REIs Grades of Education; Table 2.2
Grade
|
Level
|
Class
|
Duration
|
Equivalence with Mainstream Education Sys.
|
Ibtidai
|
Nazira (Primary)
|
1 - 5
|
5 years
|
Primary
|
Mutawassita
|
Hifz (Middle)
|
6 - 8
|
3 years
|
Middle
|
Sania Aama
|
Tajwid, Qirat (Secondary)
|
9 - 10
|
2 years
|
Matriculation
|
Sania Khasa
|
Tehtani (Higher Sec)
|
11-12
|
2 years
|
Intermediate
|
Aalia
|
Moquf Allah (College)
|
13- 14
|
2 years
|
Bachelor
|
Alamia
|
Dora-e-Hadith (Uni.)
|
15- 16
|
2 years
|
Master
|
REIs stand for religious education institutions
|
Curriculum in Traditional Pakistani Madrasahs
The syllabus in almost all traditionalmadrasahs
conforms to the basic structure and scholarly standard of theDars-e-Nizami
. Although different schools of thought adopted it with certain modifications, yet the focus remains on the teaching of traditional religious subjects. A typical model of what is taught inmadrasahs
in Pakistan is given as follows.
First Year: Biography of the Prophet (PBUH) (Syrat
), grammar (sarf
) syntax (nahv
), Arabic literature, calligraphy, chant illation (tajvid)
.
Second Year: Conjugation-grammer (sarf)
, syntax (nahv
), Arabic literature, jurisprudence (fiqh
), logic, calligraphy (khush navisi
), chant illation (tajvid).
Third Year: Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh)
syntax (nahv
), Arabic literature,hadith,
logic, Islamic brotherhood, chant illation(tajvid
).
Fourth Year: Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence (fiqh
), principles of jurisprudence, rhetoric,hadith
, logic, history, chant illation (tajvid
), geography of the Arabian Peninsula.
Fifth Year: Quranic exegesis, jurisprudence, rhetoric, beliefs (aqaid)
, logic, Arabic literature, chant illation.
Sixth Year: Interpretation of the Qur’an, jurisprudence, principles of interpretation and jurisprudence, Arabic literature, philosophy, chant illation, study of Prophetic traditions.
Seventh Year: Sayings of the Prophet (PBUH), jurisprudence, belief (aqaid),
responsibilities (fraiz
), chant illation, external study (Urdu texts)
Eighth Year: Ten books by various authors focusing on the sayings of the Prophet (PBUH).
The course of study in allmadrasahs
except that of theShia
revolves around the teaching ofHanafi fiqh
. Most of the texts are 500 or more years old. These texts are taught with the help of commentaries and super commentaries and glosses or marginal notes (hashiya
), penned by medievalHanafi ulema
for South Asian students, who do not know Arabic well. They no longer explain the original text. They are in Arabic. They have to be learnt by heart, which makes students use only their memory, not their analytical powers. Thus, the system functions on the assumption that it should preserve the tradition of the past. This led to the stagnation and ossification of knowledge under theDars-i-Nizami
which earned the criticism not only from Western educated critics but also from Arabic-knowing authorities such as Maulana Maudoodi.
Pakistanimadrasahs
lay heavy emphasis on the teaching of Arabic and Persian languages. The languages in Pakistanimadrasahs
are not taught for their intrinsic worth but because they facilitate mastery of the religion and because they are necessary for analim.
For this reason, Arabic occupies the center stage. Persian, which was socially and academically necessary in Muslim India, still forms part of the curriculum. Urdu is generally the medium of instruction in Pakistanimadrasahs.
However, in the Pashto-speaking part of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pashto is the medium of instruction, while Sindhi is the medium of instruction inmadrasahs
in Sindhi- speaking parts of Sindh. Urdu is, indeed, the language in whichmadrasah
students become most competent and is the medium of instruction in mostmadrasahs.
