit objective of protecting the rights of the Muslim community. Earlier the stand taken by Sir Syed for the defense of Urdu (when extremist Hindus tried to replace it by Hindi as official language in 1867) had determined a different course to be chosen from that of the Congress for the protection of the rights of the Muslims of the Subcontinent.[66] He had become uneasy at the Congress plan for “democratizing” India. He felt this would leave Muslims at the mercy of the numerically superior Hindus. A. Hamid quotes him in theAligarh Movement in the following words:

Ours is a vast country inhibited by diverse folks deeply divided by racial and religious antagonisms. They lack homogeneity. Different sections of the population stand at varying levels of cultural development. So long as religion and caste are the chief props of the Indian social system, electoral machinery based on the Western pattern would lead neither to equality nor to fraternity. It would enable the more advanced sections of the population to hold their less fortunate countrymen in thralldom. Cultural difference, caste dissentions and religious wrangling would be more pronounced than ever. Inequalities would sink deeper in the society.[67]

The Deobandiulema were content with their socio-religious role until the end of the nineteenth century. However with the beginning of the twentieth century they made explicit their political views. The approach of theDeoband ulema to Indian politics differed fundamentally from its counterpart at Aligarh. They believed that geography was the ultimate determinant of nationalism in the context of India and the concept of Indian Muslim nationalism contradicted the concept of universal Muslim nationalism.  On the basis of a mutually antagonistic political approach, both the educational movements chose different political platforms during the freedom struggle. While Aligarh aligned itself with the Muslim League under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Deobandi supported the Congress during the freedom movement.[68]

The gulf between Deoband and Aligarh had widened because Sir Syed had contributed articles to the Aligarh Institute Gazette denying the pretensions of Sultan Abdul Hamid[69]   to thekhilafat and preaching loyalty to the British rulers of India, even if they were compelled to pursue an unfriendly policy towards Turkey, while Deoband was consistent since the very beginning in its policy of friendship and alliance with the Sultan of Turkey. The Deobandi still considered India asDar-ul-arb , but Aligarh saw no sense in it. The gulf between the two Muslim institutions continued to exist and widen and divided the Muslims of India into two hostile blocks.[70]

The situation changed after the First World War when the Muslims of the Subcontinent launched theKhilafat Movement seeking to protect the Ottoman caliphate from attack by the victorious allies and to prevent the holy cities of Mecca and Madina from falling under European control. It is worth noticing that, in the period of Muslim unrest, the Muslim middle class was in the forefront. Now for the first time Aligarh, the citadel of the Muslim middle class, was coming closer to Deoband, the center of proletarian dissatisfaction, in so far as the anti-British attitude was concerned. However, this was a brief rapprochement between the followers of both hostile camps.[71]

Jamiat-ul-ulama-i-Hind

The brief rapprochement between Aligarh and Deoband during theKhilafat Movement could not be effected at the upper level and theuema , mostlyDeobandi, set up their own organization,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind in 1919 to protect the rights of Muslims and preferred to join hands with Gandhi for the realization of their objective, instead ofJinnah’s Muslim League , whom they thought to be secular and irreligious, using Islam for secular interests.[72]

The leaders ofJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind claimed that it was a genuine Muslim organization to safeguard the “Shariat ” as well as to give the Muslim community religious and political guidance according to Islamic principles and commandments. Among the foremost objectives of this organization was the protection of the Ottoman caliphate from dismemberment, the protection of the rights of the Muslims of India and the liberation of India from alien rule. Theulema issued a series offatwas justifying seeking cooperation of non-Muslims for the achievements of these objectives.[73]

The movement to protect the caliphate failed due to various internal and external reasons but it made theulema think pragmatically about the political situation of India. The encounter between Deoband and Aligarh led to the establishment of Jamia Millia Islamia at Dehli in 1920. This institute was inaugurated by Maulana Mohamood-ul-Hasan, the rector of Deoband, and supported by activists from Aligarh. It managed to educate Muslims in both modern as well as traditional religious subjects.[74]

The aims and objectives of theJamiat , when analyzed, reveal its dual loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries, on the one hand, and to India, on the other. They also indicate the utmost emphasis on the “Sharia ”, its preservation and its promulgation which concern the personal lives of Indian Muslims. The country was to be freed from the foreign yoke not only because of the democratic right of a nascent India but because of the religious duty of the Muslims to fight for the freedom of their motherland. The whole program of theJamiat had to revolve around a single pivot, i.e. theSharia, which was unchangeable and which could be correctly understood and interpreted only by theulema, who considered themselves its custodian and, therefore, the correct leaders of Muslims could come only from them. This rigid and orthodox stand on the part ofulema was bound to create a rift in the communal life of Muslims, who, in the course of time were led to depend more upon the leadership of their western educated intelligentsia. This rift was sharpened by the communal attitude of the Hindus, who being in an overwhelming majority, were considered by middle class Muslims to be a threatening force to their legitimate rights in an independent India.[75]     

Consequently, theDeobandi ulema chose to support the Congress instead of the Muslim League in the political struggle. They disputed the league’s two-nation theory and repeatedly questioned the religious credentials of the League’s leadership, and particularly, Jinnah. The rector of the Deobandmadrasah, Maulana Husian Ahmed Madani, argued, that in Islam nationality was determined by common homeland and not by religion, the claim strongly contested by Allama Mohammad Iqbal. Giving an example from the life of the Holy Prophet, Madani claimed that the state set up by the Holy Prophet in Madina gave equal rights to Muslims, Jews and pagan Arabs, and all of them were regarded as the members of oneummah or community. Therefore, according to this principle, all Muslims and Hindus of India were members of a common nation. Most of the Deobandi believed that in free and united India, Muslims would be able to lead their personal lives in accordance with theSharia, while also co-operating with people of other faiths in matters of common concern.[76]

