INTRODUCTION
AbuHamid
Muhammad al-Ghazali
was born atTus
in Persia in 450 A,H
. (1058 A.D.) His father died when he was quite young, but the guardian saw to it that this `lad o’pairts
’ and his brother received a good education. After the youngGhazali
had spent some years of study under the greatest theologian of the age, al-Juwayni
, Imam al-Haramayn
, his outstanding intellectual gifts were noted byNizam
al-Mulk
, the all-powerful vizier of the Turkish sultan who ruled the `Abbasid caliphate of Baghdad, and he appointed him professor at the university he had founded in the capital. Thus at the age of thirty-three he had attained to one of the most distinguished positions in the academic world of his day.
Four years later, however, he had to meet a crisis; it had physical symptoms but it was primarily religious. He came to feel that the one thing that mattered was avoidance of Hell and attainment of Paradise, and he saw that his present way of life was too worldly to have any hope of eternal reward. After a severe inner struggle he left Baghdad to take up the life of a wandering ascetic. Though later he returned to the task of teaching, the change that occurred in him at this crisis was permanent. He was now a religious man, not just a worldly teacher of religious sciences. He died atTus
in 505 (1111).
The first of the books here translated, Deliverance from Error (literally, `What
delivers from error’-al-Munqidh
min ad-Dalal
), is the source for much of what we know about al-Ghazali’s
life. It is autobiographical, yet not exactly an autobiography. It presents us with an intellectual analysis of his spiritual growth, and also offers arguments indefence
of the view that there is a form of human apprehension higher than rational apprehension, namely, that of the prophet when God reveals truths to him. Moreover close study shows that al-Ghazali
does not always observe strict chronology, but has schematized his description of his intellectual development. Al-Ghazali
introduces his discussions in a manner reminiscent of Descartes.The `bonds of mere authority’ ceased to hold him, as they ceased to hold the father of modern European philosophy.
Looking for `necessary’ truths al-Ghazali
came, like Descartes, to doubt the infallibility of sense-perception, and to rest his philosophy rather on principles which are intuitively certain. With this in mind al-Ghazali
divided the various `seekers’ after truth into the four distinct groups of Theologians, Philosophers, Authoritarians and Mystics.
(1) Scholastic theology had already achieved a fair degree of elaboration in thedefence
of Islamic orthodoxy, as a perusal of al-Irshad
by al-Juwayni
, (translated into French), will show. Al-Ghazali
had been brought up in this tradition, and did not cease to be a theologian when he became a mystic. His criticism of the theologians is mild. He regards contemporary theology as successful in attaining its aims, but inadequate to meet his own special needs because it did not go far enough in the elucidation of its assumptions. There was no radical change in his theological views when he became a mystic, only a change in his interests, and some of his earlier works in the field ofdogmatics
are quoted with approval in al-Munqidh
.
(2) The Philosophers with whom al-Ghazali
was chiefly concerned were those he calls `theistic’, above all, al-Farabi
andIbn
Sina
(Avicenna). Their philosophy was a form ofNeoplatonism
, sufficiently adapted to Islamic monotheism for them to claim to be Muslims. Though the part they played in stimulating the medieval Christian scholastics is acknowledged, the contribution of these men to the intellectual progress of mankind as a whole has not yet been fully appreciated. To the great body of Muslims, however, some of their positions were unacceptable, because they tended to contradict principles essential to the daily life of believing Muslims. The achievement of al-Ghazali
was to master their technique of thinking-mainly Aristotelian logic-and then, making use of that, to refashion the basis of Islamic theology, to incorporate as much of theNeoplatonists
’ teaching as was compatible with Islam, and to expose the logical weakness of the rest of their philosophy. The fusion of Greek philosophical techniques with Islamic dogma which had been partly accomplished by al-Ash`ari
(d. 324/935) was thus in essence completed, though the working-out was left to al-Ghazali’s
successors. Undoubtedly al-Ghazali
learnt much from theseNeoplatonists
, but the allegations that he finally adopted some of their fundamental principles, which he had earlier criticized, are to be denied, since they are based on works falsely attributed to al-Ghazali
.