Refutation of Other Sects Radd
A major aspect of the course of study in most ofPakistani madrasahs
is refutation orradd
of other sects. Sectarian violence in Pakistan in the recent past has been attributed to this aspect ofmadrasah
education. The sectarian divide has become sharper and more violent in the society because of the inculcation of bias against other beliefs among the followers by the respective sects.
The theological debate (munazra
) was the feature of religious sects in colonial India which led to the exchange of invective and scuffles among the followers of main debaters but never turned to terrorism as witnessed in Pakistan’s recent history. Though the administration ofmadrasahs
usually deny the teaching of any text refuting the beliefs of other sects, they refute other sects through question and answer, interpretation of texts and sometimes teachers recommend supplementary reading material specifically for the refutation of the doctrines of other sects and sub-sects. In most cases, in writings, sermons and conversations, teachers refer to the pioneers of their own “maslaks”
so that the views of their sect are internalized and become the primary way of thinking.
Despite all denials, the printed syllabus of different sects contains the books to refute the beliefs of other sects. The report on the religious seminaries of 1988 lists several books ofDeobandi madrasahs
to refuteShia
beliefs. There are several books on the debates between theBarelvis
and theDeoband
and even a book refuting Maudoodi's views. The Barelvis have named only one book: “Rashidiya
” under the heading of preparation for debates on controversial issues. TheAhl-e-Hadith
has given a choice of opting for any two of the following courses. The political system of Islam, the economic system of Islam, “Ibn-e-Khaldun,s Muqaddamah
”, the history of ideas and comparative religious systems. TheShia
courses list no book on this subject.
Recently published courses list no book on “maslak
” for Deobandis. TheBarelvi
mention comparative religions but no specific books. TheAhl-e-Hadith
retains the same courses as before. TheShia madrasahs
list books that include comparative religions, thoughShia
beliefs are taught as the only true ones. Polemical pamphlets claiming that there are conspiracies against theShias
are available. Similar pamphlets, warning about allegedShia
deviations from the right interpretation of faith are also in circulation among theSunni madrasahs
.
Moreover, some guide books for teachers note that Quranic verses about controversial issues should be taught with great attention and students should memorize them. In oneBarelvi
book it is specified that teachers must make the students note down interpretations of theulema
of their sub-sect concerning beliefs and controversial issues, so that students can use them later, i.e. as preachers andulema
.
TheJamaat-i-Islami
syllabus (2002) mentioned additional books byMaulana Maudoodi
and other intellectuals of theJamaat
on a number of subjects including thehadith
and comparative religions.
The Refutation of Heretical Beliefs and Alien Philosophies
To counter the heresies within the Islamic world and outside influence is the traditional role ofmadrasahs
. Several books refuting the beliefs ofAhmedis
(Qadianis
)
are included in theAliya
(BA) course ofDeobandi
. TheBarelvis
andAhl-i-Hadith
, have no such books. However, they refute the beliefs ofAhmedi
through the course of comparative religions. TheJamat-i-Islami
has also included in its course four books to refute the beliefs of theQadiani.
These books are written is Urdu in a polemical style.
Most religiousmadrasahs
refute Greek philosophy and Western thought. TheDeobandi
have several books refuting capitalism, socialism, and feudalism. TheJamat-i-Islami
strongly refutes Western political and economic ideas and the influence of Western culture on the Muslim world. Though not necessarily taught in themadrasah
, such literature is found circulated by almost all sects.
Students of Traditional madrasahs
While traditionalmadrasahs
attracted people from all social classes during theMughal
andSultanate
period, now thesemadrasahs
cater for the children of the lower middle class, the peasantry, and the poor with few exceptions.
This shift in student composition owes largely to the fact that education in a traditionalmadrasah
is no longer seen as providing its students with skill needed for lucrative occupations. Well-off Muslims might send their children to part-time “maktab
” as well as regular schools or might arrange for an alim
to come to their homes to teach them theQur’an
, and the Islamic rituals but few send them to full timemaktabs
ormadrasahs.