Theulema were in favor of unconditional co-operation with the Congress so far as the cause of freedom was concerned. They claimed that once the British regime was dissolved, the Hindus would come to terms with the Muslims who formed a strong minority and could not be deprived of their legitimate rights. They also believed that it was the British Government which was chiefly responsible for the bitter communal bickering and for creating a sort of fear complex in the minds of Muslims. Its very existence in India was the cause of all ills in the Indian body politic, and it must come to an end. Moreover, their loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries also demanded the immediate end of British rule in India. They thought that the hold on rich India made it possible for the British to rule over the Muslim countries in the Middle East. The enslavement of India was the cause of British supremacy over all the lands through which the strategic line of imperial communication passed. Therefore, the independence of India meant the liberation of a vast Muslim area.[77]

The free India that the pro-CongressDeobandi envisioned would be a federation of a number of culturally autonomous religious communities. Each community would administer its own internal affairs in accordance with its religious laws. The federal government which would have adequate Muslim representation would pass no laws that might seem injurious to the religious interests of any community.[78]

In addition to the traditionalDeobandi , a renowned reformistalim, Shibli Nu’mani, an ardent supporter of pan-Islamism also welcomed the Congress and its demand for broad-based unity among the various religious communities in India. He was critical of the Muslim league for its narrowly conceived political base and won over the support of otherNadvi ulama to the Congress. One of the Shibli’s students, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, declared that the liberation of India from the British is more important than any other religious obligation of Indian Muslims.[79] The western-educated intelligentsia, particularly the league leadership, in turn believed that theulema were not capable of giving correct leadership in politics to the Muslims. Their plea was that, theulema because of their exclusively traditional education and complete ignorance of the complexities of modern life did not understand the nature of politics as such in the twentieth century. Their sphere of activity was religious and to that end they were expected to confine themselves. Commenting on the role of Muslim League, Jinnah is reported to have said to Aligarh in 1937:

What the league has done is to set you free from the reactionary elements of Muslims and to create the opinion that those who play their selfish game are traitors. It has certainly freed you from those undesirable elements ofMaulvis andMaulanas . I am not speaking ofMualavis as a whole class. There are some of them who are as patriotic and sincere as any others but there is a section of them which is undesirable.[80]

Thus, there were apparent reasons why theJamiat and the League could not be united. Both, although sincere towards the welfare of the Muslim community, had different approaches to this idea. Therefore, they often distrusted each other.

The Two-Nation Theory of the Muslim League was provided with an emotional vigor and intellectual content by the poet-philosopher Mohammad Iqbal, whose appeal to the Muslim youth was more forceful than that of the traditionalulema . His approach towards the Indian problem was based on reality and he solicited the support of Indian Muslims for the Muslim League.[81] TheJamiat-ul-ulama i-Hind never conceded the doctrine of the two nation theory as propounded by the League. This was the base of all the League-Jamiat differences. In June 1940, while presiding over the annual session of theJamiat-ul-Ulema at Jaunpur (U.P), Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani reiterated his commitment to united Indian nationalism.[82] This League-Jamiat difference brought Deoband and Aligarh at opposite poles. When Deoband vehemently opposed partition, Aligarh turned out to be the training center ofMujahidin-i-Pakistan . It is meaningful to note that the major centers of Muslims education, i.e. Deoband and Aligarh in India, representing two different trends in the politico-intellectual life of Indian Muslims since their very beginning, finally collided against each other in molding the ultimate destiny of the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent.

The Deoband leadership opposed the demand for Pakistan also from the viewpoint of the difficulties its realization would involve in the missionary activities of the Muslims. They believed that because of the Muslim League demand for a separate homeland the atmosphere of hatred created between Hindus and Muslims would hamper the missionary activities of Islam.

Above all, Deoband was convinced that the Western-educated League leadership was exploiting the fair name of Islam for the worldly gain of Muslim vested interests. The credibility of the League’s leadership was questioned for establishment and building of a truly Islamic state.[83]

History reveals that religion played a vital role in promoting national unity. When coupled with social and economic forces it created powerful national movements. Since the movement for Pakistan was rooted in social, cultural, and religious distinctions between Muslims and Hindus, one might logically expect that Muslim religious parties would have played a major rule in mobilizing the Muslim masses to support the Pakistan Movement. Contrary to this, with very few exceptions, the religious parties bitterly opposed Jinnah and the demand for Pakistan. The Barelvi was, however, the only group to support the Muslim league in its demand for Pakistan and wholeheartedly opposed the Congress as anti-Muslim.[84]

The pre-partition position of religio-political parties on the Pakistan question contrasts with their present position on religious nationalism. TheJamiat-ul-Ulama stand on the question of Partition was explicitly in favor of a united India. Maulana Maudoodi and theJamiat-i-Islami had rejected nationalism because in his view it led to selfishness, prejudice, and pride. He declared that the demand for Pakistan was un-Islamic and condemned Jinnah for his un-Islamic habits and mentality.[85] TheJamiat opposed both the League and Congress. Another religio-political party, theMajlis-i-Ahrar, took a similar position. However, unlike theJamaat, it was aligned with the Congress.Jamaat-i-Islami ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind ,Majlis-i-Ahrar andKhaksar considered Jinnah as an agent of the British and the worst enemy of Islam.[86]