(3) Those whom al-Ghazali
calls the party ofta’lim
or `authoritative instruction’ (also known asIsma`iliyah
andBatiniyah
) held that truth is to be attained not by reason but by accepting the pronouncements of the infallible Imam. The doctrine had an important political reference since it was the official ideology of a rival state, the Fatimid caliphate with centre in Cairo, and thus anyone who held it was suspect of being, at the least, a ‘fellow-traveller
’.
(4) There had been an ascetic element in Islam from the time of Muhammad himself, and this could easily be combined with orthodoxy. Sufism, however, was usually something more than asceticism, and the strictly mystical elements which it contained often led to heterodox theology. From the Sufis or mystics al-Ghazali
received most help with his personal problems, yet he could also criticize their extravagances, like the words of al-Hallaj
, `I am the Ultimate Reality’. Al-Ghazali
was at great pains to keep his mysticism in harmony with orthodox dogma and with the performance of the common religious duties. When he became a mystic he did not cease to be a good Muslim any more than he ceased to be anAsh’arite
theologian.
What al-Ghazali
learnt in the years of solitude after he left Baghdad he tried to set down in his greatest work, The Revival of the Religious Sciences (Ihya
’ `Ulum
ad-Din).
The second of the books translated below, The Beginning of Guidance (Bidayat
al-Hidayah
), presents one side of the teaching there given, namely, the religious practices and the conduct in social relationships which al-Ghazali
set up as an ideal. Thus The Beginning of Guidance is an introduction to theIhya
’; it deals with the ‘purgative way’ and directs the reader to the larger work for what lies beyond that. The ideal resembles that of a monastic third order with a very strict rule; it does not seem to be suited to the hurried life of a modern city. Yet al-Ghazali’s
seriousness and sense of urgency stand out vividly and communicate themselves. The book is interesting, too, in that, though al-Ghazali’s
standpoint is almost modern in many ways, dark forces of superstition are prominent in the background.
Al-Ghazali
has sometimes been acclaimed in both East and West as the greatest Muslim after Muhammad, and he is by no means unworthy of that dignity. His greatness rests above all on two things: (1) He was the leader in Islam’s supreme encounter with Greek philosophy-that encounter from which Islamic theology emerged victorious and enriched, and in which ArabicNeoplatonism
received a blow from which it did not recover. (2) He brought orthodoxy and mysticism into closer contact; the orthodox theologians still went their own way, and so did the mystics, but the theologians became more ready to accept the mystics as respectable, while the mystics were more careful to remain within the bounds of orthodoxy.
Yet perhaps the greatest thing about al-Ghazali
was his personality, and it may yet again be a source of inspiration. Islam is now wrestling with Western thought as it once wrestled with Greek philosophy, and is as much in need as it was then of a `revival of the religious sciences’. Deep study of al-Ghazali
may suggest to Muslims steps to be taken if they are to deal successfully with the contemporary situation. Christians, too, now that the world is in a cultural melting-pot, must be prepared to learn from Islam, and are unlikely to find a more sympathetic guide than al-Ghazali
.
NOTES ON THE TRANSLATION
The wordSalat
has been rendered `Worship’ rather than `prayers’ following ProfessorCalverley
, Worship in Islam, since it seemed desirable to keep ‘prayer’ fordu’a
’.
For an explanation of the technical terms connected with the Worship see the above volume, or Encyclopedia of Islam, art.sat
, or Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, art.Prayer.
The text of al-Munqidh
used was that of the third Damascus edition ofJamil
Saliba
andKamil
`Ayyad
, dated 1358/1939; that of theBidayah
one dated Cairo 1353/1934. I have deviated from the printed text of al-Munqidh
at the following points: p. 99, line 6,awliyh
’ instead ofanbiya
’ ;
p. 125, 6, omit semicolon and vocalize as ‘ilma-hu
; 143, 3 vocalize asturaddu
instead oftaridu
. In theBidayah
, 39, 14 addti
or ma beforeyasta`in
. (= translation p.151).