As the Muslim education system characterizes rigid dualism between traditionalmadrasahs
and modern schools, it is important to note that a fairly large number of middle-class families send one of their sons tomadrasah
and the rest to regular schools. Some families known for their Islamic scholarship also carry on in an ancestral tradition by having at least one son trained as analim
, while others are educated in schools and colleges.
The students ofmadrasahs
belong to families having emotional attachment with the particular school of thought(maslak
) that themadrasah
represents. The followers of different sects always oppose each other and cannot make a united homogeneous group. Because of weak economic and social backgrounds the students are often reactionary and inflexible in their attitude and seek extremist ways for the realization of their ideological goals.
Their understanding of the modern world is limited because teaching of modern subjects, games, literature, art and extra curricular activities are always ignored in most of themadrasahs.
Apart frommadrasahs
in rural areas the majority of students inmadrasahs
in major cities of Pakistan also hail from rural areas. In Karachi themadrasah
students represent all the districts of Pakistan. Pashto-speaking students always outnumber any other community. The graduating students are normally 17 to 27 years old. The girl students are on average younger than the boys. One reason for this is that their course duration is shorter than that of boys.
Largermadrasahs
attract students from different parts of the country and from different communities. Therefore, they help to promote a sense of Muslim unity and representing internal division on the basis ofmaslak
at the same time.
Admission to a traditionalmadrasah
is relatively informal. While some have an entrance examination and fixed quotas at each level, others are more flexible. Largermadrasahs
have specific dates for application for admission, usually soon after the fasting month of Ramzan. The schedule of admission is advertised through leaflets and wall posters. In smallermadrasah
the procedure is much simpler and the students can join at any time of the year. They may not be able to afford to issue advertisements, in which case news of admissions is spread simply by word of mouth. Mostmadrasahs
have a somewhat open admission policy with no rigid entrance requirements. Mostmadrasahs
charge no fee and also provide food, hostel accommodation and books free of cost.
Thus,madrasahs
also serve as a kind of orphanage for those having no elders or relatives.
The students of traditionalmadrasahs
are taught strict adherence to the rules of conduct oradab.
Dress, food and behavior are regulated according to theSharia
and the students are expected to observe them faithfully. Western clothes are frowned upon, and students are expected to grow their beards when they come of age, in imitation of the Prophet (PBUH). The students are more obedient and pay more respect to their teachers as compared to their counterparts in modern educational institutions.
However, in practice, modernization also affects the students ofmadrasahs
. Manyulema
nowadays complain about the deterioration of the moral standard ofmadrasah
students. Increasing materialism and modernization of media are said to be responsible for the deteriorating moral standard ofmadrasahs
students.
Graduates of traditionalmadrasahs
take up a range of occupations. Many of them go on to teach in their own or anothermadrasah
. Some of them join the armed forces of Pakistan as religious teachers andkhatibs
. They also get jobs in secondary and higher secondary educational institutions as teachers of Islamic studies and Arabic language
while some of them join family businesses or setupunani
medicine clinics. The graduates ofmadrasahs
usually maintain links with theiralma
mater
in various ways. They encourage others to enroll in themadrasah
, circulatemadrasah
literature representing the religious-political views of the particularmadrasah
, and also collect donations for themadrasahs
from the public. Thus, the students of themadrasahs
are an asset throughout their lives.
Teachers of Madrasahs
In almost all traditionalmadrasahs
no rigid rules are applied for the recruitment of teachers. They are often appointed through personal networks and serve as long as the administrator of themadrasah
is satisfied with their performance. Allmadrasahs
employ those teachers who belong to that particular “maslak
” which themadrasah
represents.
Generally, the teachers have the qualification ofalim
orfazil
course from the traditionalmadrasahs
, without having any specialized teacher training. They get meager salaries. The average salary ofmadrasah
teacher was two thousand rupees in 2004.
