Logical Foundations of Induction

Alhassanain (p) Network for Islamic Heritage and Thought

Logical Foundations of Induction

(Al-usus al-mantiqiyyah li'l-istiqra ')

MuhammadBaqir As-Sadr

Translated by M.F.Zidan

www.alhassanain.org/english

Table of Contents

Preface to Online Version 6

Introduction 7

The logical foundations of Induction 7

Induction 9

Part 1: Induction and Epistemology 9

Chapter 1: Aristotelian Induction 9

Meanings of Induction 9

Aristotle's perfect induction 9

Criticism of perfect induction 10

Recapitulation 11

Aristotle's imperfect induction 11

The Problem of induction 11

Formal logic and the problem 12

Misunderstanding of formal logic 13

Aristotelian epistemology and induction 13

Formal logic and chance 14

Need of definite formulation 15

The crucial point of difference 15

Chapter 2: Criticism of Aristotelian Induction 17

Indefinite Knowledge 17

Genesis of indefinite Knowledge 17

Aristotelian principle and indefinite knowledge 18

First Objection 18

Second objection 19

Third Objection 19

Fourth Objection 20

Fifth Objection 21

Sixth Objection 21

Seventh Objection 22

Chapter 3: Induction And Empiricism 23

Certainty Attitude 23

On the First and Third Questions 23

Discussion 24

On the second question 24

Answer to that question 24

Probability Attitude 26

Discussions 27

Psychological Attitude 28

Examination of psychological attitude 30

(1) Belief 30

(2) Causality and Reason 31

(3) Causality and Experience 32

(4) Concept of Causality 32

(5) Belief in causality 33

Physiological Explanation of Induction 35

Part 2: Induction And Probability 36

Chapter 1: Calculus of Probability 36

Introduction 36

Axioms of the theory 36

Rules of the Calculus 37

Bernoulli's law of large numbers 38

Chapter 2: The Interpretation of Probability 40

(A) Fundamental Definition 40

The First problem 40

The Second Problem 41

(B) Probability in the Finite Frequency Theory 42

Real and Hypothetical Probabilities 42

New Definition of Probability 44

A. The axioms of the new definition 45

Difficulties of our definition 46

The new definition and the calculus 47

The new definition and inverse probability 47

The definition and the Bags - example 47

Our definition and Bernoulli's law 47

The first example 48

The second example 48

Completeness of our definition 48

New axioms 49

Ground of Dominance Axiom 50

Categorical and Hypothetical indefinite knowledge 50

Conditional knowledge that is real 51

Recapitulation 52

Chapter 3: The Deductive Phase Of Induction 53

Causality 53

First Application 54

Rule of multiplication 54

Application of Dominance Axiom 55

Dominance and the problem of a priori probability 56

Second Application 56

The absence of effect does not occur in both cases 56

Third Application 57

Multiplication or dominance 58

Hypothetical Knowledge And Empirical Causality 58

Fourth Application 59

Chapter 4: Modern Theories of Probability 61

Difficulties of Laplace's theory 62

Keynes and Induction 64

Difficulties of Keynes' Interpretation 65

Causal Relations 66

Logical Justification 66

Philosophical justification 67

Scientific Justification 67

Tactical Justification 67

Another Form of Deductive Phase 68

Requirements of the deductive phase 69

Induction and formal logic 69

Chapter 5: Induction and Certainty 71

Subjective Role in Certainty 71

Kinds of certainty 71

Objective certainty require[s] an axiom 72

The formulation of the postulate 73

Conditions of the Postulate 74

The first form of the postulate 74

Objections and Answers 77

1. Is causality a term in indefinite Knowledge 77

2. Attempt to deny our knowledge of causality 77

3. Misapplication of inductive postulate 78

4. Indefinite Probability 79

The Second Form of the Postulate 80

Reformulation of Aristotle's principle 82

Discussion 84

Objection and Answer 85

Part 3: Human Knowledge And Probability 87

Chapter 1: Classes of Statements 87

Principles of demonstration 87

Principles of other forms of inference 87

Universal empirical statements 89

Intuitive statements 90

Testimonial statements 90

Testimonial statements and a priori probability 92

Solution of the Problem 93

Belief in rational agent 95

Inductive proof of God's existence 95

(3) or by virtue of an unwise maker having non-purposive actions 96

Basic Empirical Statements 99

Inductive ways concerning the first formulation 100

Inductive ways concerning the second formulation 101

Our knowledge of the external world is inductive 103

Belief in the conditions of perception is inductive 103