A rather curious situation confronted the religio-political parties when Pakistan became a reality in 1947. As they had opposed the very creation of Pakistan, these religious groups had to adopt themselves to the changed environment in the newly established Muslim-majority independent state.[87]

Leading Muslim religious elites preferred to migrate to Pakistan after Partition. The Deoband influence had already reached the areas then the parts of Pakistan. The Barelviulema and the founder of theJamaat-i-Islami, Maulana Maudoodi, also migrated to Pakistan after Partition and started religious activities with Karachi and Lahore as their bases. Subsequently, all the religious groups established their ownmadrasahs and also organized themselves politically. In present-day Pakistan theJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan ,Jamaat-i-Islami, andJamiat Ahl-e-Hadith represent the cause ofUlama-i-Deoband ,Barelvi, Maudoodi andWahhabi thought, respectively.

Growth of madrasahs since 1947

At the time of independence very fewmadrasahs existed in Pakistan because leading centers of Islamic education were situated in other parts of India. Pakistan inherited a meager 200-oddmadrasahs, which as per the government’s conservative estimates has now increased to over 17,000, although some analysts put this number at 25-30,000. These religious schools are catering to about 2.5 to 3 million students and employ thousands ofmullahs as teachers, mentors, and instructors.[88]

A key drive of growth in themadrasah sector is said to be poverty, an endemic problem of all developing countries, the menace which the successive governments in the last six decades have vowed to eliminate but failed even to reduce to a manageable level. Interestingly, on the one hand, the country has struggled to improve enrolment in formal schools and has been grappling with the problem of large scale drop-outs at primary and secondary levels. On the other hand, there is a stiff competition going on in the rural areas where Pakistan’s majority of poor live to enroll children inmadrasahs normally situated in cosmopolitan cities and suburban areas. There are three main types of religious institutions in Pakistan: Quranic schools (where only theQur’an is taught), mosque schools (where both quranic and secular subjects are taught), andmadrasahs (where only Islamic learning takes place).[89]

The mission of themadrasahs in Pakistan is to prepare students for religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachingsmadrasahs teach Islamic subjects such as theQur’an , Islamic law, and jurisprudence, logic and prophetic traditions.Hafiz-i-Qur’an (the one who memorizes theHoly Qur’an ) orQari (the one who can recite theHoly Qur’an correctly and in a melodic tone) are produced at the lower level ofmadrasahs. The higher level ofmadrasahs producesalim (the Islamic scholar or teacher). Analim certificate from amadrasahs is equivalent to an M.A. degree in Islamic studies or Arabic from a regular university.[90]

There are five Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan who operate their own systems ofmadrasahs. They areDeobandi, Barelvi, Ahl-e-Hadith, Jamaat-i-Islami andShia . Each of these schools of thought organized thesemadrasahs under different boards, responsible for registration, conduct of examination, and syllabus.

The names of these boards are as follows:[91]

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia:

This board ofSunni Deobandi institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Multan.

Tanzim-ul-Madaris:

This board ofSunni Barelvi institutions was established in 1960 and has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia:

This board ofShia institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Lahore.Shia madaris teachfiqh Jafria named afterImam Jafer Sadiq while othermadaris in Pakistan teachfiqh Hanafia.

Rabitah-ul-Madris-ul-Islamia:

This board was established by theJamaat-i-Islami in 1983, and recognizes themadrasahs of all Islamic thought. They teach more modern subjects. It has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris-Al-Salfia:

This board was established byAhl-e-Hadith in 1955 and has its center in Faisalabad.

Table - 2.1

REIs: Affiliation with various Boards, 1988-2000

Source: Ministry of Education Islamabad, 1988, 2000

The two main sects of Sunni Islam,Deobandi andBarelvi, dominate themadrasah system in Pakistan. They originated in the colonial Indian Subcontinent in response to the perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its own version of education. TheDeobandi sect is considered the most conservative and anti-Western.[92]

The courses in religiousmadrasahs are spread over 16 years and are divided into six grades. The primary and middle grades are of five and three years duration, respectively, while the next two grades are of five years duration each.Darja Ibtidai consists of five years duration and is equivalent to primary level of the mainstream education system.Darja Mutawassit is of three years duration and is equivalent to middle level.Darja Sania Aama is of two years duration and is equivalent to matriculation.Darja Sania Khasa ,Darja Aalia andDarja Alamia are of two years duration each and are equivalent to intermediate, Bachelor, and Master Levels, respectively. The following table shows the religious education system and its equivalence with the mainstream education system.[93]

The Birth of Traditional madrasahs

As was the practice from the days of Prophet (PBUH), mosques served as the centers of Muslim education for almost three centuries. It was during the Abbassid period that the need for a more organized educational system was felt because of the rapid expansion of knowledge and to meet the administrative needs of the empire. This gave birth to themadrasah as a separate institution.

Madrasah, pluralmadaris, is the Arabic word for any type of school, secular or religious. It is variously transliterated as,madrasa, modresa, madraza, etc. The wordmadrasah is derived regularly from the triconsonantal root (d-r-s ) which relates to learning or teaching through thewazn maf al , meaning “a place where x is done”.

Therefore,madrasah literally means “a place where learning / teaching is done. The word is also present as a loan word with the same meaning in many Arabic influenced languages such as,Urdu, Hindi, Marathi, Persian, Turkish , etc. In the Arabic language the wordmadrasah implies no sense other than that which the word school represents in the English language, whether religious or secular.[30]

It is believed that the firstmadrasah in the Muslim world was established in the ninth century in the city ofFas (Fez ) in Morocco and was known asJamiat al-Qarawiyyin . It was founded by Fatima al Fihri, the daughter of a wealthy merchant named Mohammad Al Fihri.