Because of financial constraints many teachers are forced to supplement their income through other means, such as giving tuitions, hiringimamat
(leading prayer), lecturing in religious meetings, preparing amulets (ta’wiz
) or working on collection of donations formadrasah
on commission. Besides poor service conditions and low salaries the unlimited authority of the administration is responsible for the failure ofmadrasahs
to attract the best teachers.
In traditionalmadrasahs
there are no rules for the protection of service. Therefore, the administrators ofmadrasahs
often impose strict discipline and undue restrictions which curtail the freedom of expression among the teachers. Sometimes, the administrators interfere in their personal lives and exploit their compulsions. In traditionalmadrasahs
the teacher student relationship is generally authoritarian, but deeply personal at the same time, somewhat like between a father and son. It often resembles the hierarchical yet close bond between a spiritual preceptor and his disciples. The teacher is considered to be a model for the student to emulate faithfully. Students are taught to hold their teachers in awe and reverence for through them they acquire the knowledge that they believe hold the key to their salvation in this world and in the next. Intricate rules of proper conduct governing relations between teachers and students are elaborated upon in special texts onmadrasah
pedagogy which are often part of themadrasah
syllabus. Students even serve the teachers to the extent of washing their clothes and massaging their bodies. In turn the teachers are expected to treat their students as their children. In practice, however, some deviations take place from the established norms as some of the teachers are most authoritative and least tolerant in dealings with their students.
Methods of Teaching
Traditionalmadrasahs
follow centuries-old methods of teaching in which the text is the center of all activities instead of the student. Typically, the teacher sits on a low platform, reclining against a bolster, while the student sit below him on mats spread on the floor, placing their books on low tables in front of them. The teacher reads out from the text and asks the students to take turns in reading aloud, and then explains the content of the portions read out. The text is usually in Arabic and the teacher comments on it in Urdu. Although questioning is allowed, dissent and debate are usually unlinked and sometimes discouraged. The study of books of rivalmaslaks
is strongly opposed in mostmadrasahs
and even leads to expulsion from themadrasah.
This highly restricts the field of study for students and, therefore, mostmadrasah
students have little enthusiasm for intellectual research and hardly any expertise in any discipline. Rote learning is emphasized even in purely subjective courses. Students are also encouraged to learn by heart entire speeches on a range of subjects that they occasionally deliver to public congregations or to gatherings at mosques. Great stress is laid upon the intricate problems of Arabic grammar while the application of knowledge for the solution of problems of contemporary needs is generally ignored.
Consequently,madrasahs are
usually unable to produce broad-minded and intellectually enriched personalities who have a pragmatic approach towards the changed environment in which they have to adjust themselves. Therefore, leadingmadrasahs
now feel the need of reform in their teaching methods.
In a seminar ofMadaris-i-Arabia
held inDar-ul-Uloom Deoband
on October 29, 1994 a unanimous resolution was passed in which appeal was made to allmadaris
to bring meaningful reforms in teaching methods to enable students to adjust themselves to the changing environment.
Management of Madrasahs
Traditionalmadrasahs
are individual enterprises in Pakistan. Largermadrasahs
are, however, run by an elaborate hierarchy of functionaries. At the apex is the sarparast
(Chancellor), who is also often the founder of themadrasah
or his successor, in which case he is generally a direct descendant of the founder. Below him is themuhtamim
(Vice Chancellor), who is followed by the sadar madrasah
(Dean) and teachers of different subjects. The senior most teacher is the sheikh-ul-hadith
who teaches the books ofhadith
to senior students. The rector of themadrasah
is assisted in his work by a committee of elders (shura
) consisting of seniorulema
and teachers, and sometimes of notable Muslims including rich traders, philanthropists and important donors. The members of theshura
are generally appointed by the sarparast
. Although, in theory, staff appointments are made strictly on the basis of merit and piety, often the management ofmadrasahs
is in the hands of the families of their founders. In many cases the founder of themadrasah
appoints his own sons or close relatives as his successor. Likewise,madrasah
rectors often select their own son or close relative or other members of their own caste as senior teachers. Thus, manymadrasahs
come to be seen as family ventures with key posts and access to funds being limited to a narrow circle of friends and relatives, many of whom may not have the religious or intellectual skill needed for the important posts that they handle.