Resemblance between percepts and realities 104

Beliefs in resemblances of particulars 105

Recapitulation 106

Primitive and innate statements 106

Exceptions 107

Differences between primitive and inductive statements 107

Induction and mathematical statements 108

Chapter 2: Is There A priori Knowledge? 110

Empirical Statements 110

Formal Statements 110

Logical Positivism 112

Criticism 113

Empiricism and Meaning of Statements 114

Reichenbach's Position 116

Russell's Objection 116

Discussion 116

CONCLUSION 118

Notes 119

Preface to Online Version

The basic thesis of this book is that the same logic of induction on which scientific methodology is based can be used to prove the existence of God. The implication of this work is far reaching, for it attempts to layout a unifying, common basis of research in religion, social sciences, and natural sciences.“Our Philosophy” and“The Revealer,The Messenger, and the Message” , the two other books by the same author, are very relevant in this regard and useful for a wider understanding of author's thesis. It is suggested that those readers who wish to read this book in search of only a theistic argument on the existence of God may first want to check the second of the abovementioned books; because that book is written specifically with that purpose in mind. The author himself says in one of the chapters of that book that he has avoided“difficult and complicated constructions and analyses not readily accessible to the average reader” in that book.

As for the present book, as the introduction by the translator testifies, this book is a valuable contribution to philosophy and methodology of science, the probability theory, and theistic argument in support of the existence of God. Given the complexity of argument in this book, the translator’s efforts are commendable. Still, at places, one finds the translation to be lacking. At other times, there are typos. We have tried to correct them (in red marks) in the text as much as possible. (The words in plain red are typos we were certain about, hence we corrected them. The words in brackets are mistakes we were not very sure about. At places we have added some ideas from other works by the same author to make it more accessible. The brackets with [x__] means that text inside was what was there when we scanned the book, but we were not sure about it, so we suggest alternative outside the bracket and quote the original in the [x__] for reader's reference.) We hope that you will find this book useful for your academic pursuit.

Introduction

The logical foundations of Induction

Reading through the history of human thought, it is found that inference which man employs in his intellectual and practical life is mainly divided into deduction and induction. Each of which is distinct in nature and procedure.

In deduction, the conclusion never surpasses the premises; the conclusion is either less than or equal to what is asserted in the premises. Thus, the conclusion is necessarily true if its premises are true; the conclusion, in deduction, follows from its premises by virtue of the principle of non-contradiction.

But, in induction, the conclusion has more in it than what is presented in the premises. The conclusion is not inferred deductively. The procedure in induction is contrary to that made in syllogism.The latter moves from general to particular while the former moves from particular to general. Such move from particular to general cannot have the principle of non-contradiction as its basis, as we can assume the premises to be true and the conclusion false without falling into contradiction. Hence, the principle of non-contradiction does not justify inductive conclusions but leads to a gap when proceeding from particular to general.

In this book, we try to present a reformulation of the theory of knowledge in a scientific, philosophical and objective manner based on the theory of probability so as to fill the gap in the intellectual march of man.

Professor As-Sadr tries in the first chapters of the book to present a critical exposition of rationalism represented in Aristotelian logic based on induction. The Aristotelian logic proves inefficient in filling the gap. Professor As-Sadr moves on to a thorough exposition of the empirical theory with its different trends and its method in bridging the gap. Further, he points out the inefficiency of such logic, being unable to present a substantial explanation that can embrace the inductive proof.

