Alhassanain(p) Network for Heritage and Islamic Thought

2: NEWS AND COMMUNICATION IN SOMALILAND

TRADITIONAL AND INFORMAL MEDIA

For centuries Somalis have been pastoralists, practicing free ranging animal husbandry and renowned for their oral culture and rich poetry. In the absence of a written script, Somali oral communication has evolved in elaborate and sophisticated ways. Most Somalis are illiterate, but the word is passed orally by travelling relatives. The Somali way of life and social habits provide alternative avenues of communication, the effectiveness of which is indeed surprising (Touval, 1963).

The traditional Somali life-style is a continuous quest for news, whether from near or far. Whether it was a question of war or peace, good pasture or drought, nomads in transhumance needed certain essential information. Vital news items were known as either tigaad or khoof meaning, respectively, intelligence about pasture or the imminent outbreak of war.

Indeed, the prevalence of war or peace among Somalis has often been attributed to the power of language. Numerous Somali maxims attest to the destructive potential of the spoken word. The famous classical poet, Salaan Carrabey, said in one of his poems:

Afku wuxu la xoog yahay magliga, xawda kaa jara e’.

“The spoken word has the force of a dagger,”

While a common Somali proverb observes:

Uli way qabowdaa erey se ma qaboobo.

“The pain of a stick passes away, but the pain of a word lingers.”

Other proverbs that show the importance of news or the word include:

Isha iyo dhegta, dhegtaa da’ weyn.

“Word of mouth is more valuable than eyesight.”

Hadal waa hankaaga-tuse.

“By talking one shows his aspirations.”

Ma hal geed baan kuu idhaa mise hal geel baan ku siiyaa?

“Should I tell you something under the tree or should I give you a she-camel”? (The correct answer to this rhetorical answer is naturally the news, not the camel).

Nimaan la hadlin hooyadii qadisay.

“A mother pays less attention to a silent child.”

Conversely, verbal moderation contributes to a state of peace:

Haddii aan afku xumaan, gacantu ma xumaato.

“If words do not turn sour, violence can be avoided.”

The power of language is also manifested in the importance Somalis attach to news. Numerous proverbs and poetic verses bear testimony to the premium that Somalis assign to accurate information. Nothing isso highly prized as a firm grasp of the situation:

Hubsiimo hal baa la siistaa.

“Certainty is worth a she-camel.”

Conversely, the following adage reveals the nomad’s aversion to uncertainty:

War la’aani werwer bay kugu dishaa,

Wehel la’aanna waddadaa kugu dheeraata,

Waddan aqoon la’aanna waabashaa, kugu disha.

Lack of news begets worry,

Loneliness makes the road longer,

And unfamiliarity with the land makes you cautious.

Since life may depend on the correct evaluation of the situation, intelligence is further categorized according to the immediacy of its source: weris is the account of a first-hand observer, while tebis referred to second-hand relation of the original version. In the Somali norms of news transmission it is the comer who gives his account first. While telling his story he is treated as a guest of honour, according tothe Somali verse: Sooryada nin yimid baa leh, sagootis na nin tegayaa leh (“Good treatment is offered to the guest who arrives, but only farewell is paid to he who departs”).

Convention requires that only an eyewitness to an event be considered ‘qualified’ to speak authoritatively of what transpired, while those who have had the news relayed to them by word of mouth are obliged to use the qualifying phrase “I heard”. In recent times, however, such customs have become weakened and it is less common for newsbearers to make such distinctions, facilitating the transmission of rumour and hearsay.

In Somali tradition, equal, if not greater, importance is attached to the bearer of information as to the information itself. A reliable messenger could attain high social standing and exercise influence over decision-making because of his authentic sources of reference. The prestige assigned to a reputable messenger, known as war-galeen or looga-qaateen, is captured in the following poetic verse:

Warka looga-qaateen sidaa, loo wanqali laaye,

News brought by a trustworthy messenger would be feasted upon.

The messenger (or traveller) introduces his news with the traditional disclaimer: Warramay oo war badan sheegi maayo (“I will deliver the news to you, but will be brief). When the messenger has given his full account, his audience may bless him and admonish him to deliver news, but not to become himself a news item:

Warran oo lagugu ma warramo,

wiilkaaga mooyee walaalkaa ku ma dhaxlo,

la waari maayee waayo joog,

waran cadow iyo waayo cudur ba la’ow,

wax xun iyo cadaab la’ow,

Remain the one who delivers news, not the one whose news [death] is delivered,

Leave your inheritance for your children, not to your brother,

We will not live forever, but live long,

Be safe from the enemy’s spear and from disease,

Be safe from evil and hell.

Although most news is communicated in the form of ordinary talk (hadal) it can also be communicated in the form of ordinary speech (tiraab) and a much more respected medium of communication is poetry (hawraar). Ordinary speech is easily understood; poetry, by contrast, may be subject to multiple interpretations due the metaphors, symbolism and the allegory used in its composition. Of the two, hawraar is held in far greater esteem in Somali society and is the more powerful medium.

The poetic tradition

Somalis have often been described as ‘a nation ofpoets’ and there is no doubt in the centrality of the poet and poetry in Somali society.

Poetry occupies a large and important place in Somali culture, interest in it is universal, and skill in it something, which every one covets, and many possess. The Somali poetic heritage is a living force intimately connected with the vicissitudes of every day life (Andrzejewski & Lewis, 1964).

Somali poetry has been described as a running commentary on the latest news, lobbying device for social and political debates, a record of historical events, a revered form of aesthetic enjoyment, and an expression of deep feelings about love (Johnson, 96). Another observer contends: “The poet in Somali society is the innovator of new styles of speech. He is the critic of despotic chiefs and he is the artist whose verse gives pleasure to the mind. He is also the agitator and he is the newscaster who informs his listeners what is going on in the outside” (Adan,1989 ). Participants in the research process tended to affirm the vital role of poetry in traditional Somali society. Because of the higher standards and sophistication of poetry, sensitive issues that were to be secretly handled were addressed using the most sophisticated tools of poetry: allegories, symbolism and metaphors.

A classic example of the way sensitive issues may be addressed in a metaphoric poetic duel is the story of‘Wiilwaal’ in which he challenged his nephew:

Wiilwaal:

“Wanaagsane walaalkay dhalyow, wiilkayow Maxamed,

Sac wanaagsanoo weyl watoo, meel wahdiya jooga,

Oo yara hee waalwaalanoo, wiilasha eryooda,

Inaanad weli naaskeeda qaban, ii mar wacad Eebbe.”

Wiilwaal:

Blessed Maxamed, a dear brother’s boy,

And close kin at that, consider a while

A well bred cow with her little calf in tow,

And grazing in lush, well-guarded land,

Yet slightly flirtatious and determined to chase young lads,

An oath is surely in order that you have never laid hand on her.

Wiilkii:

“Adeer aniga waad I waanisee, hal an ku weydiiyo,

Hal Waraabe dilayoo haddana , Weli xalaaleeyay,

Waax qalo haddii lagu yidhaa, oon wax kugu raacin,

Inaanad weel u soo qaadateen, ii mar wacad Eebbe.”

The son:

Oh! Uncle the warning is apt and perfectly in order,

I pose though the case of hefty handsome she-camel,

Certain prey of a killer hyena,

Yet spared by a true saint well known,

That portion on offer to you, which surpassed your need

Wouldn’t the oath be then have been honoured

If you left the portion whole, there and then?

Almost every activity or profession in Somali society developed its own poetic genre, reflecting the diverse aspects of life of the nomadic community. Ismaaciil Aw Aadan, a poet and a workshop participant, has categorized poetry (oral literature) into three types, based on the assertions of the prominent poet Maxamed Ibraahim Warsame:

• Suugaan Gole: Dance poetry

• Suugaan Guri: Household poetry

• Suugaan Geed: Tree poetry

The first type of poetry is self-explanatory, finding expression in song and dance; suugaan gole typically addresses itself to themes such as the beauty of women, pride and status of the clan, manhood, chivalry and the ethics and norms of dancing. The second category is the type of poetry associated with the home, such as children’s songs, songs for weaving, knitting, carving, pottery and so on. The third category is the type of oral literature recited “under the tree”, which serves wider social and political purposes:

The most important poeticform of Suugaan is the Gabay, which is practiced exclusively by men; other genres include the Dhaanto, Geeraar, Jiifto, Masafo and others. In recent years, another shorter genre, the Jiifto, has been gaining ground over the Gabay due to its simpler composition and the shortness of its metre. The Buraanbur, which has the longest meter, is the exclusive domain of women. Several genres, mainly work songs, are common to both men and women.