During the late Abassid period the Suljuk vizier Nizam-ul-mulk[31] created the first major official academic institution known in history as Madrasah Nizamyya at Nishapur. Nizam Al Mulk, who would later be murdered by the Assassins (Hashashin), created a system of state-sponsoredmadrasahs in various cities of the Abbasid empire towards the end of the 11th century of the common era. The syllabi of thesemadrasahs included the teaching of theQur’an andhadith with increasing emphasis onfiqh with the passage of time. The emphasis onfiqh was aimed at providing trained people for the imperial courts. The subjects of mathematics, astronomy, and other human sciences were also taught in thesemadrasahs .

George Makdesi contends that these earlymadrasahs were relatively autonomous. But other scholars disagree and claim that they played crucial political roles by providing legitimacy to the rulers in the face of stiff opposition. The administrative staff of the state, including judges (qazis ), legal specialists (muftis ) and censors of public morals (mustahbibs ) was mades up of the graduates of thesemadrasah [32] s.   The most famous among theNizamia madrasahs was established in Baghdad in 1067A.D. It was sponsored by the rulers and sizeable funds were allotted for it. About 6000 students were enrolled in thismadrasah and it functioned until the fall of Baghdad in 1257. SinceMadrasah Nizamia was propagating theShaafi mazhab, the followers of the Hanafi school of thought also established their ownmadrasahs.

The Muslims rulers, nobles and wealthy traders establishedmadrasahs in different lands and provided liberal financial supports for earning the blessings of God as they considered it a pious deed. Some of theulema were directly linked with the rulers, while others avoided rulers but enjoyed great respect among the people.

Education inmadrasahs was free of cost and students were drawn from far-off regions. They helped in the expansion of Islamic civilization by creating a class ofulema who were linked by their common approach in the light of Islamic jurisprudence. In medievalmadrasahs there were no rigid rules of admission, examination system, or age requirements. The personality of the teacher was more important than the institution itself. Piety, expertise, and scholarship were decisive factors for the student to be attracted towards a particular teacher. In addition to the transmitted sciences (ulum-al-naqaliyla ) such asQur’an, hadith , andfiqh , rational sciences (Ulum-al-naqliya ) i.e. grammar, poetry, and philosophy, mathematics and astronomy were also taught in medievalmadrasahs. However, there was no rigid distinction between religious and secular education.[33]

This system of Muslim education spread elsewhere in the Muslim world and Turkish rulers brought it to India when they consolidated their rule there. This leads to religious and socio-political transformation on Indian soil afterwards.

Madrasahs in the Indian Subcontinent

Missionary activities had been started with the advent of Muslims traders in the Subcontinent long before the Muslims conquests. However, the consolidation of the Muslim empire facilitated the establishment of an organized educational system elsewhere in the Subcontinent. Royal patronage was always available for this purpose. After the fall of Baghdad in 1257 A.D, a large number of scholars were attracted towards India. They also brought with them the syllabus and traditional methods of teaching which were adopted in Indianmadrasahs . The courts of the Dehli sultans were flooded with scholars and intellectuals from Central Asia. Some of the Sufis and scientists also migrated from Central Asia. They started preaching and teaching on their own without seeking royal patronage. They contributed to the conversion of large numbers of people to Islam.[34] The traditionalmadrasahs in India mostly taughtHanafi fiqh andAshrafia , the descendants of Central Asianulema were preferred for teaching. The rulers sought advice (fatwa ) of those scholars on certain matters but did not always act upon them because of the peculiar conditions of India and personal expediency. Especiallyfatawa relating to the status of minorities in India were always ignored by most of the rulers.[35]

In the time of the Dehli sultans (1206-1525 A.D.) promotion of education was highly encouraged. However, no restriction was imposed in this regard by them. The rulers provided financial support and helped the teachers and students to carry on educational activities in a free environment. Teachers were free to manage their institutions, frame courses and syllabus, and decide the aims, nature, and methods of their teaching. These institutions taught specially prescribed courses which were not too rigid. Changes were introduced at different times, and, in some places, certain subjects were given more importance than others. But these changes were not affected in consequence of official interference. Endowments attached to large numbers of schools were monetary sources for these institutions. In addition to those teachers who got salaries, there was a class of teachers who were not taking salaries and worked on a voluntary basis, considering it a religious obligation and a source of gaining eternal salvation.

Every teacher was free in the selection of his place of teaching. The state facilitated him through monetary aid to devote himself exclusively to seeking knowledge and imparting instruction.[36] The in-charge of religious endowments arranged for grants of tax free lands toimams ,qazis , and other religious groups who provided education, particularly, in Islamic subjects. The main subjects weretafsir ,hadiths , andfiqh . For the study ofhadith the favorite text book wasMasharriq-ul-Anwar and infiqh, Hidaya held the field. In the Deccan, where contact with Iran was maintained, scientific subjects also got due attention. In northern India, literature, history and mysticism were taught along with religious subjects. The promotion of learning in the Deccan was largely the work of Persian statesmen and scholars whom the rulers had attracted from Iran.[37]