The rest of the book tackles the grounds and principles of the theory of probability with a reformulation of it. Professor As-Sadr successfully presents the theory as a basis for inductive proof. Finally, the eminent Muslim jurist tries to display the domains of human knowledge based on deduction and tries to interpret such knowledge in the same manner as that based on induction. Hence, he crowned his great efforts, sound thinking and broadmindedness in proving through clear evidence that the logical grounds of all scientific inference derived from observation and experiment are the same logical grounds proving the Maker of this universe; a universe abounding in signs of wisdom and sagacity, his inference is inductive by nature and in its implementation of the general way required for the inductive proof in its two phases.

With this logical proof, man faces two confusing alternatives: either to reject the scientific inference as a whole or to accept it and give the inductive inference proving the Maker the same weight as the scientific one.

Through such an objective, scientific method, Professor As-Sadr proves that science and faith are interrelated in their logical and inductive grounds. Hence, we can never separate between both of them in light of the logical standpoint of induction.

Hence, the eminent professor sets the logical rules or empirical proof on the existence of God after expounding the logical correlation between scientific inference and the inductive method to reveal the signs of wisdom and sagacity, hence, the existence of the Maker, We can say that the Muslim thinker, Mohammed As-Sadr , in his book“The logical Foundations of Induction” , opens a new horizon breaking the barriers between the modern scientific method and the postulates of the cultural history to the Muslim thinkers, Professor As-Sadr probed deep into the world of research, mastering his tools, armed with natural science. The professor refuted the pretext with another; the proof with another, enjoying a profound understanding of the western thinking.

“The logical Foundations of Induction” has, thus, crowned all the professor's efforts in the field of intellectual creativity. Professor As-Sadr is considered one of the few thinkers who probed deep into this sophisticated scientific and philosophical domain tackling one of the most serious problems in the philosophy of science and the contemporary scientific method.

Regrettably, the author, though an eminent thinker with authentic, creative concepts and with an invaluable method covering scientific, cultural and religious values, has never enjoyed the glamour he deserves.This book, though one of the author's greatest studies, has never enjoyed due attention whether through translation to other languages or research and studies conducted on such a prolific author's creative work.

Finally, trying to introduce the book of such a great jurist and eminent thinker as Professor As-Sadr , may God bless him, is no easy task. It is an onerous task as the Professor enjoyed broadmindedness and was highly acquainted, with scientific, juristic and ideological knowledge. I hesitated a lot due to the prominent stand of Professor As-Sadr and the grandeur of this book, scientifically and philosophically. I only accepted thishonourable task after the insistence of the publisher and those concerned in this sphere. I accepted such a great responsibility which is considered anhonour . I ask Almighty God to help mefulfil such a task and to be up to the responsibility.

Dr.Ghafer Abbass Hagi

Professor of Islamic Economics

Kuwait University

2- Madrasahs In Pakistan

Madrasahs and the Pakistan Movement

The Aligarh Movement, which had been basically an educational movement, gradually became a political movement when Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, its founder, initiated the demand for reservation of seats for the Muslim community in elected bodies and the representation of Muslims through a separate electorate. Not satisfied with the performance of the Indian National Congress as representative of all communities of India, the supporters of the Aligarh Movement set up their own political organization, the Muslim League, with the explicit objective of protecting the rights of the Muslim community. Earlier the stand taken by Sir Syed for the defense of Urdu (when extremist Hindus tried to replace it by Hindi as official language in 1867) had determined a different course to be chosen from that of the Congress for the protection of the rights of the Muslims of the Subcontinent.[66] He had become uneasy at the Congress plan for “democratizing” India. He felt this would leave Muslims at the mercy of the numerically superior Hindus. A. Hamid quotes him in theAligarh Movement in the following words:

Ours is a vast country inhibited by diverse folks deeply divided by racial and religious antagonisms. They lack homogeneity. Different sections of the population stand at varying levels of cultural development. So long as religion and caste are the chief props of the Indian social system, electoral machinery based on the Western pattern would lead neither to equality nor to fraternity. It would enable the more advanced sections of the population to hold their less fortunate countrymen in thralldom. Cultural difference, caste dissentions and religious wrangling would be more pronounced than ever. Inequalities would sink deeper in the society.[67]

The Deobandiulema were content with their socio-religious role until the end of the nineteenth century. However with the beginning of the twentieth century they made explicit their political views. The approach of theDeoband ulema to Indian politics differed fundamentally from its counterpart at Aligarh. They believed that geography was the ultimate determinant of nationalism in the context of India and the concept of Indian Muslim nationalism contradicted the concept of universal Muslim nationalism. On the basis of a mutually antagonistic political approach, both the educational movements chose different political platforms during the freedom struggle. While Aligarh aligned itself with the Muslim League under the leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Deobandi supported the Congress during the freedom movement.[68]

The gulf between Deoband and Aligarh had widened because Sir Syed had contributed articles to the Aligarh Institute Gazette denying the pretensions of Sultan Abdul Hamid[69] to thekhilafat and preaching loyalty to the British rulers of India, even if they were compelled to pursue an unfriendly policy towards Turkey, while Deoband was consistent since the very beginning in its policy of friendship and alliance with the Sultan of Turkey. The Deobandi still considered India asDar-ul-arb , but Aligarh saw no sense in it. The gulf between the two Muslim institutions continued to exist and widen and divided the Muslims of India into two hostile blocks.[70]

The situation changed after the First World War when the Muslims of the Subcontinent launched theKhilafat Movement seeking to protect the Ottoman caliphate from attack by the victorious allies and to prevent the holy cities of Mecca and Madina from falling under European control. It is worth noticing that, in the period of Muslim unrest, the Muslim middle class was in the forefront. Now for the first time Aligarh, the citadel of the Muslim middle class, was coming closer to Deoband, the center of proletarian dissatisfaction, in so far as the anti-British attitude was concerned. However, this was a brief rapprochement between the followers of both hostile camps.[71]

Jamiat-ul-ulama-i-Hind

The brief rapprochement between Aligarh and Deoband during theKhilafat Movement could not be effected at the upper level and theuema , mostlyDeobandi, set up their own organization,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind in 1919 to protect the rights of Muslims and preferred to join hands with Gandhi for the realization of their objective, instead ofJinnah’s Muslim League , whom they thought to be secular and irreligious, using Islam for secular interests.[72]

The leaders ofJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind claimed that it was a genuine Muslim organization to safeguard the “Shariat ” as well as to give the Muslim community religious and political guidance according to Islamic principles and commandments. Among the foremost objectives of this organization was the protection of the Ottoman caliphate from dismemberment, the protection of the rights of the Muslims of India and the liberation of India from alien rule. Theulema issued a series offatwas justifying seeking cooperation of non-Muslims for the achievements of these objectives.[73]

The movement to protect the caliphate failed due to various internal and external reasons but it made theulema think pragmatically about the political situation of India. The encounter between Deoband and Aligarh led to the establishment of Jamia Millia Islamia at Dehli in 1920. This institute was inaugurated by Maulana Mohamood-ul-Hasan, the rector of Deoband, and supported by activists from Aligarh. It managed to educate Muslims in both modern as well as traditional religious subjects.[74]

The aims and objectives of theJamiat , when analyzed, reveal its dual loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries, on the one hand, and to India, on the other. They also indicate the utmost emphasis on the “Sharia ”, its preservation and its promulgation which concern the personal lives of Indian Muslims. The country was to be freed from the foreign yoke not only because of the democratic right of a nascent India but because of the religious duty of the Muslims to fight for the freedom of their motherland. The whole program of theJamiat had to revolve around a single pivot, i.e. theSharia, which was unchangeable and which could be correctly understood and interpreted only by theulema, who considered themselves its custodian and, therefore, the correct leaders of Muslims could come only from them. This rigid and orthodox stand on the part ofulema was bound to create a rift in the communal life of Muslims, who, in the course of time were led to depend more upon the leadership of their western educated intelligentsia. This rift was sharpened by the communal attitude of the Hindus, who being in an overwhelming majority, were considered by middle class Muslims to be a threatening force to their legitimate rights in an independent India.[75]