Distinctions between differentgenre are made principally on the basis of form and style and to a lesser extent in content. In the words of Andrzewiski (1993):

Somali poetry alliteration, not rhyme, is used for structural bonding and ornamentation, following matching rules similar to those applied by English poets before the Norman Conquest: consonants alliterate with each other, irrespective of their quality. Alliteration is maintained through out the poem no matter how long it may be… In addition to the formal constraint of alliteration, Somali poetry has a system of quantitative scansion reminiscent of that used in ancient Greek. Its prosadic units are morae, i.e. time units measured by syllabic length; a short syllable counts as one mora and a long one as two.

The poetic tradition has been handed down from generation to generation by word of mouth, although in modern times it has increasingly been recorded in texts, audio and visual cassettes. In the 1980s, the National Academy of Arts, Culture and Science made pioneering efforts in printing some collections of Somali poetry. Notable among these were Aw Jaamac Cumar Ciise’s Diiwaankii Gabayadii Sayidka (Collected Poems of the Sayid) and Maansadii Timacadde (Timcadde’s Poetry), collected by Boobe Yuusuf Ducaale. In the last days of the struggle of the SNM against the regime of Siyaad Barre, Hal-karaan, a collection of Maxamed Ibraahin Warsame’s (Hadraawi) poetry was also published.

Women have their own poetic specialisation:the lullaby , the buraanbur and the diverse genres of work songs are all within the domain of women’s poetry. There also exist proverbs, religious songs, and children’s riddles, all composed and taught by women (Amina, 89). In her book, “Women and Words”, A. Amina describes a mother’s torment at her infant’s hungry cries:

Sidaan Qummanow ku qadiyay,

Sidaan qolo kale wax siiyay,

Sidaan keligay wax quutay,

Qalbiga ma iga la collowday.

“As if I have fed others,

As if I deprived you,

As if I have eaten alone,

My beloved son, you seem to despise me.”

Qadiija Ciye Dharaar is remembered for her contribution in the development of the modern Somali songs because ofthe active part she played in the advancement of the Belwo in the 1940s. Qadiija Ciye Dharaar (who was later nicknamed Qadiija “Belwo”) was one of the few artists who supported the work of Cabdi Deeqsi (Sinimo), another pioneer of the Belwo.

In the national liberation struggle of the fifties against the colonial powers, women played a decisive role in denouncing colonial occupation. The late Faadumo Xirsi Cabbane was among the leaders of the literary struggle against the British and Italian rule in the Somali territories. Faadumo Xirsi Cabbane started her struggle in Muqdisho when she joined the ranks of the Somali Youth League (SYL) in the 1940s, and was internally exiled by the Italian authorities to Gaalkacayo in 1947. Faadumo eventually joined the Somali NationalLeague ( SNL) and became a cherished voice of the party and the public at large. In one of her verses she had this to say:

Maanta waa madal weyn oo,

Waana maalin tilmaan lahoo,

Taariikhaa la maraaye,

Dhiisaygaa I maqlaayow,

In kasta oy miino dhacaysoo,

Madaxaa iga goyso,

Geeraarkaan marinaayo,

In aanan ka murmaynin,

Taasi waa mid caddaatay,

Ee wixii aad I la maagtiyo,

Malahaaga caddeeyoo,

Jeelkuna waa madal weynoo,

Muslimiin iyo Gaalaba,

Nin xaqiisii u muuqda oo,

Laga maadin karayn baa,

Lagu sii melmelaa,

Haddii aanu muunad lahaynna ,

Madaxweynihii Gaandi,

Iyo Nakruuma maad mariseene,

Wixii aad I la maagtiyo,

Malahaaga caddeeyoo,

Jeelka uun igu moos.

It is a magnificent day,

A day of significance,

Proceeding towards the dawn of history,

The District Commissioner is hearing my voice,

In spite of threats and torture,

An in spite of my head injury,

I’m reciting my pomes,

And t is crystal clear,

That I will never contradict,

Announce your verdict,

And the sentence on my case,

The prison I a nice place,

Regardless of the imprisoned,

Amuslim or a non-muslim,

It is a home for the freedom fighter,

For the one who stands up for his rights,

If it were not a respectable place,

The great presidents Ghandi

And Nkrumah would not have dwelled therein,

Be courageous in announcing the verdict,

And I am eager to go behind the bars.

War poetry

Somali poetry has a long and established political tradition in the service of both war and peace. History bears witness to the power of poets to settle an armed dispute or to rouse men to combat.

The greatest of the Somali warrior-poets was undoubtedly Maxamed Cabdille Xasan who led the “Dervish” uprising against the British in the early years of the 20th century. A political, military and spiritual leader, the Sayid (or “Lord”, as he was known to his followers), was also renknowned for his eloquence and brilliance of poetic composition. The power of his verse cannot be overemphasized: his success in mobilizing a formidable army and broad base of committed followers depended above all on his oratorical skills and his charisma as a leader. The example of the ‘Sayid’s’ unprecedented challenge to colonial forces and his majestic poetry have left an enduring mark on the collective Somali psyche that continues to influences literature, politics and national identity to the present day.

Following Maxamed Cabdille Xasan’s example, other poets later followed suit in denouncing colonialism through their poetic verse. If the loss of the ‘Hawd’ is remembered in Somalia as the political event of 1955, then the composition of a particular poem entitled Jowhariyo Luula must be also remembered as the artistic event of 1955 (Johnson, 1996). Named for two girls, the song’s theme is in fact deeply political, lamenting the cession of the Hawd grazing lands to the Ethiopia by the British. The song’s potent symbolism and catchy melody has ensured its popularity through the years.

Illeyn jaahiljin iyo xoog ma lahoo,

Intaan jiifay waax ma la I jarayoo,

Jabayoo jilbis jeebka la ii geliyoo,

Jidhkaygii is-galay jidhiidhicadii,

Jibboodayoo dood jid dheer u maroo,

Jirdahaan magansaday I ma ay jalinoo,

Afkay iga soo jufeeyeen,

Jowhariyo Luulaay,

Jiidhka igu yaalleey,

Alla ma joogee,

Jeex dhan baa I maqan.

Soodaan iyo kol ay Sawaaxili tahay,

Dadkii silci jiray hore u socayoo,

Siday doonayeen la wada siiye,

Miyeynaan la sinnayn dadkaa sugayoo,

Saagaanku ku ool sideennaayoon,

Sagaal lagu dhalin Soomaalida,

Jowhariyo Luulaay,

Jiidhka igu yaalleey,

Alla ma joogee,

Jeex dhan baa I maqan.

To be sure, an ignorant man has no strength,

Whilst I slept, was a portion of my flesh [not] sliced fromme,

I was shattered; someone put a snake in my pocket, and

My flesh shrank in a shiver, and

I swooned. I travelled a great distance to dispute [my case],

The tree trunks behind which I sought protection gave me no solace,

They struck me on the mouth, [humiliated me] with the butt of a spear,

O ‘Jowhara’ and ‘Luula’,

Who are the flesh [of my body],

O God, I am not completely here,

[For] part of me is missing.

Even the Sudanese and the Swahilis,

Who were tormented, have progressed,

They were granted all that they wished,

Are we not equal to these people who reached [their goal],

And who possess full manhood, like us,

And have we not been born in nine months, O ye Somalis,

O ‘Jowhara’ and ‘Luula’,

Who are the flesh [of my body],

O God, I am not completely here,

[For] part of me is missing.

(from Johnson, 1996)

On the eve of independence and the union of North and South to form the Somali Republic, artists portrayed the event artistically in poetry and song. Maxamed Ibraahin Warsame “Hadraawi”, a prominent poet and playwright, celebrated the role played by poetry in the national struggle by saying in one of his compositions:

Xamar iyo Hargeysaba

Heellaa xoreysoo

Both Muqdisho and Hargeysa,

Were liberated through the Heello

During the nine-year democratic interlude that followed independence, the widely anticipated benefits of independence never materialized. Poetry reflected the growing popular disillusionment with official incompetence and widespread corruption. The new actors on the government stage imitated their colonial predecessors in virtually every way; even in their dress and the way they behaved towards the citizens, they were reminiscent of the “white infidels” (Riiraash, 1998). A contemporary poet, Xaaji Aadan Af-qallooc, described the situation thus:

Tallaabada mid gaalkii shabbaha, tegay ma-liibaane,

Adigoo wuxuun tabanayoo, tegay halkuu joogay,

Markuu sida libaax raqi utaal , qoorta kor u taago,

Uu ‘tayga’ luquntiisa sudhan, taabto faraqiisa,

Oo inaad addoonkiisa tahay, taana la ahaatay,

Iyana waa tabaalaha adduun, taynu aragnaa.