In the time of the early Mughals rational sciences such as logic, mathematics, literature, and philosophy got more attention because these subjects were considered essential for aspiring civil servants. The Persian Shia scholar Mir Fatehullah Sherazi in the court of emperor Akbar, the Great Mughal, introduced books on ethics, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, logic, history, and theology. Interesting inventions such as the portable cannon, an instrument for cleaning gun barrels and self-driven corn mills, apart from organization of Mughal land revenue policy are attributed to the genius of Sherazi. During Akbar’s reign Muslims and sizeable numbers of Hindus studied Sanskrit grammar and the books of Vedanta were introduced for Hindu children at the same places. The reaction of orthodox elements against Akbar was probably due to the increasing influence of the Shia and of rational sciences during his reign.[38]

Dars-i-Nizami of Mullah Nizamuddin

Although Muslim rulers liberally spent on education, there was no separate education department, no regular examination system and no uniform standard to be maintained by authority. It was during the reign of Aurangzeb Alamgir that a man of religious learning Mulla Qutab-ud-Din, was encouraged to promote education among the Muslims of the Subcontinent. One of his descendants, Mulla Nizammuddin prepared a syllabus of studies in 1748, and introduced it in hismadrasah at Farangi Mahal.[39] The scheme of studies introduced by Mulla Nizammuddin was known asDars-i-Nizami . Even the present-day religiousmadrasahs in South Asia follow the pattern of theDars-i-Nizami in their scheme of studies with certain modifications.

In his scheme of study Mulla Nizammuddin added certain subjects ofmaaqulat to the existing texts. Subjects like Arabic grammar, logic, philosophy, mathematics, and rhetoric were given more weight as compared to the study of theQur’an andhadith . The intended syllabus was mainly aimed at producingqazis ,muftis , and legal officials required by Muslim courts. Persian was the medium of instruction. Transmitted sciences were given less importance as only two books ofhadith ,Mashariqul Anwar andMishkat, and two books ofQuranic commentary,Jalalayn andBezavi, were included in the syllabus. However, the Farangi Mahalis produced renowned scholars and intellectuals in the field of both rational and transmitted sciences. The Farangi Mahal attracted both Sunni and Shias from across India. Farangi Mahalis also fostered the tradition of combining scholarly and mystic learning. Thus, Sufis were attracted to the Farangi Mahal to study law that was considered to be the exclusive domain of theulema [40] . The proximity to the courts was a special feature of the Farangi Mahlisulema, a tradition which continued in the nineteenth century. The princes also encouraged this arrangement and took pride in entertaining the highest number of scholars and intellectuals. The later rulers did not keep this tradition alive. Although demand for theulem a of Farangi Mahal declined at courts, yet Farangi Mahalis earned fame and respect all over India because of their independent efforts to maintain intellectual standards and keeping the mystic tradition alive to guard the intellectual heritage of Indian Muslims.[41]

Shah Waliullah

Shah Waliullah was born in 1703 towards the end of the reign of Aurangzeb. His father, Shah Abdur Rahim, was a leadingalim of transmitted sciences and was the patron ofMadrasah Rahimiya known after his name. After completing his education he made efforts for reforms, educational, social, and political. Under educational reforms he preferred the study ofhadith to that of rational subjects. He preached against social evils and un-Islamic practices among Muslims. Under his social reforms programme, he tried to minimize Shia-Sunni differences. He stressed the need ofijtihad. Instead of strict adherence to a certain school of thought he preferred to follow the one best suited to the needs of time.[42]

Shah Waliullah sought a balanced relationship between the rulers and religious elites instead of accepting an advisory role for theulema in the affairs of the state. He proposed that Muslim rulers should be guided by the religious leadership. The role he proposed for theulema was contrasted with that of the Farangi Mahaliulema . He himself avoided the role set up by the Farangi Mahali regarding the relationship between theulema and the rulers of the time. However, he constantly contacted Muslim rulers to remind them of their obligation in the light of theQur’an and sunnah as he considered it his religious duty. Shah Waliullah denied the importance of the study ofmaaqulat , calling it as a source of confusion. He emphasized the study ofmanqulat or traditional subjects for every Muslim. He translated theHoly Qur’an into Persian to be understood by the common Muslim. Before this the study and interpretation of theQur’an was considered the exclusively domain of theulema. Therefore, he faced tough resistance in this regard from theulema of the time. However, he consideredijtihad as the exclusive domain of the learned scholars. In fact, his personality was the symbol of tolerance, patience, compromise and forbearance in Indian Islam.[43]

Both Shah Waliullah and theulema of Farangi Mahal created stimulation among theulema to fulfill their historic role of preserving the cultural heritage of the community in times of political uncertainty. The tradition of writing among indigenousulema started with the impetus given by Shah Waliullah and the Farangi Mahali simultaneously. This gave an increasing role to theulema of the eighteenth century in Muslim society in India.

Madrasahs under Colonial Rule

In the eighteenth century modern education was rapidly introduced by the Europeans in the Subcontinent when the decline of Muslim political power had already begun. In the changed` context of socio-political life in the Subcontinent with the establishment of British rule theulema ’s role was also to be seen from a different context. Under Muslim rule theulema had enjoyed special privileges. With the collapse of Muslim political authority this source of patronage, which strengthened their claim as representatives and leaders of the community, was lost. In the changed political context the ordinary Muslim also became more conscious about the survival of his faith. The study offiqh andfatwas of theulema assumed more importance for the Muslim to ascertain their role in the new environment. Therefore, a new relationship between theulema and the common Muslim was established under which the source of strength for theulema were common Muslims instead of the rulers of the time. Most of the reformist movements during the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century were led byulema drawing support from ordinary Muslims. These movements were influenced by the thoughts of Shah Waliullah and inspired by the teaching of his son Shah Abdul Aziz. In 1803 Shah Abdul Aziz issued afatwa declaring India to be aDar-ul-Harb (an abode of war), exhorting the Muslims to fight for the emancipation of their religion. He was known as the most excellent teacher of theMadrasahs Rahimiya . Hisfatawa carried great importance in the daily life of the common Muslims of India.      