Consequently, theDeobandi ulema chose to support the Congress instead of the Muslim League in the political struggle. They disputed the league’s two-nation theory and repeatedly questioned the religious credentials of the League’s leadership, and particularly, Jinnah. The rector of the Deobandmadrasah, Maulana Husian Ahmed Madani, argued, that in Islam nationality was determined by common homeland and not by religion, the claim strongly contested by Allama Mohammad Iqbal. Giving an example from the life of the Holy Prophet, Madani claimed that the state set up by the Holy Prophet in Madina gave equal rights to Muslims, Jews and pagan Arabs, and all of them were regarded as the members of oneummah or community. Therefore, according to this principle, all Muslims and Hindus of India were members of a common nation. Most of the Deobandi believed that in free and united India, Muslims would be able to lead their personal lives in accordance with theSharia, while also co-operating with people of other faiths in matters of common concern.[76]

Theulema were in favor of unconditional co-operation with the Congress so far as the cause of freedom was concerned. They claimed that once the British regime was dissolved, the Hindus would come to terms with the Muslims who formed a strong minority and could not be deprived of their legitimate rights. They also believed that it was the British Government which was chiefly responsible for the bitter communal bickering and for creating a sort of fear complex in the minds of Muslims. Its very existence in India was the cause of all ills in the Indian body politic, and it must come to an end. Moreover, their loyalty to Islam and Islamic countries also demanded the immediate end of British rule in India. They thought that the hold on rich India made it possible for the British to rule over the Muslim countries in the Middle East. The enslavement of India was the cause of British supremacy over all the lands through which the strategic line of imperial communication passed. Therefore, the independence of India meant the liberation of a vast Muslim area.[77]

The free India that the pro-CongressDeobandi envisioned would be a federation of a number of culturally autonomous religious communities. Each community would administer its own internal affairs in accordance with its religious laws. The federal government which would have adequate Muslim representation would pass no laws that might seem injurious to the religious interests of any community.[78]

In addition to the traditionalDeobandi , a renowned reformistalim, Shibli Nu’mani, an ardent supporter of pan-Islamism also welcomed the Congress and its demand for broad-based unity among the various religious communities in India. He was critical of the Muslim league for its narrowly conceived political base and won over the support of otherNadvi ulama to the Congress. One of the Shibli’s students, Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, declared that the liberation of India from the British is more important than any other religious obligation of Indian Muslims.[79] The western-educated intelligentsia, particularly the league leadership, in turn believed that theulema were not capable of giving correct leadership in politics to the Muslims. Their plea was that, theulema because of their exclusively traditional education and complete ignorance of the complexities of modern life did not understand the nature of politics as such in the twentieth century. Their sphere of activity was religious and to that end they were expected to confine themselves. Commenting on the role of Muslim League, Jinnah is reported to have said to Aligarh in 1937:

What the league has done is to set you free from the reactionary elements of Muslims and to create the opinion that those who play their selfish game are traitors. It has certainly freed you from those undesirable elements ofMaulvis andMaulanas . I am not speaking ofMualavis as a whole class. There are some of them who are as patriotic and sincere as any others but there is a section of them which is undesirable.[80]

Thus, there were apparent reasons why theJamiat and the League could not be united. Both, although sincere towards the welfare of the Muslim community, had different approaches to this idea. Therefore, they often distrusted each other.