One who even walking imitates the departed infidel,

May he never beblessed,

While in need of assistance, you go where he was,

And then as if he were a lion at his kill,

Heraises up his neck in haughtiness,

Touches the tip of the tie around his neck,

And behaves as if you were his slave.

These are the misfortunes of the times that we are witnessing.

Following Siyaad Barre’s 1969 coup, Somali poetry reached its zenith as an instrument of defiance against the dictatorial regime. Compositions circulated clandestinely in cassette recordings and by word of mouth, eventually finding public expression through opposition radio stations and publications, and through extraordinary events like the Deelley.

In December 1979, the reknowned poet and researcher Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac, better known as “Gaarriye” launched a challenge to the government in the form of a poem entitled Dugsi ma leh Qabyaaladi (“Tribalism is Worthless”). Maxamed Ibraahin Warsame “Hadraawi” followed with a poem of his own, and for more than six months a furious poetic duel that came to be known as the Deelley swept the Somali territories, involving over fifty poets from all of the Somali territories and the diaspora.

While many of those who took part were government critics, others defended the regime. The government itself could not resist the challenge and threatened its outspoken poetic critics with jail sentences. One of them, Cabdi Iidaan Faarax, who attacked the government in two powerful poems by the names of Awrka dooh ma lagu yidhi (“Was he [the dictator] ever challenged?”) and Daad-wararac (“The Lush”), was covertly assassinated in August 1980.

The Deelley was by no means the first such poetic exchange. Prior duels included the Guba of the 1940’s and the Siinley of the 1970’s, but none of them has matched the Deelley in terms of scope, substance or purpose: the Deelley remains the largest and most diverse ‘anthology’ of poetry in Somali literary heritage. But the Deelley will also be remembered for another, more ominous feature: in a very real way it foreshadowed the armed struggle against the Barre regime, demonstrating with finality the futility of non-violent resistance.

Peace poetry

Possibly the most renowned example of poetic peacemaking involved the efforts of Salaan Carabay, a classical poet of the last century. Two lineages of the Habar Jeclo clan, the Reer Daahir and the Reer Axmed Faarax were embroiled in a longstanding feud and were preparing themselves to fight. Last minute efforts to mediate between them had been in vain.

As the warriors came together at the field of battle, a respected religious man by the name of Fiqi Xasan stepped between them to remind them of the disastrous effects of war between relatives, reading from the Qu’ran and simultaneously translating verses for his audience. The warriors paid him no heed, and a fighter named Ducaale Koore from the Reer Daahir seized Fiqi Xasan’s Qu’ran and threw it away, impatient for the battle to begin.

Instead, Salaan Carabay took Fiqi Xasan’s place between the two forces, inviting the religious elder to step aside so that he might address the warring factions in a language that they would better understand. Holding the warriors’ attention, Salaan first delivered his now-famous poem in the Geeraar style, Waar Tolow Colka Jooja (“Oh! Kinsmen Stop the War”). Impressed by their kinsman’s appeal, the forces disengaged and violence was averted.

A similar episode, involving the classical poet Faarax Nuur, has also been recorded in the annals of Somali lyrical appeals for peace. But more recent illustrations of powerful pacific poetry also exist. In 1984 the Barre government’s tactics of divide and rule had fuelled numerous inter-clan feuds across the Somali Republic. In an effort to restore calm and pave the way to reconciliation, Maxamed Xaashi Dhamac “Gaarriye” composed one of the most celebrated poems on the theme of reconciliation: Hagar-laawe ( “The Charitable”). The poem has remained in common use up to the present.

Poetry since 1991

Since the overthrow of the Barre regime, poets in Somaliland have continued to promote the cause of peace. Together with drama and song, poetry has helped to heal the wounds opened by the successive rounds of civil strife (1992 and 1994-1996) that have wracked Somaliland in the aftermath of liberation. Participants in the research process recalled the impact of poetry at reconciliation conferences. According to the poet Yuusuf Xiito: “After the Quran and religious speeches, we poets took the forum and recited our poetry making the audience shed tears and bringing them closer to the reconciliatory purpose of the meeting”. The emotional verse of the female poet Saado Cabdi Amarre lamented the senselessness of the successive civil wars that wracked Somaliland in the aftermath of liberation:

Intaan dacar leefay,

Waabay durduurtayeey,

Dabbaasha anigoon aqoon,

Daad I qaadayeey,

Dagaalkii hore bikh,

Kani iiga sii daryeey,

Naa haddaba Deeqaay,

Dagaalkani muxuu ahaa?

Oo maxay daantaasi daantaa,

Ku diiddan tahay?

“I drank poison by tasting the bitterness of war,

Taken by the flood without knowing how to swim,

Previous wars were nothing in comparison to this,

O Deeqa! What is the meaning of this war?

And why is this part of the town fighting against that one?

There was general agreement among participants in the research process that the role of the poet remains as vital today as in the past; according to the majority view, the poet remains a prominent public figure who commands a following and his prestige corresponds to his poetic abilities.

But a dissenting opinion holds that poets and their art are in decline. According to the young poet Yuusuf Xiito:

Poetry once played the role of the media; it was a popular tool for discussion and critical analysis of political, philosophical, economical and social issues. That role has since been taken by other media sectors and the poets have gone without the least recognition.

Yuusuf Xiito illustrated his point with a poem, an excerpt of which follows:

Bulshadana war baa u sed ah,

Waxa dhacay bayaanshoo,

Baallaha Adduunkiyo,

Cilmi baaqday laga helo,

Asaan badhax dulsaariyo,

Buunbuunis lagu darin,

Beentuna ka madhan tahay.

Iyo baaqa nabadeed,

Iyo baarax lagu ledo,

Iyo beesha samo-doon,

Baaweynta hadalkiyo,

Wacyi-gelin la baahshaa,

Biligeeda weeyaan,

Barkhad bay ku gaadhaa,

Bilicdeedu waa maqal.

War baxnaanadiisaa,

Beryo lagu nagaadaa,

Ballankiyo xusuustuna ,

Ka ma bixin halkoodii,

Boholyowna la ma deyn.

Buuraha dushoosiyo,

Wixii Badaha hoos yiil,

Baallaha Adduunkiyo,

Inta Bari u gobol yahay,

Baariis u shilis tahay,

Baraasiil dusheediyo,

Marka Boonna lagu daro,

Ama badiba reer Yurub,

Barashada aqoontaa,

Lagu baahi beeloo,

Bogga hore Wargeyskiyo,

Internet-ka baahshaa,

Waa baab fajicisoo,

Bidhaan la isu muuqdiyo,

Dunidaba badh soo gelin,

Bulshadana warkii sii.

For the society news is like food,

Yes, it is the media that should stand for clarity,

Media is the source of unexpected knowledge,

Unexaggerated and not fake,

When it has no place for a lie,

Then prosperity is within the reach,

Oh! That is beauty by fidelity,

A sign of peace,

A means to prosperity,

An item of news that for a time sooths,

And a family/clan of peace,

Makes hope fora good news,

And yet promise and memory,

Do not loose their place,

Nor is nostalgia forsaken,

And at times longing for the good old days,

On top of the mountains,

On the waters of the rivers and sea,

And in all over the world,

From the east to the west,

In Latin America and Europe,

Where knowledge and education is a priority,

And where the first pages of the newspapers,

And in the world of the Internet,

Where countries are interconnected,

Yes amazed you will be,

In this audio-visual world,

After all it is a world that feeds the public.

While most participants in the research process were more optimistic about the continuing relevance of the poet in modern Somali society, they agreed that the livelihood of the poet, like that of other artists, is in jeopardy. Competition with the mass media, lack of intellectual property protection and absence of government support together threaten the existence of poetry as a profession.

Although contemporary poets continue to create and innovate, workshop participants noted that their audience is less receptive than in the past. Ignorance of poetry among the younger generations, and the attraction of more accessible, less demanding forms of news and entertainment mean that the poet must adapt if his or her message is to be heard.