The administrative and legal changes brought about by the British rulers brought new challenges for the Muslims of India. The response to these challenges further increased the importance of thefatawa or religious decrees for ordinary Muslims. In the Muslim state,fatawa were the prerogative of themufti given for the guidance of judges. In colonial Indiafatawa were directly addressed to the believers who welcomed them as a form of guidance in the changed circumstances. Ordinary Muslims got detailed guidance in minute matters concerning everyday life in the form of thesefatawa under alien rule.

Though thefatawa relating to the political status of India were always ambiguous and lacked consensus among theulema , yet the contention of Shah Abdul Aziz that the organization of the Indian state was no longer in Muslim hands was shared by everyone. In the prevailing situation, when the state could no longer arrange to administer Muslim law, only theulema could shoulder this responsibility. They could not force the compliance to the law but they could offer direction to the faithful on issues of civil behavior such as trade, inheritance, family relations and other religious matters.

In post-Mughal India with the need of the community and the facility of the printing press for publication,fatwa became important tools for teaching adherence to the law, and Muslims felt that Muslim religious and political life could be fostered through such adherence.[44] Shah Waliullah’s followers not only made great contributions in the intellectual sphere but a class among them, believed in re-establishing Muslim political power throughijtihad. The reform movement started by Syed Ahmad Barelvi and Shah Ismael was aimed at reforming social life along with practicaljihad for the establishment of an Islamic state. It was inspired by the teachings of Shah Waliullah and his sons Shah Abdul Aziz and Shah Abdul Qadir. This movement gathered support from the Muslims of central and northern India. They stressedtauheed or oneness of God and denounced those practices which would compromise that most fundamental tenet of Islam.

The views of Syed Ahmad and Shah Ismael regarding Sufism and the position of the Prophet led to sharp differences among theulema. Those differences finally resulted in the division within the Sunni community which gave birth toAhl-e-Hadith who are bitterly opposed to Sufism andtaqlid (following a particularimam) .The other group which drew inspiration frommujahidin organized themselves in the form of the Deoband school, who believed intaqlid and also did not oppose Sufism completely. Yet another group led by Ahmad Raza Khan of Bareilly emerged, who opposed bothAhl-e-Hadith andDeobandis and strongly insisted on the centrality of Sufism in Islam. They branded both the groups asWahhabis and the agents of infidels. Each of these three groups runs a chain ofmadrasahs in Pakistan and India even today, propagating their own points of view.

British Approach towards Muslim Education

The Muslim education system suffered because of the educational and administrative policies of the British in the Subcontinent. Deliberate attempts were made to ruin the Muslim educational system in India under colonial rule.

The worst steps towards this end were replacing Persian as court language by English and the confiscation of the free land or trusts by the East India Company. These lands were endowed by the Muslim nobles and rulers to give financial support to a large number ofmadrasahs. [45]

When the British got power in Bengal there was a very large number ofmuafis , which is a tax-free grant of land. Many of these were personal but most were in the shape of endowments for educational institutions. A vast number of elementary schools of the old type subsisted on them as well as some institutions of higher education. The East India Company was anxious to make money rapidly in order to pay dividends to its shareholders in England. A deliberate policy was therefore adapted to resume and confiscate thesemuafi lands. Strict proofs were demanded of the original grants. But the oldsanad and papers had long been lost or eaten up by termites. So, themuafis were resumed and the old holders were ejected and the schools and colleges lost their endowments. Huge areas were resumed in this way and many old families were ruined. The educational establishments, which had been supported by thesemuafis, ceased to function and vast numbers of teachers and others connected with them were thrown out of jobs.[46] Thus, with economic dislocation, the Muslim education system was also to be wiped out. The attitude of the British towards Muslim educational schools in Bengal has been described by W.W. Hunter, a British official, in the following words:

At an outlay 800000 pounds upon resumption proceedings additional revenue of 300000 pounds a year was permanently gained by the state, representing a capital at five percent of six million sterling. A large part of this sum was derived from land held rent-free byMusalman or by Mohammadan foundations. The panic and hatred which ensued have stamped themselves for ever on the rural records. Hundreds of ancient families were ruined and the education system of theMusalmans , which was almost entirely maintained by rent-free grants, received its death blow. The scholastic classes of the Muhammadans emerged from eighteen years of harrying absolutely ruined.[47]

Thus, Muslims were the target of discriminatory polices in every sphere of life. They were socially disgraced and economically deprived. Describing the plight of Indian Muslims in the middle of the nineteenth century because of the discriminatory policy of British, Hunter says:

I have seldom read anything more piteous than the private letters and newspaper articles of BengalMusalmans . The Calcutta Persian paper some time ago wrote thus: all sort of employments, great and small are being gradually snatched away from the Muhammadans and bestowed on men of other races, particularly the Hindus. The Government is bound to look upon all classes of its subjects with an equal eye, yet the time has now come when it publicly singles out the Muhammadans in its gazettes for exclusion from official posts. Recently, when several vacancies occurred in the office of the Sunderbans Commission, that official in advertising them in the government gazette stated that the appointment would be given to none but Hindus.[48]

Several other British officials acknowledged their culpability in seriously undermining indigenous institutions of education. Ludlow, an early nineteenth century colonial officer, remarked that before the arrival of the British most Indian children could read and write. But in Bengal the extension of British rule had resulted in the almost total destruction of the indigenous system of education.