The Two-Nation Theory of the Muslim League was provided with an emotional vigor and intellectual content by the poet-philosopher Mohammad Iqbal, whose appeal to the Muslim youth was more forceful than that of the traditionalulema . His approach towards the Indian problem was based on reality and he solicited the support of Indian Muslims for the Muslim League.[81] TheJamiat-ul-ulama i-Hind never conceded the doctrine of the two nation theory as propounded by the League. This was the base of all the League-Jamiat differences. In June 1940, while presiding over the annual session of theJamiat-ul-Ulema at Jaunpur (U.P), Maulana Hussain Ahmed Madani reiterated his commitment to united Indian nationalism.[82] This League-Jamiat difference brought Deoband and Aligarh at opposite poles. When Deoband vehemently opposed partition, Aligarh turned out to be the training center ofMujahidin-i-Pakistan . It is meaningful to note that the major centers of Muslims education, i.e. Deoband and Aligarh in India, representing two different trends in the politico-intellectual life of Indian Muslims since their very beginning, finally collided against each other in molding the ultimate destiny of the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent.

The Deoband leadership opposed the demand for Pakistan also from the viewpoint of the difficulties its realization would involve in the missionary activities of the Muslims. They believed that because of the Muslim League demand for a separate homeland the atmosphere of hatred created between Hindus and Muslims would hamper the missionary activities of Islam.

Above all, Deoband was convinced that the Western-educated League leadership was exploiting the fair name of Islam for the worldly gain of Muslim vested interests. The credibility of the League’s leadership was questioned for establishment and building of a truly Islamic state.[83]

History reveals that religion played a vital role in promoting national unity. When coupled with social and economic forces it created powerful national movements. Since the movement for Pakistan was rooted in social, cultural, and religious distinctions between Muslims and Hindus, one might logically expect that Muslim religious parties would have played a major rule in mobilizing the Muslim masses to support the Pakistan Movement. Contrary to this, with very few exceptions, the religious parties bitterly opposed Jinnah and the demand for Pakistan. The Barelvi was, however, the only group to support the Muslim league in its demand for Pakistan and wholeheartedly opposed the Congress as anti-Muslim.[84]

The pre-partition position of religio-political parties on the Pakistan question contrasts with their present position on religious nationalism. TheJamiat-ul-Ulama stand on the question of Partition was explicitly in favor of a united India. Maulana Maudoodi and theJamiat-i-Islami had rejected nationalism because in his view it led to selfishness, prejudice, and pride. He declared that the demand for Pakistan was un-Islamic and condemned Jinnah for his un-Islamic habits and mentality.[85] TheJamiat opposed both the League and Congress. Another religio-political party, theMajlis-i-Ahrar, took a similar position. However, unlike theJamaat, it was aligned with the Congress.Jamaat-i-Islami ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind ,Majlis-i-Ahrar andKhaksar considered Jinnah as an agent of the British and the worst enemy of Islam.[86]

A rather curious situation confronted the religio-political parties when Pakistan became a reality in 1947. As they had opposed the very creation of Pakistan, these religious groups had to adopt themselves to the changed environment in the newly established Muslim-majority independent state.[87]

Leading Muslim religious elites preferred to migrate to Pakistan after Partition. The Deoband influence had already reached the areas then the parts of Pakistan. The Barelviulema and the founder of theJamaat-i-Islami, Maulana Maudoodi, also migrated to Pakistan after Partition and started religious activities with Karachi and Lahore as their bases. Subsequently, all the religious groups established their ownmadrasahs and also organized themselves politically. In present-day Pakistan theJamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam ,Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Pakistan ,Jamaat-i-Islami, andJamiat Ahl-e-Hadith represent the cause ofUlama-i-Deoband ,Barelvi, Maudoodi andWahhabi thought, respectively.