Another problem is the absence of a legal framework protecting copyright. The obstacles here are twofold: first, the current government lacks the capacity to either promulgate or enforce such laws. Second, Somali poetry has traditionally been perceived as a public good, to be freely reproduced. Indeed, the very notion of copyright would seem to contradict the nature of Somali poetry as a means of mass communication. Without some degree of protection, however, it is virtually impossible for contemporary poets to make a living from their compositions.

An obvious answer, as in many other countries, would be for the government to establish programmes in support of poets and other artists. Before the civil war, such support was available, although it was selectively dispensed, principally according to political criteria. The National Academy of Science and Arts, the National Theatres of Muqdisho and Hargeysa and other institutions led the way in supporting poets and other artists in general. Somaliland’s current government, however, lacks the resources to establish such programmes; the multifarious needs of the post-war situation mean that support for the arts is unlikely to receive a high priority in the foreseeable future.

The tree

Before the establishment of the major towns and the onset of urbanization in the latter half of the twentieth century, nomadic encampments were the focal points for the interaction of the pastoral community. Gatherings of any significance typically took place at the madal - usually the cool shade of a large tree. The madal served as the venue for two of the nomadic communities most important institutions: the shir (deliberations of the adult men of the lineage on matters of common concern) and the xeer-beegti (meetings of judicial experts on matters of customary law). Information on matters of war, peace and livestock was exchanged and examined in the shade of the tree, and members of younger generations were educated in their religion, culture, and traditions.

The madal also provided the setting for ceremonial occasions, where distinguished guests were accommodated and entertained. The resolution of conflicts, marriage arrangements, formalization of conflicts was all celebrated under the shade of the tree.

As urbanization accelerated in the post-independence period and following the civil war, the relative importance of the madal as a medium of communication has declined vis-à-vis other types of meeting places. Nevertheless, the tree retains significance in both rural and urban affairs. Even in the urban centers, there are occasions when a critical issue may be discussed in the shade of a tree in order to underscore its gravity.

Water wells

Whereas the madal fulfils a formal function with respect to meeting and communication, water wells serve as informal meeting places where people meet and exchange news and views.

Wells and grazing areas are not under exclusive ownership or control of individual tribes, but are normally shared by clans from different tribes. They provide convenient meeting places and an opportunity for exchange of news and gossip for people who during certain seasons live hundreds of miles apart (Touval, 1963).

Wells are vital places linked with the life of the nomad community since disputes over water and grazing can be serious and may instigate war. Their significance is amplified during jiilaal (the long, dry season) because of the number of people and livestock who gather at watering places.

The social importance of wells has been in steady decline in recent years as the proliferation of‘berkeds’ provides communities with alternative sources of water.

Market

Even more so than water wells, markets are meeting places for people of great diversity. Members of different clans, inhabitants of different regions, men and women, people of all ages and walks of life come together in the market. The market is also notable as a place where urban and rural people meet.

Participants in the research process considered markets to be a particularly rich and important medium of communication, since much of the information exchanged in markets concerns the lives of ordinary people and to the development of the country as a whole. One poet observed:

News disseminated or exchanged in the market is directly connected with the life of the people. It is the prices of livestock and commodities. It is the prevalence of peace and the weather conditions. Marketgoers never talk of things beyond their reach, which they term Gaalo iyo camalkeed - in other words “the white man and his alien affairs”.

The nomad who frequently goes to the town to obtain essential supplies thus becomes an important source of information for his community. One workshop participant, Maxamed Yuusuf Keyse, depicted how he finds and shares information:

A nomad comes to the town in the morning and stays for the whole day. He first goes to the animal market to learn the livestock prices. In the afternoon he leaves for the countryside once he has collected enough information and bought his supplies. In the evening he disseminates his news to his people. The way he relays the news is different from the way the townspeople do: he starts with the good news. Our ears are receptive to polemic news - that is why we do not buy papers unless they carry polemic news. When he is asked to give his report, he starts with the market, the price of livestock, the price of the hides and skins and the price of foodstuff. He ends his account by saying: “And peace was eminent”.

Transport

The role of transportation in spreading news and ideas in Somali society is historically well established. In the mid-nineteenth century, Somali seamen were renowned as conveyors of news from distant lands. In the 1950s, truck drivers played a central role in the composition and the transmission of a new type of love song: the heello. Through the medium of overland transport, the hello quickly spread from Somaliland to become a popular art form throughout the Somali territories.

In contemporary Somali society, like the marketplace, transportation links men and women of diverse professions, geograhical areas and generations. News of conditions in distant rural areas, districts and regions is brought to the capital, and vice-versa. Passengers share information and debate current issues, according to the time available. Within the major towns passengers on public buses tend to keep debate brief and superficial; on longer journeys between regions and districts, conversations naturally become more elaborate as each topic receives ample time. Such debates are informal and engaging, and it is not unknown that fights break out inside a bus or taxi. Typically, with the intervention of the other passengers, calm is restored and discussion continues

The mosque and religious leadership

In settled communities, the mosque (masaajid) has long performed a central function akin to that of the madal in rural areas. People come together at the mosque for worship five times aday, and religious sermons are held there on Fridays and other religious festivals. Mosques have historically played both a formal role in the education and guidance of the community, as well as an informal social role.

At Friday noon prayers the Imam of the mosque addresses the congregation on an issue of concern to the community. As people leave the mosque they continue the discussion of the issue addressed by the ‘Imam’ and may spread the word within the broader community. Outside the mosque after prayers, people typically exchange views on current affairs.

As a community’s most important gathering place, the mosque provides a venue for many other types of social interaction as well. The mosque’s considerable influence in this respect derives in part from its status as a holy place and a forum for religious teaching; as such, it is a widely held belief that only the truth can be told in Mosques, and that lies and evil are forbidden.

In recent years, as religious observance has increased, the construction and rehabilitation of mosques is moving with unprecedented speed. Some of these mosques are built with donations from certain religious groups, who subsequently run the mosques. Growing attendance at Mosques has been accompanied by proliferation of religious sects. Although, most of the topics addressed in the Mosque are of a broader religious, ethical, or social nature, there has been a noticeable growth of prayer circles comprising religious activists who share the same religious and political outlook. Workshop participants agreed that in light of such trends, the Mosque is acquiring unprecedented political influence in society.

Somaliland society is entirely Muslim. Islam has been practiced in the territory for over one thousand years, and is deeply ingrained in cultural traditions and social norms. The role of religious leaders in Somali society is well established, but went into eclipse during the putatively “Socialist” regime of Siyaad Barre, which accepted only limited expression of the Islamic faith. In the post war period, a religious revival has been taking place throughout Somali society, and religious leadership of varying orientations has returned to prominence.

There is no doubt of the importance of religious leadership in matters of reconciliation and peace, which is due in part to their perceived impartiality. When the warring groups are brought together to make peace, religious leaders may advise them on the Quran and the principles of Islam for days before substantive discussions are engaged. When a peace agreement is untilmately formalized, religious leaders typically provide the final blessing.A practice still in place in the solution of conflicts in the Republic of Somaliland. In the words of one workshop participant:

No peace effort was realized or a conflict settled without the intervention of the religious elders. They are the first to go to the site of the conflict and create the necessary atmosphere for a settlement.

Other participants underscored the point, noting how the religious leaders are the first to attend to conflicts before politicians, militiamen and elders. Some participants took the argument a step further, speaking critically of the absence of religious leadership from the political life of the country and advocating that seats be reserved for them in one or both legislative Houses: “The first article in our constitution says that the basis of our constitution is the Islamic law. In the selection of our legislative and executive bodies we depend on Harvard and Oxford graduates. We do not give room to our religious leaders. How could we expect them to be active in our political life?” questioned one traditional elder.

Whether or not religious leadership is indeed lacking from the legislature is open to dispute. Members of the Guurti in particular are expected to be well-versed in religious matters, and ensuring official respect of the Islamic faith is one of the Guurti’s constitutional duties.

Furthermore, some participants in the research process noted that religious leaders have not served exclusively as a force for peace and unity. Islamic religious sects and organizations have proliferated in Somaliland in recent years, often competing with one another or with the influentialQadiriya sect which has traditionally commanded the greatest loyalty in Somaliland. One participant, Ugaaso Maxamed Cabdiraxmaan, blamed Islamic leaders for their lack of influence in the political process: “Religious leaders are politically passive. They are divided on the basis of narrow religious tendencies and depend on the sect they follow. Certain groups may be interested in the seizure of the political power”.