In theory, elaborate rules govern the management ofmadrasahs
and all decisions are supposed to be taken through discussion and consensus. In practice, however, things are always very different. The managers and administrators often override the decision-making process for their personal interests. The report of leading psychologists of the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences reveals that the cult culture grown inside theJamia-Hafsa
under the influence of its administrators was responsible for the clash of its students with society and with the state. The report also recommended that seminaries need to be under the education department so that individuals may not use them for their personal interest.
Many of the people in the religious circles also complain that most of traditionalmadrasahs
have degenerated into dens of corruption, nepotism, and dirty politics because of the obsession with power and wealth of their administrators.
Madrasah Finances
Traditionalmadrasahs
have run on self-help basis from the time of colonial rule. Thesemadrasahs
rely on a variety of sources to meet their expenses. The vast majority depend on local funds which are generated from within the community. Manymadrasahs
have land or property endowed to them aswaqfs
from which they earn some income. Appeals are regularly issued bymadrasah
authorities to Muslims to contribute in cash or kind to themadrasah
as a religious duty in the form ofzakat
orsadaqa
. Such appeals appear in the publications ofmadrasahs.
In posters put up on boards outside mosques and on walls in Muslim localities. On the occasion ofBakr-e
-Eid
, students are sent out to the houses of local Muslims to collect the skins of slaughtered animals which are sold to leather merchants. The money is given to themadrasah.
Some people make donations tomadrasah
as an act of piety. This is done in different ways i.e. constructing a room in amadrasah
or donating fans or coolers or any other items of common use tomadrasahs
simply to earn the blessing of God for himself or for deceased relatives. The peasants of the localities also contribute in kind of grains after harvest to help run the localmadrasahs
. In smallermadrasahs
teachers and even students are sent to neighboring towns and villages to collect donations in cash and in kind. Largermadrasahs
appoint special staff to collect funds for themadrasah
on commission.
Beside this the administrators also accept financial help from those who earn illegal money which negatively affects the integrity ofulema
. The proper use of funds is also not often ensured.
Government Financial Support
The Government of Pakistan provides financial support to thosemadrasahs,
which register themselves for such help. The Ministry of “auqaf
” and Religious Affairs managemadrasah
affairs. However, the funds provided by the Government of Pakistan tomadrasahs
is negligible as compared to the funds earmarked for government educational institutions. According to details provided by Institute of Policy Studies the government provided fifteen lacs of rupees to religiousmadrasahs
of Pakistan during the financial year 2000 to 2001. This amount if divided by the number of students comes roughly equal to one and half rupees per student per year.
In 2001-02 the government initiated amadrasah
reform program at the cost of Rs.5759.395 millions for modernizing the curriculum ofdin-i-madaris
by introducing modern subjects, i.e. general science, social studies and computer science. In 2001-02 a total of Rs.1, 654,000 was given to allmadrasahs
which accepted this help. As the number of students are 1,065,277, this amount to Rs.1.55 per student per year. An additional aid of Rs.30.45 million was promised for providing for computers and changing the syllabus in 2003-04 and this comes to Rs.28.60 per student per year.
However, since allmadrasahs
do not accept financial help from government, the money is not distributed evenly as the above calculation might suggest.