Growth of madrasahs since 1947

At the time of independence very fewmadrasahs existed in Pakistan because leading centers of Islamic education were situated in other parts of India. Pakistan inherited a meager 200-oddmadrasahs, which as per the government’s conservative estimates has now increased to over 17,000, although some analysts put this number at 25-30,000. These religious schools are catering to about 2.5 to 3 million students and employ thousands ofmullahs as teachers, mentors, and instructors.[88]

A key drive of growth in themadrasah sector is said to be poverty, an endemic problem of all developing countries, the menace which the successive governments in the last six decades have vowed to eliminate but failed even to reduce to a manageable level. Interestingly, on the one hand, the country has struggled to improve enrolment in formal schools and has been grappling with the problem of large scale drop-outs at primary and secondary levels. On the other hand, there is a stiff competition going on in the rural areas where Pakistan’s majority of poor live to enroll children inmadrasahs normally situated in cosmopolitan cities and suburban areas. There are three main types of religious institutions in Pakistan: Quranic schools (where only theQur’an is taught), mosque schools (where both quranic and secular subjects are taught), andmadrasahs (where only Islamic learning takes place).[89]

The mission of themadrasahs in Pakistan is to prepare students for religious duties. Adhering to strict religious teachingsmadrasahs teach Islamic subjects such as theQur’an , Islamic law, and jurisprudence, logic and prophetic traditions.Hafiz-i-Qur’an (the one who memorizes theHoly Qur’an ) orQari (the one who can recite theHoly Qur’an correctly and in a melodic tone) are produced at the lower level ofmadrasahs. The higher level ofmadrasahs producesalim (the Islamic scholar or teacher). Analim certificate from amadrasahs is equivalent to an M.A. degree in Islamic studies or Arabic from a regular university.[90]

There are five Islamic schools of thought in Pakistan who operate their own systems ofmadrasahs. They areDeobandi, Barelvi, Ahl-e-Hadith, Jamaat-i-Islami andShia . Each of these schools of thought organized thesemadrasahs under different boards, responsible for registration, conduct of examination, and syllabus.

The names of these boards are as follows:[91]

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Al-Arabia:

This board ofSunni Deobandi institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Multan.

Tanzim-ul-Madaris:

This board ofSunni Barelvi institutions was established in 1960 and has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris Shia:

This board ofShia institutions was established in 1959 and has its center in Lahore.Shia madaris teachfiqh Jafria named afterImam Jafer Sadiq while othermadaris in Pakistan teachfiqh Hanafia.

Rabitah-ul-Madris-ul-Islamia:

This board was established by theJamaat-i-Islami in 1983, and recognizes themadrasahs of all Islamic thought. They teach more modern subjects. It has its center in Lahore.

Wafaq-ul-Madaris-Al-Salfia:

This board was established byAhl-e-Hadith in 1955 and has its center in Faisalabad.

Table - 2.1

REIs: Affiliation with various Boards, 1988-2000

Organization	1988	2000	Pp Percentage Inrecase
Waqaf-al-Madaris al-Arabia (Hanafi,Deobandi)	1840	1947	6
Tanzim-al-Madaris (Hanafi, Barelvi)	717	1363	90
Waqaf-al-Madaris al-Salafia (Ahl-e-Hadith)	161	310	93
Waqf-al-Madaris al Shia`a	47	297	532
Rabitah-al-Madaris al-Islamia (Mansoora)	-	191	-
Others (Not Affiliated)	96	2653	2664
Total	2861	6761	136

Source: Ministry of Education Islamabad, 1988, 2000

The two main sects of Sunni Islam,Deobandi andBarelvi, dominate themadrasah system in Pakistan. They originated in the colonial Indian Subcontinent in response to the perceived imperial plot to destroy Islam and its followers by enforcing its own version of education. TheDeobandi sect is considered the most conservative and anti-Western.[92]

The courses in religiousmadrasahs are spread over 16 years and are divided into six grades. The primary and middle grades are of five and three years duration, respectively, while the next two grades are of five years duration each.Darja Ibtidai consists of five years duration and is equivalent to primary level of the mainstream education system.Darja Mutawassit is of three years duration and is equivalent to middle level.Darja Sania Aama is of two years duration and is equivalent to matriculation.Darja Sania Khasa ,Darja Aalia andDarja Alamia are of two years duration each and are equivalent to intermediate, Bachelor, and Master Levels, respectively. The following table shows the religious education system and its equivalence with the mainstream education system.[93]