The suggestion that some religious groups may pursue narrow self-interest or political agenda is based on experience. In the early 1990’s, armed members of religious organizations took part in various armed conflicts throughout Somaliland and also in Somalia. More recently, religious groups have shown themselves eager to form their own political parties and to take part in the elections, although the Constitution does not permit parties to be established on the basis of region, clan and or religion.

Religious leadership has played a less controversial role in non-political domains such as campaigning against the moral degradation among Somaliland’s youth and the negative influence of foreign cultures.According to one participant: “The religious leaders have spared no effort in raising the consciousness of the people and regenerating the decadent ethical and moral values. They have addressed the people in all forums: the mosque, the radio, mass rallies and other public gatherings”. Other participants acknowledged their own experiences of spiritual enrichment through religious awareness campaigns. Despite the absence of quantitative data, there is no denying the increasing number of people who observe prayers and attend mosques. The construction of mosques has also accelerated dramatically through the personal contributions of members of the public towards the advancement of their faith.

Religious influence extends to the domain of private enterprise. A younger generation of religiously observant entrepreneurs is actively involved in the management of the bigger companies in the fields of telecommunications, money transfer and currency exchange. Likewise, they have taken a leading role in establishing schools around the country, ranging from kindergartens to intermediate schools with a total student population that is estimated at a little less than half of the population of the primary public school system. Islamic studies and Arabic language are typically the main subjects at these schools, which use the curricula of various Arab countries instead of the national curriculum developed by the Somaliland government. Finally, Islamic charities have taken part in providing services and support to people in need.

The contribution of religious leadership to reconstruction has been most productive outside the political sphere. Participants in the research process acknowledged the value of direct contributions in the form of public education, moral and spiritual renewal and the direct provision of aid and services to the needy. Indirect contributions like those made though development of the private sector may be less evident, but they nevertheless represent an important element in Somaliland’s long-term growth and stability.

The mefrish

The term mefrish may be used to describe both a venue for chewing qaad and a circle of acquaintances who routinely meet to chew qaad in the same place. Mefrishes may be divided into two categories: those where simple social gatherings takeplace, and those more politicized mefrishes where the attendants share a common political view.

As qaad consumption has dramatically increased since the civil war, so have mefrishes been growing in number. The rapid growth of the mefrish in the post-war period has been matched by an extension of its influence as a political forum. Since 1996, participants in this study estimate the number of mefrishes to have nearly tripled - an increase that chiefly reflects a growing number of young chewers. According to workshop participants, the mefrish has become the most important forum for communication among urban males. Virtually all mefrishes serve a political function: information is exchanged, arguments are presented and debated, and opinions formed. According to the findings of one Somali psychologist, mefrishes can help to minimize frustration as many people come together to discuss and solve issues and those who feel lonely can find company.

Workshop participants disagreed on the role played by the mefrish, in part because of its transformation in recent years. Historically, mefrishes used to be rooms rented by groups of friends who enjoyed chewing qaad together. The discussions that took place there had little political content. Men from different clans and political outlooks shared the qaad sessions, identifying themselves more with their towns of residence than with their clans.

Since the civil war, however, mefrishes have acquired a less benign, more political character - a topic that will be addressed further below. Workshop participants described contemporary mefrishes as forums for distorted and disruptive information, in contrast with the masaajid and the madal. In the words of the poet Maxamed Jaamac Keyd, a workshop participant: “Under the tree the official news was disseminated. Authentic, truthful and objective news was exchanged. But in the mefrish of the town news of every kind is spread.”

In particular, mefrishes serve as hothouses of clan politics, and are often manipulated to political ends. Only a small proportion of mefrishes, mainly concentrated in the urban centers, may be said to have significant impact upon public affairs. The more influential mefrishes typically bring together members of the male urban “elite” - government officials, business leaders, clan elders and other opinion leaders - who share similar views and interests. Such mefrishes function as pressure groups and political clubs and can exert considerable pressure on the governmental decision-making process, as well as on public opinion.

Government and opposition alike may discreetly establish mefrishes intended to influence public opinion or to counter the influence of similar, mefrish-based political pressure groups. On the other hand, some mefrishes serve as bridges between different political tendencies, inviting prominent personalities from different parts of the political spectrum to hear opposing views in a relaxed and informal atmosphere, to float ideas and positions, and even to argue points of view without the risks of full public exposure. Unfortunately, participants agreed that such positive features of the mefrish are outweighed by its more destructive purposes.

Consequently, many participants in the research process were of the opinion that the mefrish is little more than a vehicle for rumour mongering. In the opinion of one woman participant:

Mefrishes are not frequented by ordinary people. Baseless rumours are generated in the mefrish. They argue on news that has no source. Its impact is rather negative rather than being constructive.

Despite the controversy over their role, mefrishes are likely to remain important features of the political scene for the foreseeable future.

Teashops

Another traditional gathering place common to both urban and rural communities is the teashop (makhaayad), where men meet to exchange news and views. Teashops provide venues for making appointments, for chewing qaad (mainly in rural areas) and for listening to the radio. As one workshop participant observed:

The teashop is a vital source of news and a meeting place of value. People come together and exchange views about life. What have the papers written? What about the radio - especially the BBC? Is there any one who has the latest news from Hargeysa? These are the ordinary questions people ask themselves.

In many villages the makhaayad (teashop) serves the dual purpose of teashop and mefrish: Customers may drink tea, chew qaad, or both. In urban areas, the youth and the unemployed typically gather in teashops in the morning to read newspapers, exchange views and share commentary on events.In the afternoon, men who do not chew qaad and members of the older generation frequent teashops, starting their discussions before they tune to the BBC Somali Service at 5.30 PM.

Interestingly, the social significance of teashops appears to vary from region to region. Since the makhaayad must compete with the mefrish for the patronage of adult males, they appear to be better attended in areas where qaad is scarcer, more expensive, or more stigmatised. Workshop participants thus noted the comparative advantage of teashops in eastern Somaliland where the qaad supply decreases, where household incomes are lower, and where religious revival is stronger.

The Kheyriya

The Kheyriya (town square) has long political tradition, dating from the early 1950s when theSNL organized weekly mass rallies to address the public on the ways and means of national liberation. The Hargeysa Kheyriya in particular served as the headquarters of the Somali National League (SNL), the party that led the struggle against the British colonialism. Theother political parties organized weekly mass rallies at their respective premises , where speeches were read and nationalistic poems and songs were sung.

The Kheyriya has since become a customary place of public assembly not only in Hargeysa, but also in other regional capitals, towns and villages around the country. At the Kheyriya, government leaders or other prominent personalities address the public from the podium, often in the presence of the mass media. Unlike other traditional channels of communication, discussions and debates do not take place at the Kheyriya.

Public events at the Kheyriya typically generate a “ripple effect” as elements of speeches are rebroadcast by traditional means and through the mass media. Members of the audience may carry the highlights of a speech by word by mouth, often verbatim (although as news is repeatedly retold it may lose its accuracy and authenticity). The print media often carries speeches by the President and senior government figures intact while the radio and television may broadcast excerpts. Unsurprisingly, the Kheyriya has witnessed a revival in recent years as a key medium of public communication.

Channels of information among women

Most public meeting places - notably the madal, the makhaayad and the mefrish - are frequently exclusively by men. Only marketplaces and public transportation offer mixed venues of exchange of news and views. Women have consequently developed separate modes of communication on social and political issues. These include the following:

• Sitaad: a weekly religious gathering where women sing and recite religious songs in praise of prophet Mohamed

• Meetings of women’s organizations

• Weddings and other festivities

• Marketplaces

The sitaad usually brings together a group of friends and acquaintances who share similar views. Likewise, most weddings and festivals involve women from a relatively narrow social base. Women’s organizations, however, particularly in the larger towns, have begun to bring together people from diverse social backgrounds.

Although typically focussed on social and domestic affairs, women’s groups may also share views on issues of an economic or political nature. Since women do not hold senior positions in government, much of the information they share is second-hand, earning it the classification of gambada dumarka (a woman’s shawl). Information whose source is unknown is also commonly referred to as gambadii dumarka, implying that it is unreliable.

FORMAL AND MASS MEDIA

Radio Hargeysa

Radio is widely considered to be the most powerful medium of communication in Somali society, in view of its compatibility with Somali oral culture. Consequently, the history of radio in Somaliland is inseparable from the political history of the territory, as this section clearly illustrates.