Madrasahs and Society
Madrasahs
in Pakistan are not simply educational institutions but social institutions as well.Madrasahs
are linked to the wider community through theulema
who serve there and play a variety of functions in society. Thus,madrasahs
play a vital role in protecting the socio-religious traditions of Muslims in the Subcontinent since the colonial era. A major role ofmadrasahs
is to provide guidance to the general Muslim public. Theulema
connected with themadrasahs
closely interact with Muslims outside themadrasah
in their capacity as specialists in Islamic law and theology. The public often seek the opinions ofulema
in matters relating to marriage, divorce and inheritance. They are invited to preside over community functions and their names often figure on the boards of various community organizations. They might be requested to solemnize weddings and lead prayers during important festivals, marriages and burials.Madrasahs
provide “imams
” and “khatibs
” to almost all the mosques in the country. The teachers and students might travel the nearly localities, instructing Muslims in matters relating to virtues and vices.
Some religious organizations having affiliation with a network ofmadrasahs
such asJamaat-u-Dawa, Jamaat-i-Islami,
andTahrik-e-Minhaj-ul-Qur’an
actively take part in providing social services in society.
A particularly important function of manymadrasahs
is to deliverfatwas
in response to specific requests from the public. Severalmadrasahs
have arrangements for separateDarul-Ifta
offices where “muftis
” deliverfatwas
. Requests forfatwas
come from the public.Fatwas
are often sought regarding social matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, taking interest, or the proper methods of performing various rituals. Sometimesfatwas
are also sought relating to the national or international developments, such as thefatwa
delivered by manyulema
of differentmadrasahs
to boycott purchase of American products after the American attack on Afghanistan in 2001.
Fatwas
are not binding, though for many Muslims they carry great prestige, as authoritative statements claiming to represent the authentic Islamic position on a particular matter. Still somefatwas
do not get the favor of the public. Such as thefatwa
declaring modern banking as un-Islamic by manyulema
gets little public support. Somemadrasahs
regularly publish their collection offatwas
in the form of voluminous compendia which are then made available for sale to the general public.
In some of the largermadrasahs,
special courts orDar-ul-Qaza,
exist, which handle cases in accordance with their understanding of theSharia
. Generally, these cases related to family laws.Shariat
courts are often cheaper and more expeditious than regular civil courts where litigation is often expensive and long drawn-out. The demand for the establishment ofShariat
courts in different parts of the country is the result of the inability of civil courts to deliver cheap and speedy justice to the people. Another important role ofmadrasahs
is the publication of religious literature. Somemadrasahs
bring out regular religious magazines having wide circulation, while somemadrasahs
have separate publication departments and publish different types of literature in different languages, including Arabic, Urdu, and other vernacular languages.
Largermadrasahs
have their own printing presses and even their own websites now. Many among theulema
have also regularly contributed articles on Islamic themes to widely circulating magazines and newspapers. The dailyJang,
Pakistan’s most widely circulating Urdu newspaper began an Islamic page in 1978 to which religious scholars have regularly contributed. Mufti Mohammad Yousaf Ludhianavi, a leading religious scholar affiliated with theJamiat-al-Ulum
madrasah
of Karachi wrote a weekly question-and-answer column called “Your Problems and their Solutions” for many years. This provided religious guidance to common Muslims on all sorts of issues in a highly simplified style. These and other writings were later compiled and published as a seven volume work under the same title and for a similar target audience.
The publisher introduces this work as follow;
“Your Problems and their Solution”, is the best loved serious column in theJang
newspaper. It is the first thing to be read every Friday. God has granted it a popularity such that hundreds of thousands of people not only await it eagerly but consider it a necessary part of their lives. It has brought about revolutionary change in the lives of countless people. Thousands of people have molded their lives according to the life of the Prophet.
Nowadays the Daily Mashriq, a widely read Urdu newspaper, carries a specialdini
supplement on every Friday, which is highly popular among common Muslims. It is eagerly awaited and widely read by common Muslims. Thus, theulema
successfully utilize the press for access to the general public.
The foregoing discussion reveals thatmadrasahs
have deep-rooted historical relations with the Muslim society in Pakistan. Therefore,madrasahs
are not only educational institutions; rather they play crucial socio-political roles in Muslim society. Immediate denial of this role to themadrasahs
may lead to polarization and chaos in the society.