Changes in the legal system towards the end of the eighteenth century further curtailed the role ofulema as most of the legal matters concerning Muslims began to be administrated by British judges, while the realm of theulema was confined to the personal affairs of Muslims such as marriage, divorce, inheritance etc, and even in these matters, the non-Muslims judges could decide the cases. With this, the opportunities for theulema in government services were considerably reduced. The replacement of Persian as official language by English totally isolatedmadrasah students from government employment. Consequently, two streams of education came into being in colonial India, one representing the traditionalmadrasah system, confined to the study of only religious subjects, while the other system came to be known as secular education under which rational and modern sciences were to be studied. This rigid separation between religious and secular education was introduced by the colonial masters. The concept was alien to Islam itself. Such distinction could not be found before this in the Muslim world. This is why the earlymadrasahs taught both types of subjects, i.e. rational as well as traditional.

With limitingmadrasah education to only religious subjects, the sphere of influence and role ofulema was restricted to matters relating to private lives of individual Muslims. With the passage of time the traditionalulema behaved in such manner as to be content with the role they had been given by the colonial rulers as was reflected in their teaching, in their writing, and the contents offatwas that they issued, which were concerned with personal piety and conduct, ignoring the issues of state and polity. Consequently,madrasahs of the colonial period geared up to protect the private sphere of Muslim lives from outside interference. Their focus and role were different from that of the earliermadrasahs .[49]

Madrasahs and the Role of the ulema after 1857

The War of 1857 was fought in the name of protection of religion and Indian culture. Therefore, Muslims and Hindus both participated in this war and theulema led the revolt in various places. Theseulema had been inspired by the teachings of Shah Waliullah. Practicaljihad had already been started long before the famousfatwa of Shah Abdul Aziz in which he had declared India aDarul Harb. [50] In the events of 1857 a large number ofulema issuedfatwa declaringjihad against the infidel foreigners. TheWahhabis [51] remained at the forefront of uprising and faced tremendous hardships at the hands of the rulers after the war. A large number ofulema were executed and many of them were exiled to the islands of Andaman for long spells of imprisonment at the end of the war.[52]

The followers of Shah Waliullah fully participated in the War of Independence in 1857. The founders of the Deoband School were among those who fought against the British in 1857, though this claim has been contested by some sources.[53] However, the results of the war of 1857 convinced every one of the futilities of armed struggle under the prevailing circumstances. Therefore, a major shift took place from armedjihad towards educationaljihad among the Muslims of the Subcontinent. During this period the concern ofulema remained focused on reforming the individual lives of Muslims for preserving religious and cultural life through educationaljihad . For this purpose, theulema turned their attention to establishing educational institutions and training men to teach and guide Muslims of all backgrounds and classes in the society.

Dar-ul-Ulum- Deoband

Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband was founded in Deoband, a small town in the district of Saharanpur (UP) in 1867. Moulana Muhammad Qasim Nanotawi and Moulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi were the founders ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband . The establishment ofDar-ul-Ulum was aimed at securing independence and freedom of Muslim religion and culture through peaceful means. This was the first private educational enterprise completely independent of official interference. Loyalty tomazhab remained the tradition ofDeobandis , which they claimed to be the traditions of Shah Waliullah.[54]  The principle framed by the founders of the Madrasah embodied complete independence and collective decisions for running the affairs ofDar-ul-Ulum . It also rejected the possibilities of government interference. In a short span of timeDar-ul-Ulum Deoband became a great seat of learning in the Subcontinent, attracting students from all over India and even from outside. A network ofmadrasahs also opened all over India on this pattern preserving and preaching the ideals ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband.

The curriculum adopted formadrasahs was largely based onDars-i-Nizami with slight modifications. The founders ofDeoband laid emphasis on the study ofQur’an andhadiths and other transmitted sciences on the pattern of the syllabus adopted by Shah Waliullah in theMadrasah Rahimiya .

        In 1869 the period of study was reduced from ten years to six years. Although not rejecting outright the study of rational sciences or modern subjects,Deobandis were unable to arrange for teaching of modern subjects insideDar-ul-Ulum Deoband . The behavior ofulema inDeoband also did not encourage the trend of studying modern subjects as they considered the student of religious studies superior to their counterparts in secular institutions. Yet there were a large number offatwas justifying the study of modern subjects. This drawback in the curriculum ofmadrasahs always earned criticism from outside, and sometimes, from inside thesemadrasahs. [55] Although training in crafts and trades had been initially included in the curriculum ofDeoband, they got scant attention of the students. However, two kinds of vocational training such as calligraphy andtibb (medical science) drew great interest from the students. The study of these subjects was in close conformity with the activities of theulema and their study enhanced the influence ofulema in the society.[56] Since the syllabus inDeoband was loaded with study of traditional religious subjects, the students could not give attendance to modern subjects according to modern needs.

Students were examined at the end of finishing each book. The students were fairly examined and if one failed a certain book he had to repeat that particular book and not others. The medium of instruction was Urdu. Great emphasis was laid on the moral standard of students. Piety and respect for teachers were highly valued for students. For guidance of Muslims in their daily life, a separate departmentDar-ul-Ifta (Center of Religious Verdicts) was setup atDar-ul-Ulum Deoband.