The first experimental radio broadcasts in Somaliland began in 1941, under the British Military Administration. Testing continued until December 1942 when Radio Kudu was established with a 100-watt transmitter, subsequently strengthened to 600-watts (Johnson, 1966). Radio Kudu was the first Somali language radio worldwide and served primarily to consolidate colonial rule in Somaliland. Government announcements, policies and regulations were disseminated over the radio, and the Somali audience was exposed to British norms and values.

In 1944 Radio Kudu was renamed Hargeysa, Radio Somali and transmission power was gradually increased from 1 kilowatt in 1945 to 5 kilowatts in 1957. With the invention of the transistor, radios spread to Somali owned teashops and private individuals (Johnson, 96).

The secession of the ‘Hawd’ and Reserved Area in 1954 to the Ethiopian Emperor by the British colonial authorities stirred deep public resentment and provoked demonstrations throughout the Somali territories, especially in the British Somaliland Protectorate. Radio Cairo, the voice of the Egyptian government led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, seized the opportunity to introduce its own broadcasts in Somali, injecting further impetus into the Somali struggle for independence. The British Colonial Office attached much attention to Radio Cairo, which broadcast influential programs in support of the national liberation movement in the British Protectorate of Somaliland and elsewhere in the other Somali territories.

The British responded to the Egyptian challenge by installing new equipment for receiving British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) transmissions in 1955, transforming the Radio Hargeysa transmitter into a relay station, and by launching the BBC Somali Service together with the Hausa and Swahili Services in 1957 (BBC,1997). Immediately prior to independence, the British upgraded the Radio Hargeysa transmitter to 10 kilowatts and 18 years later, the Somalis themselves installed a 25 KW transmitting facility. After independence, the government of the new Somali Republic naturally placed more emphasis on the nation-wide Radio Muqdisho than on Radio Hargeysa (UNESCO, 1998).

Since it’s inception in the colonial days and even long after the independence, Radio Hargeysa had served as a broader institution than a mere radio station. Multiple activities were performed under the auspices of Radio Hargeysa. It served as an organizing institution for the artists as most of the musicians, actors and singers of the time survived under it while feeding the radio with songs and short plays. In addition to this there was a photography unit that was run by the management of the radio. The photography unit was responsible in filming and documenting most of the events and had rich historical archives of photographs that were unfortunately destroyed through the civil war. The radio management also ran the “War-Soomaali-side” (Somali news carrier) a weekly English paper published by the colonial administration. The management of Radio Hargeysa carried out all these activities and in essence it served as the information department of the colonial administration, a function it had run for years. In later years of Siyaad Barre’s regime, the Ministry of Information assumed most of these activities.

Under the military regime of Mohamed Siyaad Barre, radio reached full maturity as an instrument of political propaganda. Radio Muqdisho operated from 6:00-8:00 am in the mornings and from 12:00 noon to 12:00 midnight, while radio Hargeysa operated between 1:00- 3:00pm in the afternoon and 6:00-9.00 pm in the evenings..

Radio played a key part in sustaining Barre’s dictatorship for twenty-one years. It was thus a logical step for the guerrilla movements that emerged to wage war against his regime to include radio in their own arsenals. The Somali Salvation Front (SSF) - which later evolved to become the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) - was the first of the armed fronts; from 1980 the SSF operated a broadcasting facility in Addis-Ababa known as Radio Kulmis. When the SNM joined the armed struggle, its leaders signed an accord with the SSDF at Addis Ababa in October 1982, in which they agreed to co-operate in the field of information. Radio Kulmis was subsequently renamed Radio Halgan and operated until 5 April, 1988, when it’s existence was terminated under the terms of a peace accord signed in Djibouti by Siyaad Barre and the Ethiopian military leader, Mengistu Haile Mariam.

Following a hiatus of nearly one year, the SNM inaugurated a new radio station on 5 May 1989 at its headquarters in Almis (Balli-Gubadle). Radio SNM went on the air every night from 8:00pm - 9:00pm. In the meantime, government-controlled Radio Hargeysa was destroyed in heavy fighting and was replaced by an ancient mobile radio mounted on three trucks. Just after the first week of February 1991, as government forces were routed and the SNM took power in the northwest and proclaimed the Republic of Somaliland, Radio SNM was symbolically renamed Radio Hargeysa in June 1991.

While the premises of Radio Hargeysa were entirely destroyed during the course of the war, its archives were rescued and survived largely intact. Being the oldest Somali radio, Radio Hargeysa has acquired one of the richest recording archives, and has long served as a source of songs, literary works and music for other Somali radio stations. Rehabilitation of the Radio Hargeysa premises, begun in 1991, received a major boost in 1998 through a publicly supported self-help programme, and broadcasting activities resumed there on 9 November 1999.

Since 1999 Radio Hargeysa has operated on the 41-meter short wave band and the 639 medium wave, using a transmitter donated by the government of Yemen. An FM transmitter, supplied by the BBC, was installed on 12 July, 2001 so as to enhance the reception of the BBC programs in Hargeysa. At the same time, Radio Hargeysa began broadcasting on the Internet (www.radiohargeysa.com.) for one hour and a half each day for the Somaliland community in the diaspora.

Improvement in the quality of programs has kept pace with the improved infrastructure and broadcasting capacity. Radio Hargeysa’s recording library, an unrivalled asset, has help to attract a broader audience through entertainment programs. English, Arabic and Amharic news programs have been added, and technical standards have been enhanced thanks to successive training courses offered by the BBC. However, the radio’s audience remains relatively limited: the AM broadcasts can be heard only in the immediate vicinity of Hargeysa; short-wave broadcasts can occasionally be heard further afield but most Somalilanders lack the equipment to receive them.

Print media and newspapers

The first weekly newspaper in Somaliland hit the streets of Hargeysa in 1950. It was Arabic weekly prepared in Hargeysa and printed in Aden (South Yemen), called Al-Umma (The Nation). The Editor-in-Chief was the late Maxamuud Jaamac Uurdoox. It did not live long. After only four issues, the paper folded, mainly because of the lack of printing facilities.

Three other Arabic weeklies followed: Al-Liwa (The Banner) on 24 October 1958; Qarni-Ifriiqiya (Horn of Africa), in December 1958; and Al-Saraaha (The Truth), which appeared in 1959. Each newspaper served as the official mouthpiece of an existing political party: Al-Liwa reflected the views of the NUF while the other two weeklies were the official mouthpieces of the SNL and USP respectively. Horseed Printing Press owned by Cabdillaahi Oomaar printed Al-Liwa while a press owned by Aadan Furre Samatar printed Qarni-Ifriiqiya. With the exception of the first issues of Qarni-Ifriiqiya, which were printed in Aden, all papers were printed in Hargeysa.With the union of the two Somali regions, British Somaliland Protectorate and the former Italian Trusteeship Territory in 1st July 1960 and the formation of the Somali Republic, a new capitalwas established at Muqdisho. Hargeysa’s status was reduced to that of a regional capital and most of the press joined the migration southwards to Muqdisho. Al-Liwa survived the longest of the three, closing its doors in October 1963.

For a short while, Hargeysa continued to enjoy local publications like the English weekly, the Hargeysa Herald Tribune, and the Arabic weekly Al-Jamahir. These papers tended to represent the disillusionment of northerners with the union, but by the end of 1967 they had ceased to exist.

Following the outbreak of civil war in the early 1980’s, the SNM took to publishing its own periodicals in support of the liberation struggle. Inside SNM-controlled zones, the newslettersUfo and Dhanbaal were locally printed and distributed on an irregular basis. In the diaspora, SNM supporters produced the English language monthlies Somalia Uncensored and Liberty, and the Arabic journal Al-Soomaal Al-Jadiid in London; the quarterly Somali Horizon was printed in North America. Horn of Africa, an independent journal published in the United States, was also outspoken in its condemnation of the Barre regime.

Following the SNM victory in 1991, those newssheets devoted to the struggle soon faded away. The euphoria that attended liberation and newfound freedom of expression was manifested in the mushrooming of three-page cyclostyled newsletters throughout the country. The post-liberation newssheets were pioneered by the short-lived fortnightly Ileys (Light), published by the Information Department of the SNM, whose first issue appeared on 6th April 1991 to commemorate the movement’s 10th anniversary. Other independent newletters, including Codka Hargeysa (Voice of Hargeysa), Xorriyo (Freedom) and Jamhuuriya (The Republic) rapidly proliferated. Most of these newsletters quickly disappeared because of the shortage of human and material resources.

The first printing presses were introduced to Somaliland in 1993 by Sandoon Letterpress in Hargeysa and another private company in Berbera. The National Printing Press (NPP) was installed in Hargeysa in 1995, and on 2 November 1995 printed the first offset version of Jamhuuriya. Xorriyo, printed by Sandoon Printing Press, soon followed on August 13 1997, but ceased publication in July 1998. In early1997 the government purchased the Berbera printing press and began publishing Maandeeq on 1 January 1997. Jamhuuriya was joined by its English language sister publication, the weekly Republican, on 20 November 1997. The independent newspaper, Himilo, first appeared at the end of 1998 and continued for nine months. It reappeared again in May 2001, followed by the women’s broadsheet Codka Haweenka, but both rapidly disappeared. At the end of 2001, a group of former Jamhuuriya journalists started printing the Somali language Haatuf, a weekly Arabic version called al-Haatif. In January 2002 they added the English language Somaliland Times to their repertoire. Maandeeq, the government’s official paper, soon responded tothese opposition by printing Arabic and English weeklies by the names of Qarni Ifriiqiya (“Horn of Africa”) and the Hargeysa Tribune. Codka Shacabka (“The Voice of the People), another independent Somali paper that comes out every other day also appeared in early 2002, bringing the total number of newspapers in Somaliland to nine.

Jamhuuriya leads in circulation figures, selling 2,000-2,500 copies of each edition in Somaliland, and a further 1,000 copies in London. The Republican reaches approximately 1,500 readers. Maandeeq has a much more limited circulation of approximately 500 copies. Despite this relatively limited leadership, the newspapers dominate political commentary in Hargeysa, and have considerable influence within the Somaliland community as a whole.

The Performing Arts

The history of the performing arts in Somaliland dates from the early 1950s. As the deadline for independence approached, the theatre tackled a range of themes from social, moral and cultural issues to the struggle against British domination. The dramatists of the period drew their inspiration from two historically important phenomena: the rise of the Heello (a prototype of Somali pop music which was in turn derived from the Belwo) and the introduction of children’s drama in schools, staged mostly in Arabic. The artful combination of these two ingredients gave birth to the Hargeysawischool of drama, which came to be practiced throughout the Somali-inhabited territories.Another school, the Banaadiri theatre, later originated in Muqdisho but favoured use of the local Xamari dialect which limited its attraction to non-Xamari speakers.

School dramas were typically staged during the opening and closing ceremonies of the academic year, directed by teachers and acted by pupils. In the 1950’s, as the Heello grew in popularity, it gradually became an essential component of theatre productions. One of the pioneers in the new art form was Yuusuf Xaaji Aadan, an early architect of Somaliland’s education system and a distinguished poet and artist with tremendous capabilities and creativity. Later in life he would play a major political role in the national liberation movement.

In 1956, the first drama by a professional group by the name of Cantar iyo Cabla was staged in Hargeysa. The play is based on a legendary Arabic love story and was composed by Xuseen Aw Faarax, with music and production by Cabdillaahi Qarshe - widely considered to be the founding father of modern Somali music. The same production team went on to produce a second musical drama entitled Isa-seeg (meaning “Misunderstanding”), a love story performed by Maxamed Axmed and Axmed Cali Haruun. Two men, Cumar Dhuulle and Xasan Gidhin, played the female roles since it was considered taboo to put women on stage in that period.

The emergence of Hargeysawi theatre in the mid-1950’s coincided with another important development in the performing arts more closely linked to the political undercurrents of the late colonial period: the formation of the Walaalo Hargeysa (Hargeysa Brothers). The Walaalo Hargeysa played a significant role in the development of modern Somali verse, and their lyrics encompassed political as well as social themes of the day. The quest for independence figured large in their literary achievement.

The ‘Walaalo Hargeysa’are important for their part in popularizing the drive for independence and for composing many varied poems. They are remembered because of their potency of verse and not for acts of terror or violence which they in no way perpetrated (Johnson, 96).

One of the leaders of Walaalo Hargeysa was Maxamed Ismaaciil Baa-sarce “Barkhad-Cas” a famous nationalist composer who died in his thirties in January 1963. At the burial ceremony of “Barkhad-cas” Cabdillaahi Qarshe sung his famous tribute Waa ayaanba ayaan (“Everyone has his Day”). Likewise, at the burial ceremony of Cabdillaahi Qarshe in November 1997, artists in Hargeysa performed the song “Cabdillaahi Waayeel” (Cabdillaahi the Great), paying tribute to his contribution to the development of music and Somali arts. Singing in a burial ceremony is a very unusual thing in Somali culture and these two tributes appear to be the only incidents of this nature on historical record.

Following independence in June 1960, theatre captured the mood of the democratic period, fostering the patriotic spirit of the people as Somali nationalism has reached its peak. But when the military seized power in 1969, the theatre, like all the performing arts, was co-opted in the service of the Barre regime.

The military government established a number of theatrical groups whose purpose was to carry the message of theputative “ Revolution” to every village. Travelling theatre troupes composed a seemingly endless repertoire of songs in praise of the revolution and of its great helmsman, Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Chief among these troupes were the following:

• Waaberi: (The Dawn): The largest and most influential artist troupe, Waaberi consisted of the most high profile artists. Their complement of more than one hundred composers, musicians, actors, singers, folklore dancers and other professionals was divided between the National Theatres of Muqdisho and Hargeysa, under the direction of the Ministry of Information and National Guidance:

• Heegan (Vigilance) of the Police Force

• Horseed (Vanguard) of the Armed Forces

• Onkod (Thunder) of the Custodial Corps

• Halgan (Struggle) of the Pioneers of the Revolution

In addition, regional and district troupes operated on behalf of the ruling Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party and related administrative organs. The remaining independent artists were generally considered potential enemies of Revolution and were compelled to leave the country or face harsh prison sentences handed out by the security courts.

Despite tight government control of theatre troupes, artists occasionally managed to compose and perform subversive theatrical works whose finely veiled messages slipped past government censors undetected. The vast majority of theatrical production, however, served simply as government propaganda.

… Great stress was placed on propaganda and thought control. Even the smallest permanent settlement in the countryside was expected to have its orientation with, ideally, a suitable complement of Marxist-Leninist literature and portraits of the reigning trinity: Jaalle Siyaad, Jaalle Markis (Marx), andJaalle Lenin (Lewis, 94).

One of the rare contributions to the performing arts of the Barre period was the construction of the National theatre of Hargeysa during the 1970’s as a self-help project. The government and the people joined efforts in realizing the project. People contributed with money and their physical labour. Designed by national architects, the theatre was located in the east-central part of the city of Hargeysa, with the Museum to the northwest and the City Council to the west. To the south, the Hargeysa Public Library faced the theatre across a broad tarmac square. The seating capacity of the theatre was 2,500 fixed seats and 500 mobile chairs; there was also an elegant garden and a spacious parking area. There was recreation centre with refreshments, a cafeteria and three stereo audio shops for the duplication of cassettes and their marketing. Fifteen adjacent houses were built to accommodate the artists and their families. In sum, the theatre offered a sophisticated and attractive environment for artists and audience alike. In 1988, at the height of the civil war, the National Theatre was deliberately and totally razed to the ground by government forces. Its reconstruction and revival remains an outstanding challenge to the people and authorities of Somaliland.

Post-war theatre in Somaliland

The performing arts have been slow to recover from the civil war. The absence of the theatre at this crucial stage of reconstruction and development has deprived artists of an important professional asset and a hub of creativity. Dependency on government, fostered under the Barre regime, has continued in the post-war period: many prominent artists are on the payroll of either the Ministry of Culture and Tourism or the Ministry of Information. Since neither Ministry has the funds to mount major productions, artists are under-employed and have suffered a concomitant decline in morale, creativity and prestige.

Conversely, Somali artists in the diaspora (especially in Europe and North America) have become increasingly dynamic. New bands have brought innovations to Somali music, and often address such issues like conditions of life as refugees and nostalgia for their homeland. One such popular drama is Maxamuud Cabdillaahi “Singub’s” Qabyo, produced and staged in Canada in the mid-1990s, whose main theme addresses the pressures of life in the diaspora on family values and relationships.

Artistic innovation in the diaspora has not been wholly positive. New recording technologies have facilitated unauthorized “covers” of old songs by new bands, and pirate reproductions of existing recordings have become a lucrative business. Somali radios such as Radio Hargeysa, BBC, and Radio Addis-Ababa have helped to legitimise such practices by playing the new versions, while the originals may be gathering dust in their libraries. Only the original authors and performers seem to have been excluded from cashing in on the new industry.