Contrary to the founders ofDar-ul-Ulum Deoband some Muslim leaders believed that the interests of Muslims of the Subcontinent could not be protected only through traditional religious education. The most fervent supporter of this idea was Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. He was convinced that without modern education the emancipation of Muslims in the Subcontinent would not be possible. Sir Syed sought drastic reforms in the educational system that was pursued by traditionalulema as well as their approach towards scientific knowledge. The views of Sir Syed earned wrath from the traditional religious leaders. His idea of modern education was opposed and his religious views were strongly condemned. He was declared apostate and an enemy of Islam because of his outlook.[57]

Sir Syed, however, established a modern Muslim educational college to realize his objectives. In Aligarh College religious subjects were also taught in the Department of Theology which was usually headed by a Deobandi scholar. Aligarh College proved to be more than a seat of learning. It soon became the center of political cultural and literary life of the Indian Muslims. Scientific society came into being under the patronage of Aligarh to translate the Western classics into Urdu. This opened ways for the Muslims to wider experiences of mankind in all branches of learning.[58] Efforts were also made to bring close the two seats of learning. However, the most conservative approach of Deobandis could not be reconciled with the modern Western style of Aligarh. This gave rise to two streams of educational systems. These differences also led to different socio-political trends among Indian Muslims which exist even today in both India and Pakistan.

Nadvat-ul-Ulama

Realizing the unbridgeable distance between Deoband and Aligharh, a group of Muslim moderates pondered over establishing an institution embodying a balanced approach towards traditional religious subjects and modern education simultaneously.[59]

Nadvat-ul-Ulama was established in 1891 for the said purpose. Maulana Muhammad Ali Mungeri the first president of Nadwa, while introducing the organization to theulema in a letter, wrote:

Because it is seen that the graduates of Arabic madrasahs have little knowledge of the affairs of the world around them and they can do little else at their age, they remain dependent on the people of the world(Ahl-e-Dunya) and are considered useless in the eyes of the public. They also do not possess the level of knowledge that they should. This organization seeks to bring about appropriate reforms in this regard in all Madrasahs.[60]

Muhammad Ali Mongeri justified the study of English on the grounds that the religion of Islam could be easily preached to the Westerner through their language, which could serve to effectively resist the Western conspiracy against Islam.[61] For the guidance of Muslims in daily life, it also establishedDar-ul-Ifta , providingfatwa on matters of religious importance. The major goal of the Nadwa remained to defend Islam by building the character of individual Muslims and to spread Islam among non-believers.[62]

Theulema of the Nadwa hoped to achieve respect as the champions of Islam by being powerful and intellectually distinguished. The administration of Nadwa kept close relations with the British and accepted financial grants from the government. However, the relations did not go as far asAligharh in courting British support. Themadrasah also received financial support from rulers of various Muslim princely states and donations from individual Muslim supporters.

TheNadwa attracted some of the leading Islamic scholars. Maulana Shibli, a notedalim joined theNadwa in 1905. He advocated drastic reforms by introducing modern subjects in the syllabus so that Muslims could keep pace with the modern world. The views of Shibli, however, earned criticism from manyulema within theNadwa and he had to leave theNadwa in 1913 because of this opposition.

Though the main concern of theNadwa was to unite all the mutually opposing Muslim groups, this objective could not be achieved because of their mutual antagonism. TheShiah were the first to withdraw. TheDeobandis distanced themselves from theNadwa because of the modernist theology of Shibli and its close relations with the government. TheBarelvi ulema also opposedNadwa for promoting free thought and irreligion in their view. Initially, there was close relationship between Aligarh and theNadwa but this relationship also remained short-lived.[63]

       TheNadwa, although never able to forge national leadership for the Muslims, neverthless made substantial impact on political movements in India.  Still, the real accomplishment of theNadwa was its involvement in the self-conscious dissemination of Muslim beliefs and practices, the fostering of Urdu as the language of theulema, and the training of moreulema. Nadwi ulema emphasized the teaching of Arabic and to some extent, theology. Their writing both atNadwa and its offshoot theDarul Musannifin were important contributions to history, biography, and essay writing in Urdu. In this way theNadwa provided a common platform to different religious groups for free and open debate.[64]

BesidesDeoband and theNadwa a large number ofmadrasahs were established byAhl-e-Hadith andBarelvis to defend their respectivemaslaks. Similarly,Shias also set up their ownmadrasahs whose aim was to prepare preachers and religious scholars to defend theShia tradition from the onslaught of theSunni ulema .

Someulema were of the view that inter-maslak rivalries led to Muslim decline and they pleaded the revival ofijtihad to meet the challenges of modernity. Among theseulema, Allama Hamidudin Farahi establishedMadrassat-ul-Islah in 1909 near Azamgarh. Farahi envisaged the aim of thismadrasah as to liberate theulema from inter-muslak rivalries and strict adherence to a particularfiqh . He also discouraged the study of medievalQur’an commentaries and exhorted the students to understand theQur’an directly with the help of dictionaries. Thismadrasah also made arrangement for the teaching of mathematics, geography, English and Hindi. Several graduates of thismadrasah later occupied senior positions inJammat-i-Islami . About the main objective of themadrasah to liberate the Muslim from the blind imitation offiqh , a graduate of themadrasah lamented that it promoted thetaqlid of Farahi’s own understanding of theQur’an .[65]

Whatever might be the kind of educational institutions, modern or traditional, the main focus remained on education and social training during the second half of the eighteenth century. The political role of educational movements started with the beginning of the twentieth century on the eve of growing anti-colonial sentiments in the Subcontinent and the world over as well.