Little can be done to curb piracy in the diaspora, but Somaliland’s artists receive at least nominal protection under Article 16 of the new Constitution, which reads:

The government will develop knowledge and culture and will encourage creativity and research. A law will govern copyright. The government will promote positive aspects of the national culture while considering at the same time what could be taken from the world cultural heritage,The government will resist all social evils that contradict religious and moral values.

Relevant laws, however, have yet to be drafted and come into effect, meaning that artists will remain without effective protection for some time to come.

Despite the constraints described above, drama and music have played an important role in the process of Somaliland’s reconstruction, notably with respect to peace initiatives and other major political gatherings.

Grand Reconciliation and Peace Conference of Northern Elders, Burco 1991

Two artist troupes performed at the Grand Reconciliation and Peace Conference of Northern Elders, which opened in Burco on 5 May 1991. This Conference consdolidated peace among the clans, and served as the prelude to the restoration of the sovereignty of the Republic of Somaliland.

One musical band from the SNM fighting units and another from Awdal region took part. Despite their common bond as artists, the bands represented opposite sides in the civil war. Laying down their arms to perform together onstage with appeals for repentance and brotherhood, they set a moving example for the other delegates and help to shape the mood of the gathering. Both bands gave special performances in the Elder’s Conference, and also in the subsequent SNM Central Committee meeting, illustrating the agony of war and calling for a genuine and lasting peace.

Grand Elders’ Peace Conferences, Sheekh 1992 and Boorame 1993

The theatre again took an active part in the Grand Elders’ Peace Conference in October 1992 at Sheekh. The conference put an end to nearly a year of fighting between rival militias in Somaliland. The town of Sheekh itself had been severely affected by the fighting.

The success of the Sheekh Conference paved the way for the Boorame Elders’ Conference of 1993, which managed the peaceful transfer of power from the SNM to a civilian administration led by President M. I. Cigaal. The Conference also produced the new Peace Charter and National Charter that would frame Somaliland’s political life for the next three years.

During the course of both conferences, theatrical troupes presented plays, songs and poetry of relevance. In their shows and performances the artists depicted the difficulties of the war and the refugee camps and the sweetness of peace. Songs and short comic shows were also staged, both to convey a conciliatory message and for entertainment.

Gerissa Peace Conference, 1993

The Gerissa Peace Conference of 1993 restored calm to the communities of Awdal region, after a prolonged period of low-key conflict between the two main clans of Awdal. A delegation led by the then Minister of Interior, supported by some elders, handled the mediation efforts, which took a several months. Despite the remote location of the gathering, the Awdal musical band took part in the conference and contributed directly to its success. The band performed reconciliatory shows and songs denouncing war and encouraging the peacemakers.

Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration:

The talents of performing artists have also been applied to less formal episodes of the peace process. The playwrights Xasan Xaaji Cabdillaahi Ganey and Yuusuf Aadan have contributed to national disarmament, demobilization and reintegration efforts with their popular drama Abaal-guud waa la hayaaye, ammaankaa ka horreeya (“We will have our reward, but peace should berealized first ”). The play was originally commissioned by the National Demobilization Commission (NDC) with assistance from GTZ, and first staged in Hargeysa in late 1995 with a cast including some of Somaliland’s best-known actors, singers and musicians. It has since been shown in most of the regions and districts of Somaliland.

Other dramas and musical plays have addressed the same subject, sometimes to dramatic effect. It is not unknown for militiamen to approach the stage, hang their weapons on the performers’ shoulders and return to their seats unarmed, offering asymbolic endorsement of the play’s message.

Television and video

Somaliland TV (initially known as Hargeysa TV) was inaugurated in July 1997 and is the youngest member of Somaliland’s media community. Prior to 1997, Somaliland had never experienced television (under Siyaad Barre, Muqdisho TV had been limited to the capital city andit’s surroundings). Over 2,000 houses in Hargeysa subscribe to the television (with an average of 6 to 7 persons per household) at a monthly cost of US$10 per month plus a US$45 installation fee. In addition, estimated 400 pirate TV viewers do not pay the installation fees and subscriptions. The Burco branch of the television, established in2001 is reported to have attracted almost 100 customers. As early 2002, the total television audience was therefore estimated at 15,000 viewers. At the end of 2001 the television has been extended to Boorame town where a new channel was inaugurated.

The television broadcasts for five hours daily (6:30 pm-11.30 pm) with extra time on Fridays and other festive days. The BBC and UNICEF have offered training programs to television personnel, and technicians have travelled for training to Mauritius and Zimbabwe.

With an employment capacity of 35 employees the television is able to cover its own operating costs. According to the station management, subscriptions cover eighty per cent of the television expenses while the advertisements and programs cover the remaining twenty per cent. The investors are still required to cover new expenditure related to equipment upgrades and extension programs.

While the television’s technical standards are sufficient for its task, programming is its salient defect. According to the TV management, most programmes are produced locally, while a small percentage are “borrowed” from satellite TV stations and translated into Somali. These latter are mainly foreign news programmes and episodes of popular weekly series. Although local programming accommodates the views of the different political actors in Somaliland, the television is generally perceived to be sympathetic to opposition than to the government.

In addition to the local television, Somalilanders have access to satellite television and imported videos. Satellite programming currently offers a blend of international news channels and domestic programmes from mainly Arab states. Videos can be rented privately or viewed in numerous small “cinemas” equipped with televisions and video-cassette players. The latter are commonly accused of showing films with inappropriate scenes of sex and violence. However, since neither the satellite television nor the video shops exert meaningful influence on domestic political issues, they are not dealt with further in this paper.

Telecommunications and the Internet

Access to telephones in Somaliland has grown at an unprecedented rate since the civil war. While pre-war access was extremely limited and access inefficient, new telecommunication technology has permitted the proliferation of telephone companies employing both land-lines and cellular networks, as well as offering Internet services. In 2001, five telecommunications companies were active in Somaliland, with a total clientele of approximately 23,550. Secondary towns and remote villages that have never previously enjoyed access to telephones can now use the latest equipment at comparatively low rates: the average cost of local calls is Soltelco 0.10 US$, STC 0.07 US$ and Barakaat Globetel is free.While the average cost of international calls is US$ 1.3 on business hours and 1 US$ per minute on weekends, national holidays and after 9.00 PM on weekdays. The rapid, affordable expansion of the telecommunications sector has vastly enhanced the exchange of information both internally and externally.

The Internet is a comparatively new medium in Somaliland, and its accessibility remains limited by expense and by the relatively low number of computers in the country. The first commercial Internet services were introduced in Boorame by AeroliteTelecommunications, and in Hargeysa by Aerolite and Barakaat GlobeTel Company in the year 2000 and 2001. Somaliland Telecommunications Company (STC) introduced Internet services in following the installation of local servers in May 2001. Between late 2000and July 2002, Internet connection rates dropped from US$6/hour to US$1.50/hour. The total number of Internet users in October 2001 was estimated at close to 500 (approx. 300 customers with Barakaat and 12 with Aerolite). Following the collapse of the Al-Barakaat consortium in November 2001, STC and Aerolite moved quickly to upgrade their systems and fill the gap in the market and numbers of subscribers continued to grow.

Internet service providers appear to recognize that their business involves social responsibility. Barakaat and Aerolite provide subsidized services to local training institutions such as the African Institute of Administration and Development (AIDAM), the Business Facility Center, and the Business Service Center. The companies offer software training and have considered supporting the start up of local “cybercafés” to improve public access.

Despite the relatively limited audience for Internet services in Somaliland, the communications potential of the Internet is already being felt. The dramatic proliferation of Somali-oriented website - most of them managed by members of the diaspora - allows virtually instantaneous transmission of news, views, rumor and polemic from across the social and political spectrum.

Synthesis of the informal and traditional media

The various traditional and modern media channels are intimately inter-woven. Local events and perspectives may be picked up by the mass media and communicated to a broad audience. Conversely, news disseminated by the mass media is relayed - faithfully or otherwise - through a multitude of informal channels. Articles in local newspapers are routinely posted to websites and may be cited in the international media as authoritative sources; reports in foreign newspapers may be picked up from the World Wide Web, sent by email or fax to recipients in Somaliland, and relayed to listeners in the bus, mefrish, marketplace or teashop.